
Class. 
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THE HISTORY 



NAPOLEON III. 



EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH. 



INCLUDING A BRIEF 

NARRATIVE OF ALL THE MOST IMPORTANT EVENTS WHICH HAVE 

OCCURRED IN EUROPE SINCE THE FALL OF NAPOLEON L 

UNTIL THE OVERTHROW OF THE SECOND EMPIRE 

AND THE DEATH OF NAPOLEON IIL 



JOHN S. C. ABBOTT, 

AUTHOR OF "HISTORY OF NAPOLEON I.," "THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, 
"THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA," ETC. 



WITH ILLUSTRATIONS. 



BOSTON: 
B. B. RUSSELL, PUBLISHER, 55 CORNHILL. 

PHILADELPHIA : QUAKER-CITY PUBLISHING-HOUSE. 

SAN FRANCISCO : A. L. BANCROFT & CO. 

TORONTO, ONT. : MACLEAR ^ f"^ 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1873, 

By B. B. RUSSELL, 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 



Rand, Avery, & Co., 

Electrotypers and Printers, 

3 CoRNHiLL, Boston. 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



I. A FULL-LENGTH PORTRAIT OF THE Emperor Napoleon III. . . Frontispiece. 

II. A PORTRAIT of THE FATHER OF THE EMPEROR, — LOUIS BONAPARTE, KiNG 

OF Holland 22 

III. A portrait OF THE MOTHER OF THE E.MPEROR, — HORTENSE, THE DAUGH- 

TER OF Josephine, — with Louis Napoleon, eight years of age, 

STANDING at HER SIDE 33 

IV. The Chateau of ARENEMBi.RG, the beautiful residence of Queen 

HORTENSE during THE CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH OF LOUIS NaPOLEON . I33 

V. The Castle of Ham, where the Prince was imprisoned for six years, 184 

VI. ' The Chateau of Fontainebleau, the favorite rural residence of 

the Emperor 367 

VII. The Palace of the Tuileries, the city residence of the Emperor . 504 
VIII. The Imperial Family, consisting of the Emperor, the Empress Eugenie, 

AND THE young PrINCE IMPERIAL 574 

IX. A bird's-eye view of the Palace of the Great Exposition . . . 668 

X. Prussian Group. — Containing portraits of King William, the Crown 
Prince, Prince Frederic Charles, Count Bismarck, and General 
•• Von Moltke 693 

XI. Map. — March of the Germans to Paris 706 



PREFACE. 




IN writing the history of the establishment of the French 
Empire under Napoleon I., and its overthrow by the alHed 
dynasties of Europe, the author spent four years of severe 
labor. Fully aware that the judgment of America upon 
these themes had been formed mainly from the represen- 
tations of the Tory writers of England, and that Napoleon had been 
denounced as a tyrant and a usurper by nearly the uncontradicted voice 
of English literature, the writer felt the necessity of scrupulous exactness 
in every statement. He visited England and the Continent to collect the 
works of all the leading writers upon the subject. He endeavored care- 
fully and impartially to examine upon every point the opinions of the 
different parties. Few books have been more severely assailed ; and yet 
the writer is not aware that a single error of statement has yet been 
pointed out, calling for correction. 

In now writing the history of the restoration of the empire under Napo- 
leon III., the writer has been equally laborious in investigation, and consci- 
entious in statement. From the commencement of the restored empire, in 
1852, until the present time, he has carefully studied all its movements. 
Twice he has visited France to observe the practical operations of the 
government. He has conversed with distinguished French gentlemen of 
the different political and religious parties, and has carefully hstened to the 
observations of intelligent foreigners from the different nationalities of 
Europe and America residing in Paris. He has also collected from Lon- 
don and Paris every book and pamphlet he could find upon the subject 
of the empire, whether from the pen of friend or foe. Thus fm'nished, he 
has written this book with as honest and earnest a desire to present the 
truth as it is possible for him to possess. It has been his great aim that 
every statement should be so accurate as to stand the test of the severest 
scrutiny. 

Being himself a republican, he is not in danger of being biassed in favor 
of imperial forms. Being a Protestant clergyman, he is not liable to look 
with too favorable an eye upon the Roman-Catholic religion. The theme 

6 



6 PREFACE. 

upon which he writes is o-ne of the grandest in tlie annals of time. The 
career of Napoleon III. presents one of the most eventful scenes in the 
subhtne drama of the French Revolution ; and that drama has agitated the 
minds and the hearts of men as they never were agitated before. 

The Revolution of 1789, sweeping away in blood and flame the throne 
of the ancient kings ; the republic, with its convulsions, its anarchy, its 
reign of terror, over whose woes even angels might weep ; the empire of 
Napoleon I., dazzling the world with its power and glory ; the alliance of 
all the dynasties of Europe to crush that republican empire ; the long and 
bloody struggle ; the |verthrow of Napoleon ; the restoration of the throne 
of the Bourbons by foreign armies ; the expulsion of Charles X. ; the rise 
and fall of the throne of Louis Philippe ; the transient republic ; the recall 
of the exiled Bonapartes ; the election to the presidency of Louis Napo- 
leon ; the coup d Utat ; the restored empire ; the brilliant reign of Napoleon 
III. ; his internal policy ; his foreign policy ; the Roman question ; the 
Crimean campaign ; the Mexican invasion ; the liberation of Italy ; the 
re-organization of Germany ; the war with Prussia ; the awful defeat of the 
French armies ; the overthrow of the second empire ; the war of the 
Commune ; the government of the Convention ; the exile and death of 
the emperor, — such are the subjects which are involved in the career of 
Napoleon III. No secular scenes more momentous can employ the pen. 

These subjects are so intimately blended with men's most firmly cher- 
ished principles of politics and religion, that it is not to be supposed that 
any writer can frankly and boldly discuss them, however candid and modest 
he may be, without exciting the angry passions of some, at least, of those 
who differ from him. The frailty of humanity is such, that diversity of 
opinion upon historical facts is often regarded as a crime, meriting the 
sternest reprobation ; and he who undertakes the arduous task of writing 
upon such exciting themes should examine himself to ascertain if he can 
maintain that perfect honesty which historic truth demands, and if he can 
serenely bear the contumely which he must inevitably encounter. 

It has been the great aim of the writer, not to make this book merely 
the expression of his personal opinions, but a faithful record of historic 
facts. The reader is here presented with a brief narrative of those great 
events in France which preceded and ushered in the restored empire ; 
and, though no intelligent man will probably question these statements, 
the writer has judged that the importance of the subject demanded that he 
should give documentary proof of them all. 

He has also, with great care, presented to the reader a report of the 
speeches, an examination of the writings, and an account of the deeds, of 
Napoleon III. There can be no question whatever that these words have 
been spoken, that these sentiments have been written, that these actions 
have been performed, as here related. In all the varied incidents of the 



PREFACE. , 7 

emperor's wonderful career, — in his youth, his early manhood, and while 
seated upon the imperial throne, — the writer has been careful to substantiate 
every statement by unquestionable authority. 

It is saddening to reflect, but the whole history of the world attests the 
fact, that no man of commanding powers can energetically endeavor to do 
good without being fiercely assailed, not merely by bad men, but bv 
good men, by sincere philanthropists, by those who are willing to labor and 
sifffer and to make the greatest sacrifices for the welfare of humanity. A 
sovereign who is placed by popular choice at the head of a nation of forty 
millions of people, and such a nation as the French, — long agitated by the 
struggles of antagonistic parties, and situated in the midst of powerful mon- 
archies, strongly armed, ambitious and encroaching, — merits a generous 
and charitable construction of his actions. 

Perhaps no man has been more unscrupulously assailed than Napoleon 
III. There is scarcely a crime of which he has not been accused. All 
ike epithets in the vocabulary of vituperation have been exhausted in 
application to him ; and yet you may search all his multiphed addi-esses 
and his voluminous writings in vain to find one angry word in reply. He 
is always the refined and courteous gentleman. The instincts of his nature 
seem to render it impossible for him ever to lay aside the calm cogency of 
argument, to grasp the weapons of vulgar abuse. 

It is a remarkable fact that Napoleon III. has occupied a space in the jour- 
nals of Christendom, larger, probably, than that of all the otiier sovereigns 
of earth united. One can scarcely take up a newspaper, in Europe or Amer- 
ica, which does not contain some allusion to the Emperor of the French ; 
and the writer submits the question, whether there is not found in this 
narrative a more reasonable explanation of the fact than in the popular 
rumors which are floating in the air. 

It will be said that this history is a romance. It is a romance of more 
thrilling interest than almost any creation of fiction. It is the romance of 
real life, not merely founded on fact, but in which every statement is 
confirmed by indisputable authority. In view of the proof upon every 
page, it is scarcely conceivable that any one should deny that this is a 
truthful representation of what the Emperor Napoleon III. has written 
and said and done. 

From this record individuals will draw different inferences, in accordance 
with their political views and their preconceived opinions. Still the writer 
— cheered by the conviction that the majority of his countrymen seek only 
for truth ; that there is not a statement in this volume which is not sustained 
by documentary proof; and that, when the passions of the present hour 
shall have passed away, this record will be sustained by the verdict of pos- 
terity — calmly submits the work to that stormy sea of criticism upon which 
it is sure to be buffeted. 



8 PREFACE. 

In the illustrations, the reader is presented with as accurate a likenenr, 
as art can give of the emperor m his prime ; a portrait of his father, — 
Louis, King of Holland ; a portrait of Queen Hortense, his mother, and 
the young Louis Napoleon, a child about seven years of age, at her side. 
No one can fail to remark the very striking resemblance between the father 
and the child. We have also the imperial family — the emperor, the 
empress, and the prince imperial — in the quietude of home ; the Chateau 
of Arenemberg, in whose retirement the emperor spent most of the years 
of his early youth ; the Castle of Ham, where he languished in captivity 
for six years; the Palace of the Tuileries, the city residence of the 
emperor, as seen from the court of the Louvre ; the Palace of Fontaine- 
bleau, the favorite country retreat of the royal family ; and a bird's-eye 
view of the Great Exposition, in its central buildings and surroundings. 

The fidelity of the hkenesses may be reUed upon. The portraits are 
taken from paintings in the private collection of the emperor at the 
Tuileries. The engravings have been executed by the best artists in Paris. 

JOHN S. C. ABBOTT. 
New Haven, Conn., 1873. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE PARENTAGE OF LOCI8 NAPOLEON. 

Early Life of Josephine. — Marriage of Josephine and Viscount Beauharnais. — Life in 
Paris. — Separation. — Josephine and Hortense in Martinique. — Return to Paris. — 
Sufferings there. — Marriage of Josephine with General Bonaparte. — Love. — Disap- 
pointment of Hortense ; of Louis Bonaparte. — The Unhappy Marriage. — Death 
of the First-born. — Birth of Louis Napoleon. — Anecdotes of the Empire. — Early 
Developments of Character 17 

CHAPTER II. 

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 

Abdication of Napoleon. — His Prediction. — The Allies in Paris. — Their Pear of the Bona- 
parte Name. — Expulsion of Hortense and her Sons. — Wanderings and Persecutions, 

— Residence at Lake Constance. — Studies of Louis Napoleon. — Purchase of Arenem- 
berg. — Anecdotes. — Cultured Society. — The Reconciliation. — Military Taste of the 
Young Prince. — Visits to Rome. — The Princess Pauline. — Calumnious Reports. — 
Petition of Pauline 32 

CHAPTER III. 

THE TREATIES OP 1815, AND THE ATTEMPTS TO OVERTHROW THEM. 

Invasion of France. — Congress of Vienna. — Anecdote. — Parcelling out of Italy. — Plans 
of Napoleon I. — Carbonari. — Insurrection in Italy. — The Insurrection crushed by 
the Austi-ians. — Louis XVIII. : his Character. — The Countess de Cala. — Expulsion 
of Charles X. — Battles and Diplomacy. — Abdication of the King in Favor of the 
Duke de Bordeaux as Henry V. — Flight of the Royal Family. — Assassination of 
the Duke de Berri. — Strife of Parties. — Interview of Chateaubriand with the Orleans 
Family. — Speech of Chateaubriand. — Anecdote. — Enthronement of Louis Philippe . 42 

CHAPTER IV. 

UNSUCCESSFUL INSURRECTIONS. 

Excitement caused by the Overthrow of the Bourbon Dynasty. — The Napoleonic Princes 
join the Italian Insurgents. — Letter of Louis Napoleon to the Pope. — Death of Napo- 
leon Louis. — Letter from Prof. S. F. B. Morse. — Perils of Louis Napoleon. — Devotion 
of his Mother. — Their Flight. — Incognito Entrance to France. — Visit to England. — 
Return to Arenemberg. — " Political Reveries." — Madame Re'camier. — Chateaubriand. 

— Death of General Lamarque. — Republican Insurrection 62 

2 



10 conte:nts. 



CHAPTER V. 

THE ADVENTURES OF THE DUCHESS DE BERRI. 

Claims of the Legitimists. — Narrative of the Assassination of the Duke de Berri. — Noble 
Conduct of the Duchess de Berri. — The Dying Scene. — Birth of the Duke de Bor- 
deaux. — Efforts of the Duchess to reclaim the Crown for her Son. — Iler Romantic 
Adventures. — Disappointments and Persistence. — Her Capture and Imprisonment. — 
Deplorable Development. — Moral Ruin of the Duchess. — Death of the Duke of Reith- 
stadt. — His Attractive Character and Melancholy History. — Decree of the Senate of 
France creating the Napoleonic Dynasty. — Its Ratification by the People. — Response 
of Napoleon 82 

CHAPTER VI. 

LIFE AT ARENEMBERG, AND NAPOLEONIC SYMPATHIES. 

Views of Lafayette ; of M. Carrel ; of Chateaubriand. — The Poles desire Nouis Napoleon 
for their King. — His Reply. — Retirement at Arenemberg. — Studies. — " Considera- 
tions, Political and Military, upon Switzerland." — Opinions of the Press. — Extracts. 

— Letters to the Poet Belmontet. — Letter from Queen Hortense. — The Prince offered 
the Crown of Portugal. — His Reply. — Mode of Life at Arenemberg. — "Manual of 
Artillery." — Tlie Liberal Party look to Louis Napoleon. — French Sympathy for Na- 
poleon I. — Honors conferred upon his Memory. — Plan for restoring the Empire. — 
Colonel Vaudrey 93 

CHAPTER Vn. 

STRASBURG. 

Letter to his Mother. — Leaves Arenemberg. — Incidents at Strasburg. — Speeches and 
Proclamations. — Success. — Reverses. — The Capture. — His Expression of his Feel- 
ings. — Anxiety for his Companions. — Disregard of Himself — Taken to Paris. — 
Condemned Untried. — Fears of the Government. — Transported to America. — Scenes 
on the Voyage 106 

CHAPTER Vm. 

EXILE AND STUDIES. 

Life in America. — Return to Europe. — False Report. — Return to Arenemberg. — Death 
of Queen Hortense. — Studious Habits of the Prince. — " Political Reveries." — The 
Dynasties demand his Expulsion. — Heroism of the Swiss Government. — Retirement to 
England. — Noble Conduct. — Studious Life in London. — " Ide'es Napole'oniennes." — 
Extracts from the Work 125 

CHAPTER IX. 

PRINCE LOUIS IN LONDON. 

" Les Idees Napole'oniennes." — Habits of Louis Napoleon. — Testimony of Acquaintances. 

— Views of Government. — Severe Studies. — Unpopularity of Louis Philippe. — At- 
tempts at Assassination. — The Napoleonic Idea. — Fieschi. — Narrow Escape of the 
Royal Family. — Secret Societies. — Virulence of the Press. — Inauguration of the 
Arc de I'Etoile. — Seclusion of the King. — Napoleonic Sympathies. — The Emperor's 
Statue restored to the Column in the Place Vendume. — Letter from Joseph Bonap.arte. 

— The Bourbon L;iw of Proscription. — Justification for the Efforts of the Prince.— 
Death of Charles X. — Socialist Insurrection. — M. Tliicrs Prime Minister. — Demand 

for the Remains of Napoleon. --Preparation for their Removal 147 



CONTENTS. 11 



CHAPTER X. 

BOULOGNE. 

The Ci y of Edinburgh" steams to Boulogne. — The Landing and the Struggle. — Nar- 
row Escape of the Prince from Death. — The Capture. — Letter from the Father of 
Louis Napoleon. — Confinement in the Conciergerie. — Visit from Chateaubriand. — 
Habits of Study. — The Trial. — The Defence of the Prince. — Interesting Incident. — 
Sentenced to Perpetual Captivity. — Fortitude of the Prince if.6 



CHAPTER XL 

THE NEPHEW AT HAM J THE UNCLE AT THE INVALIDES. 

Description of Ham. — Devotion of the Friends of the Prince. — Prison-Life. — Manifesta- 
tions of Sympathy. — The Arms of Napoleon I. — Demand for the Remains of the 
Emperor. — Their Removal from St. Helena. — Their Arrival in France. — Funeral 
Solemnities. — Testimony of Napier. — Apostrophe of Louis Napoleon. — Correspond- 
ence and Remonstrance If 



CHAPTER Xn. 

PRISON-LABORS. 

Sympathy for the Prince. — Letter to M. Barrot. — Guizot's History of the French Revolu- 
tion. — Histoi'ical Fragments. — Letter from Chateaubriand. — Invariable Courtesy of 
the Prince. — Policy of the Stuarts. — Profound Political Views. — Increasing Sympa- 
thy for the Captive. — Thoughts of Amnesty. — Letter from the Prince. — His Political 
Principles and Conduct 202 



CHAPTER XIIL 

POLITICAL, SCIENTIFIC, AND HISTORICAL WRITINGS. 

Analysis of the Sugar-Question. — Letter from Be'ranger. — Testimony of Renault. — Let- 
ter to Viscount Chateaubriand. — Letter from Sismondi. — Life of Charlemagne. — 
Political Articles. — Attack upon Napoleon I. by Lamartine. — Response of Louis 
Napoleon . ' 217 



CHAPTER XIV. 

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE CAPTIVE OF HAM. 

Rhetorical Skill. — " Project of Law upon the Recruitment of the Army." — " The Prussian 
Organization." — "Military Necessities of France." — "Mathematical Studies of Na- 
poleon." — Anecdotes of the Emperor. — Philosophic Views. — "The Extinction of 
Pauperism." — Character of the Treatise. — Testimony of Beranger. — " The Past and 
Future of Artillery." — " The Canal of Nicaragua." — Interesting Correspondence . 235 



CHAPTER XV. 

FAMILY REMINISCENCES. 

The Death of Joseph Bonaparte. — Sketch of his Career. — Anecdote of Napoleon. — Peti- 
tions for the Release of the Prince. — Sickness of his Father, King Louis. — His Dying 
Plea to see his Son. — Efforts of the Prince to visit his Dying Father.— Correspond- 
ence. — Measures of the Government. — Public Dissatisfaction 2'-0 



12 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

THE ESCAPE FROM HAM. 

Plans for Escape. — Devotion of Dr. Conneau and the Valet Thelin. — Eumors of Ap- 
proaching Release. — The Plan adopted. — DiflBculties and Embarrassments. — Details 
of the Event. — Wonderful Success ... 263 

CHAPTER XVII. 

EMPLOYMENT IN EXILE. 

Heroism of Dr. Conneau. — Governmental Persecution. — Death of King Louis. — Funeral 
Honors. — Letters from Prince Louis Napoleon. — His Character in Exile. — Testi- 
mony of "Walter Savage Landor. — The Duke of Wellington. — Testimony of " The 
Journal du Loriet." — Treatise upon the Canal of Nicaragua. — Noble Sentiments . 274 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 

Childhood and Youth of Louis Philippe. — Execution of the Duke of Orleans. — Flight of 
the Family. —The Return of Louis Philippe with the Bourbons. — His Elevation to the 
Throne. — Unpopularity. — The Banquets. — Their Prohibition. — Indignation and In- 
surrection of the People. — Triumph of the Insurgents. — Flight of the King. — Hero- 
ism of the Duchess of Orleans. — Her Perils and Final Escape 288 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE REPUBLIC. 

The Two Provisional Governments. — Their Union. — Stormy Debates and Emeides. — 
Alarming Rumors. — Anecdotes. — The National Workshops. — Weakness of the Re- 
publican Party. — The National Assembly. — Anecdotes of Lamartine. — The Assem- 
bly dispersed by the Mob. — Louis N.apoleon visits Paris. — Returns to London. — Let- 
ter to the Assembly. — Chosen Deputy by Four Departments. — Excited Discussion. — 
Received to the Assembly 311. 

CHAPTER XX. 

STORMY DEBATES AND INSURRECTIONS. 

Address to the Electors. — Letter to the President of the Assembly. — Agitation in the As- 
sembly. — The Debate. — Louis Napoleon declines his Election. — Discontent of the 
People. — Disorder in the Government. — Closing the Workshops. — Anecdote. — Ter- 
rible E.xcitement. — Dictatorship of Cavaignac. — The Four-Days' Battle . . .334 

CHAPTER XXI. 

REPRESENTATIVE AND PRESIDENT. 

Louis Napoleon a Representative. — His Speech. — Attacks upon him. — Debate upon the 
Constitution. — Election by the People. — Prudence of Louis Napoleon. — Speeches in 
the Assembly. — Candidate for the Presidency. — His Popularity with the Masses. — 
Address to the Electors. — Triumphant Election 350 

CHAPTER XXn. 

THE ROMAN QUESTION. 

Character of the New Constitution. — Feelings in the Rural Districts. — Antagonism of the 
Assembly to the President. — Instigations to Civil War. — Letter to Prince Nai)oleon. 
— Excitement of the Revolutionary Spirit. — Insurrection in Rome. — Assassination 
of M. Rossi. — Flight of the Pope. — French Intervention. — Its Necessity. — Capture 
of Rom5. — Socialist Insurrection in Paris. — Confirmed Strength of the Goveraraent . 369 



CONTENTS. lb 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 

Speech at Chartres, at Amiens, Angers, Nantes. — Sketch of Bonchamp. — Speech at Rouen. 

— The Workmen at Elbeuf. — Incident at Fixin. — Speech at Epernay. — Affairs at 
Rome. -c- Letter to the President of the Assembly. — Refugees in Paris. — Universal 
Suffrage suspended. — Socialist Triumph. — Speech of Thiers. — Salary of the Presi- 
dent. — Combination against him. — His Imperturbable Serenity 383 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY AND TACTICS. 

Speech at the Opening of the Assembly. — Petitions for the Revision of the Constitution. — 
Assumptions of Changarnier. — His Removal from Command. — Excitement in the 
Assembly. — Salary of the President curtailed. — Conciliatory Spirit of the President. 

— The Speech at Dijon. — Conflict upon the Question of Universal Suffrage. — Si)eech 
at Poitiers ; at Chatellerault. — Doctrines of the Socialists. — Opening of the Session in 
1851. — Coalition against the President. — His Untroubled Spirit. — Conspiracy for 
his Ruin 411 

CHAPTER XXV. 

THE COUP d'6tAT. 

The only Measures Louis Napoleon could adopt. — Last Meeting of the Assembly. — Levee 
at the Elyse'e. — Testimony of Hon. S. G. Goodrich. — The Decisive Step. — The 
Proclamations. — The Arrests. — Changarnier, Cavaignac, Thiers, Lamoriciere, Be'dcau, 
Charras, La Grange, Roger, Baze. — The Insurrection. — Narrative of Hon. S. G. Good- 
rich. — The Discomfiture of the Insurgents. — Proclamation of St. Arnaud . . . 431 

CHAPTER XXVL 

THE RATIFICATION OF THE COOP d'eTAT. 

Remark of the Emperor. — Socialist Insurrections. — Proclamation of the President. — Re- 
markable Pamphlet. — Note from M. Roth. — Testimony of the " Gazette de Munich ; " 
of "The Washington Union." — The Vote of the 20th December. — Its Result. — Ad- 
dress by M. Baroche. — Response by the President. — Arduous Task to be performed. 

— Preamble to the Constitution. — The Constitution 45fi 

CHAPTER XXVn. 

ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES. 

Internal Improvements. — Wealth of Louis Philippe. — Confiscation. — Ancient Law of 
France. — Energy of the President. — His Clemency. — Respect for the Sabbath. — 
Almoners of Last Prayers. — Censorship of the Press. — Address to the Legislative 
Corps. — Efforts of the Socialists, of the Legitimists, of the Orleanists. — Spirit of the 
European Journals. — Blessing the Eagles. — Embarrassment of Foreign Courts. — 
Visit to Strasburg. — Splendid Fete Ball in the Marche' des Innocents. — Uncontested 
Election 474 

CHAPTER XXVIIL 

THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 

Prosperous State of France. — Desire for the Restoration of the Empire. — The Communes. 

— The Arrondisscments. — The IMnnicipal Councils. — Tour to the Southern Depart- 
ments. — Brilliant Reception. — Addresses. — Attempt at Assassination. — Courage of 
the President. — Algeria. — Abd-el-Kader. — Reception in Paris. — Restoration of the 
Empire. — Vote of the Senate. — Ratification by the People. — Address of the Em- 
peror. — Great Unanimity. — The Results 494 



14 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

THE MARRIAGE OF THE EMPEKOR, AND THE CARES OF EMPIRE. 

TI;e Countess de Teba. — Her Birth, Education, and Character. — Announcement of the 
Imperial Marriage. — The Imposing Ceremonies. — Prosperity of France. — Alarm in 
England. — Counsel of Napoleon I. — Scenes at St. Helena. — Spirit of Napoleon III. 

— Speech at the Opening of the Legislative Session. — Deputation of English Trades- 
men. — Causes of the Emperor's Popularity. — Confidence of the People in him. — In- 
undations. — Internal Improvements. — The Famine. — Addresses to the Legislature. 

— Fete at Boulogne 



CHAPTER XXX. 

THE EASTERN QUESTION. 

Rise of the Turkish Power. — Conquest of Greece. — Peril of Christendom. — Rise of Rus- 
sia. — Her Territory, Population, Military Power. — Poland. — Moldavia and Wallachia. 
— Circassia. — The Dardanelles. — The Bo.sphorus. — Geography of those Regions. — 
Russian Ambition. — Grecian Revolt. — Count Capo d'Istria. — King Otho. — Battle 
of Navarino. — Anxiety of England. — Remarkable Sayings of Napoleon I. — Visit of 
Nicholas to the Court of Queen Victoria. — Probable Results 524 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

THE CRIMEAN "WAB. 

Question of the Shrines. — Measures of the French Government. — Arrogance of Russia. — 
The Ultimatum of the Czar. — Its Rejection. — Cordial Co-operation of France and 
England. — Efforts of the French Emperor for Peace. — The Vienna Note. — Letter 
from Napoleon to Nicholas. — Embarrassments of Austria and Prussia. — Diplomatic 
Relations suspended. — War declared. — Addresses of Napoleon. — Sinope. — Expedi- 
tion to the Crimea. — Battle of Alma. — Despatches of Marshal St. Arnaud. — His 
Death. — Grief of the Emperor. — His Letter to the Maixhioness 534 



CHAPTER XXXIL 

A CONQUERED PEACE. 

Battle of Inkerman. — Co-operation of the Allies. — The Emperor's Address to the Legisla- 
tive Corps. — The Imperial Visit to England. — Views expressed by " The London 
Times." — The Return to France. — Attempt at Assassination. — The Visit of Victoria 
to France. — AddreSs to the Legislative Corps. — Last Scenes at Sevastopol. — Rejoi- 
cings in Paris. — Birth of the Prince Imperial. — Congratulations and Responses. — The 
Treaty of Peace. — Genius of Napoleon III. — The Conspiracy of Orsini. — Opening 
the Boulevard of Sevastopol. — Inauguration of the Works at Cherbourg. — Speech at 
Bennes ;.)4 



CHAPTER XXXIIL 

MAGENTA AND SOLFERINO. 

Effect of the French Revolution of 1848. — The Uprising in Italy. — The Battle of Novara. 
— Austrian Influence in Italy. — Speech of Napoleon III. to the Legislative Corps. — 
Sympathy between Napoleon III. and Victor Emanuel. — Austrian Invasion of Sar- 
dinia. — Prompt Action of France. — Proclamations of the Emjieror. — His Journey to 
Sardinia. — Enthusiastic Reception. — The Battles of Magenta and Solferino. — Inter- 
ventior of England and Prussia — Necessity of relinquishing the Liberation of Italy . 5b8 



CONTENTS. 15 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

PEACE OF VILLAFRANCA. 

The Peril of Aus^yia. — Threatened Intervention of the Great Powers. — Reasons for the 
Peace of Villafranca. — Interview between the two Emperors. — Napoleon's Address 
to his Army. — His Return to France. — Address to the Great Bodies of the State. — 
The Banquet at the Louvre. — Perplexities of the Italian Question. — Plan of a Con- 
federation. — Opposition of the Pope. — The Vote for Italian Unity. — Additional 
Embarrassments. — Napoleon's Letter to Victor Emanuel. — His Letter to the Pope. — 
Agitation throughout Europe. — Inflexibility of the Papal Government. — Vast DiiB- 
culties of the Italian Question 585 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

MESSAGES AND DIPLOMACY. 

Address to the Legislative Corps. — Deputation from Savoy. — Expedition to Syria. — 
Journey to Algiers. — Opening of the Legislative Corps, — Inauguration of the 
" Boulevard Malesherbes." — Letter on the Affairs of Italy. — Inauguration of the 
" Boulevard Prince Eugene." — Address to the Legislative Corps. — Discourse upon 
the World's Exposition at London. — Letter upon Algeria 600 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

THE LIBERATION OF VENETIA. 

State of the Italian Question. — The Sympathies of France. — Letter of Napoleon III. to 
the Sovereigns of Europe. — Speech to the Legislative Corps. — Rejection by England. 
— Response of the Continental Sovereigns. — Schleswig and Holstcin. — Plans of Bis- 
mark. — Diplomatic Measures. — Alarm of England. — Napoleon's Reply to the Propo- 
sition for a Congress. — The War. — Its Results. — Venetia liberated. — The Roman 
Question 611 

CHAPTER XXXVIL 

THE MEXICAN QUESTION. 

Revolutions in Mexico. — The American Expedition. — The Alliance of Spain, France, 
and England. — Object of the Alliance. — The Squadron at Vera Cruz. — Disappoint- 
ment of the Allies. — Discordant Views. — Withdrawal of England and Spain. — Peril 
of the French Troops. — Repulse at Puebla. — Struggles and Victories. — Triumphal 
Entry to the City of Mexico. — The Empire established. — The Archduke Maximilian 
chosen Emperor. — The Delegation at Miramar 626 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

MAXIMILIAN AND HIS THRONE. 

Character of Maximilian. — Character of Carlota. — Departure from Trieste. — Words 
of Adieu. — Arrival in Mexico. — Enthusiastic Greeting. — Triumphal Journey to the 
Capital. — Administrative Measures. — Ap])arent Popularity of the Empire. — Hos- 
tility of the United States. — Departure of Carlota for Europe. — Her Insanity . . 643 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

THE OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF MAXIMILIAN. 

Gathering Gloom. — Guerillas. — Insanity of Carlota. — Menacing Attitude of the United 
States. — Withdrawal of French Troops. — Proclamation of Marshal Bazaine. — State- 
ment of Napoleon III. — Heroic Resolve of Maximilian. — His Call for a Congress. — 
Besieged in Queretaro. — Treachery of Lopez. — Capture of the Emperor. — Scenes 
in Prison. — Trial. — Execution. — The Results in Mexico 6^4 



16 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XL. 

THE RESULTS OF THE EMPIRE. 

The International Exposition. — The Royal Guests. — Influence of the Exposition. — The 
Emperor's Address to the Commissioners. — Letter to the Minister of the Interior. — 
Aims of the Emperor. — His " Life of Julius Caesar." — The Prosperity of France. — 
Freedom of Debate. — Decree of Jan. 19, 1867. — Efforts to create Stable Institutions. 

— The Constitutions of England, America, and France. — Prosperity of France under 

the Empire .868 

CHAPTER XLI. 

THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 

The Rhine Boundary. — Intrigue of Charles X. — Subserviency of Louis Philippe. — Char- 
acter of the Treaties of 1815. — Views of Louis Napoleon. — Vast Growth of Prussia. 

— Views of the French Imperial Government. — Addresses of the Emperor. — Exposure 
of the Northern Frontier of France. — Ambitious Plans of Count Bismarck. — Prince 
Leopold. — Cause of the Franco-Prussian War. — Efforts of the Emperor to avert it. — 
Unanimity of the French People. — Remarks of Hon. J. T. Headley. — Preparation of 
Prussia. — Commencement of Hostilities. — Constant Disaster to the French Arms. — 
Proclamation of the Empress. — The Disaster at Sedan. — Captivity of the Emperor . 679 

CHAPTER XLII. 

THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE, AND DEATH OF THE EMPEROR. 

Letter from the King of Prussia. — The Castle of Wilhelmshohe. — Scenes in Paris. — 
Triumph of the Mob. — Escape of the Empress. — Sacking the Tuileries. — Com- 
bination of Parties against the Empire. — New Governments organized in Different 
Cities. — The Compromise of the Empire. — Remark of Hon. W. H. Seward. — Testi- 
mony of Hon. John A. Dix. — Powerlessness of France. — Views of the King of 
Prussia and of Count Bismarck. — Testimony of "The London Sunday Times." — 
Remarks of the Captive Emperor. — Statement in " The New- York Herald." — Retire- 
ment to Chiselhurst. — Death and Burial 693 

INDEX 719 



LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 



CHAPTER I. 



THE PARENTAGE OF LOUIS NAPOLEON. 




Early Life of Josephine. — MaiTiage of Josephine and Viscount Beauharnais. — Life in Paris. — 
Separation. — Josephine and Hortcnse in Martinique. — Return to Paris. — Sufferings there. 
— Marriage of Josephine with General Bonaparte. — Love. — Disappointment of Hortense; 
of Louis Bonaparte. — The Unhappy Marriage. — Death of the First-born. — Birth of Louis 
Napoleon. — Anecdotes of the Empire. — Early Developments of Character. 

N the year 1775, there was residing upon Martinique, one of tlie 
West-India Islands, a very beautiful girl, fifteen years of age, 
by the name of Josephine Rose Tascher. She was an orphan, 
and had been adopted by her uncle, a wealthy planter, who, 
being the owner of several well-conducted plantations, was 
living in baronial profusion and splendor. A young French 
nobleman, Viscount Alexandre de Beauharnais, visited the island at that time 
to take possession of several valuable estates which had fallen to him by in- 
heritance, adjoining the plantations of Josephine's uncle, M. Renaudin. 

The viscount was very hospitably entertained by M. Renaudin, and was so 
attracted by the vivacity, grace, and loveliness of Josephine, and also by the 
fact that their union would- imite several of the most valuable estates upon 
the island, that he offered her his hand in marriage. Josephine, with much 
reluctance, for her heart was elsewhere, accepted the offer, being overcome 
by the persuasions of her uncle and aunt. It Avas necessary for Viscount 
Beauharnais to return immediately to France. Arrangements were made for 
Josephine to follow in the course of a few months, to visit a relative in Paris, 
where the nuptials were to be consummated. 

The artless yet beautiful and fascinating Creole girl, immediately upon her 
arrival in Paris, was introduced to the most brilliant society of the metropo- 
lis, and became the object of general admiration. Her husband, proud of 
her beauty and accomplishments, presented her to the court ; and she won 
the especial regards of the queen, Marie Antoinette. 

But French philosophy had then undermined all the foundations of reli- 
gion. The marriage-tie had lost its sanctity, and was regarded merely as a 
partnership, which was to be formed and dissolved at pleasure. Beauharnais, 
3 17 



18 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

a gay man of the world, surrendered himself, imrestrained, to the dominion 
of these principles. The life of Josephine became shrouded in gloom. Her 
husband, though ever acknowledging her virtues and attractions, lavished 
upon his guilty favorites the attentions due only to her. At length, bitter 
alienation sprang up between husband and wife. Josephine, having received 
wounds too deep to be healed, took her httle daughter Hortense, and, world- 
weary, heart-crushed, returned to her uncle's home in Martinique. 

She had then also a son, Eugene, whom her husband had taken from her, 
and sent to a boarding-school in France. With tears she implored M. Beau- 
harnais to allow her to take Eugene with her also. He flatly refused. 
Josephine remained three years with her child Hortense in Mai-tinique. At 
length, M. Beauharnais, weary of a life of sin and shame, and never able to 
foiget the virtues of his injui-ed wife, wrote to her with expressions of the 
deepest regret for the past, and implored her to return. Josephine confessed 
to her friends that the wounds she had received were so severe, that, were it 
not for the love she bore Eugene, she could not go back ; but that she should 
much prefer to spend the remainder of her days in the seclusion of her native 
island. 

A mother's love, however, triumphed ; and taking with her Hortense, then 
a beautiful child of ten years of age, she embarked for France. 

The French Revolution was now approaching the most stormy period of 
its career. Josephine had scarcely returned to Paris ere the Reign of Terror 
commenced. Viscount Beauharnais, though he had espoused the popular 
cause, was, for the crime of being a noble, dragged to prison. Josephine, 
in tlie endurance of anguish which no pen can describe, made every effort to 
obtain the release of her husband. Instead of being successful, she was 
arrested herself. At an early hour in the morning, when Hortense and 
Eugene were asleep, the officers of the revolutionary tribunal seized her. 
Without awaking the children, she bent over them with flooded eyes and a 
bursting heart, and imprinted upon their brows a farewell kiss. Hortense, a 
ver)? affectionate child, though still asleep, threw her arms around her moth- 
er's neck, and, speaking in her dreams, said, — 

" Come to bed, mother. Fear nothing. They shall not take you away this 
night. I have prayed to God for you." 

The children were left in utter destitution. They had a distant relative 
residing near Versailles. Eugene led Hortense there, where they were kindly 
received. Viscount Beauharnais was imprisoned in the Luxembourg; Jose- 
phine, in the Convent of the Carmelites. M. Beauharnais was soon brought 
before the "military tribunal, and condemned as an aristocrat; and his head 
fell beneath the slide of the guillotine. Josephine was arraigned before the 
same tribunal. She was accused of the crime of being the wife of a noble, 
and the friend of Marie Antoinette. She was consequently doomed to die, 
and was to be led to the Conciergerie, and thence to her execution. The day 
before she was to be conducted to the scaffold, there was a new revolution : 
Robespierre was guillotined, and Josephine was liberated. 

She emerged from her prison into the crowded streets of Paris a widow, 
friendless and penniless. Her husband's property had been confiscated, and 



HIS PARENTAGE, 19 

nearly all her friends had perished. She soon found her children. The 
Reign of Terror still continued. Young girls and boys were guillotined. 
The threat of ]\tarat ever rang in her ears, "We must exterminate all the 
whelps of aristocracy." Hoping to conceal her children among the masses 
of the people, and impelled also by the pressure of poverty, she apprenticed 
her son to a house-carpenter; while Horteuse was placed in the shop of a 
seamstress. 

Josephine possessed such endoAvments of intelligence, grace, and beauty, 
that she would, under any circumstances, create enthusiastic friends. A lady 
of wealth invited her, with Hortense, to her house, and charitably supplied 
all their wants. Influential friends gathered around her ; and through their 
aid, after long efforts, she succeeded in regaining a portion of her husband's 
confiscated estates. Thus provided with a frugal competence, she obtained a 
home of her own, with Eugene and Hortense by her side. With rigid 
economy, Josephine was enabled to keep up an appearance of elegance; and 
her family associated with the most refined society of the metropolis. 

There was then a young man in Paris, twenty-three years old, of foreign 
name. Napoleon Bonaparte, who was beginning to attract attention. He had 
performed some brilliant exploits at the siege of Toulon, and had very ener- 
getically quelled an insurrection in the streets of Paris. To prevent another 
insurrection, he had received orders from the Convention to disarm the popu- 
lace. The sword of Viscount Beauharnais was thus taken from the family. 
Eugene Beauharnais, an exceedingly intelligent and graceful boy of about 
twelve years, obtained access to General Bonaparte, and so touchingly pleaded 
for the restoration of the sword of his father as to interest the young general 
deeply. His kind treatment of the child so moved the heart of Josephine, 
that she called the next day to express her thanks. General Bonaparte was 
even more impressed by the grace and loveliness of the mother than he had 
been by the artlessness of the child. 

The result was, that on the 6th of March, 1796, Josephine became the bride 
of General Bonaparte, and Hortense and Eugene became the step-children of 
the man whose renown was soon to fill the world. Hortense developed into 
one of the most beautiful and fascinating of women. The Duchess of 
Abrantes, who often met her in the saloons of her imperial father, says, — 

" She was fresh as a rose; and, though her fair complexion was not relieved 
by much color, she had enough to produce that freshness and bloom which 
was her chief beauty, A profusion of light hair j^layed in silken locks around 
her soft and penetrating blue eyes. The delicate roundness of her slender 
figure was set off by the elegant carriage of her head. 

"But what formed the chief attraction of Hortense was the grace and 
suavity of her manners. She was gay, gentle, amiable. She had wit, which, 
without the smallest ill temper, had just mischievousness enough to be 
amusing. She drew excellently, sang harmoniously, and performed admira- 
bly in comedy. In the year 1800, she was a charming young girl, Sho 
afterwards became one of the most amiable princesses of Europe, I have 
seen many, both in their own couits and in Paris ; but I never knew one who 
had any pretension to equal talents. Her brother loved her tenderly. N apo- 



20 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

leon regarded her as his child. It is only in that country, so fertile in the 
inventions of scandal, that so foolisli an accusation could have been imagined 
as tliat any feeling less pure than paternal affection actuated his conduct 
towards her. The vile cahminy met with the contempt it merited." 

Upon this subject we may also quote the testimony of Bourrienne, who 
had been the private secretary of the emperor, but who became a partisan of 
the Bourbons, and, under the influence of their patronage^ wrote a history of 
Napoleon. In this memoir he says, — 

" Napoleon never cherished for Hortense any feeling but a real paternal 
tenderness. He loved her, after his marriage with her mother, as he would 
have loved his own child. For three years at least, I was witness to all their 
most private actions. I declare that I never saw any thing which could 
furnish the least ground for suspicion, or the slightest trace of culpable inti- 
macy. This calumny must be classed with those which malice delights to 
take Avith the character of men who become celebrated ; calumnies which are 
adopted lightly and without reflection. I freely declare, that, did I retain the 
slightest doubt with regard to this odious charge, I would avow it ; but it is 
not true. Napoleon is no more : let his memory be accompanied only by 
that, be it good or bad, which really took place. Let not this reproach be 
made against him by the impartial historian. I must say in conclusion, on 
this delicate subject, that Napoleon's principles were rigid in the extreme; 
and that any fault of the nature charged neither entered his mind, nor was 
in accordance with his morals or his taste." 

The Emperor Napoleon had four brothers and three sisters. Joseph was 
the eldest of the family; then came Napoleon; after him were Lucien, 
Louis, and Jerome. The sisters were Eliza, Pauline, and Caroline. Louis 
Bonaparte, a man of superior intellectual powers, but of remarkably pensive 
character and sensitive nature, became strongly attached to Emilie Beauhar- 
nais, a daughter of the Marquis de Beauharnais, who was an older brother of 
Viscount Beauharnais, the former husband of Josephine, and the father of 
Hortense. The marquis was a strong advocate of the Bourbons, and had 
joined the emigrants in their flight from France. He left his daughter, how- 
ever, at the school of Madame Campan, under the care of his sister-in-law 
Josephine. Hortense also attended the same schooh Under these circum- 
stances, Louis Bonaparte formed a passionate attachment for Emilie. This 
attachment to the daughter of one of the old nobles, and an emigrant, caused 
Napoleon, who was then General Bonaparte, and who was preparing for the 
expedition to Egypt, much solicitude. It might expose him to suspicion, A 
naval officer, who was a friend of the rising young general, said to Louis, — 

"Do you know that a marriage of this description might be highly injurious 
to your brother, and render him an object of suspicion to the government, 
and that, too, at a moment when he is setting out on a hazardous expedi- 
tion?" 

General Bonaparte, not being aware of the depth and fervor of his brother's 
passion, was so impressed with the inexpediency of the connection, that he sent 
Louis on a mission to Toulon, and kept him busy there until they both sailed 
on the expedition to Egypt. Emilie Beauharnais, not long after this, was 



HIS PARENTAGE. 21 

niarricd to General Lavalette. With men of reflective, pensive temperament, 
love is an all-engrossing, all-devouring passion. The blow which fell upon the 
heart of Louis Bonaparte was fatal. He never recovered from it.- 

None of the honors which his brother subsequently lavished upon him 
could assuage the grief which ever gnawed at his heart. With gentle and 
attractive manners, loving repose, and shrinking from power, he discharged 
with singular fidelity, but with a joyless heart, all the duties imposed upon 
him. 

He became President of the Electoral College of Po, Grand Constable, 
Governor-General of Piedmont, Governor-General of the Army of Paris, 
and finally King of Holland. In all the virtues of private life, he was one 
of the most exemplary of men ; and, in public life, the most bitter foes of 
the Napoleonic dynasty give Louis Bonaparte credit for ability and consci- 
entiousness. 

Hortense had formed a strong attachment for Duroc, one of the j'oung and 
gallant soldiers of the republic, who afterwards became Duke of Friuli, and 
Grand Marshal of the Palace. This match was also broken oiF, and Hortense 
was weary of the world. 

Bourrienne, in his memoirs of Napoleon, says that Josephine remarked to 
him one day, — 

"This projected marriage with Duroc leaves me without any sup2Dort. Du- 
roc, independent of Bonaparte's friendship, is nothing. He has neither fortune, 
rank, nor even reputation. He can afford me no protection against the enmity 
of the brothers. I must have some more certain reliance for the future. My 
husband loves Louis very much. If I can succeed in uniting my daughter to 
him, he will prove a strong counterpoise to the calumnies and persecutions of 
my brothers-iTi-law." 

These remarks were repeated to Napoleon. He replied, " Josei)hine labors 
in vain. Duroc and Hortense love each other, and they shall be married. 1 
am attached to Duroc. He is well born. I have given Caroline to Murat, 
and Pauline to Le Clerc : I can as well give Hortense to Duroc. He is as 
good as the others. He is general of division. Besides, I have other views 
for Louis." 

But Josephine was influenced, in the desire to unite Hortense and Louis, by 
the strongest motives which could actuate the human mind. Napoleon was 
now First Consul, and, under that title, was, in reality, the most powerful sov- 
ereign in Europe. Visions of still grander power were rising before him. 
Josephine knew how deep was his regret that he had no child bearing his 
name to whom he could transmit his sceptre. Busy tongues had already in- 
formed her that many were urging upon him that an heir was essential to the 
repose of France. She had been assured that her divorce from Napoleon had 
been represented to him as one of the stern necessities of state. Agitated by 
these terrible fears, she indulged the hope, that could she succeed in uniting 
Hortense with Louis Bonaparte, should Hortense give birth to a son, Nap(;leon 
would recognize him as his heir. Bearing the name of Bonaparte, with the 
blood of the Bonapartes circulating in his veins, and being the son of Hor- 
tense, whom Napoleon loved as a daughter, with the fondest parental afiec- 



22 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

tion she fondly imagined that the child would satisfy Napoleon's yearnings 
and the apparent necessities of France, and that thus the terrible divorce 
might be averted. 

Hovtense, broken-liearted and despairing, yielded to the almost agonizing 
importunities of her mother. Louis also, feeling that there was no longer any 
happiness in the world for him, sadly submitted to his fite. Under such cir 
cumstances, the union, was formed between Hortense Beauharnais and Louis 
Bonaparte, the parents of the present Emperor of Fi-ance. 

Constant, the valet de chmnhre of Napoleon I., in his memoirs, recounting 
this marriage, says, " The two spouses, Louis and his bride, were very sad. 
ITortense wept bitterly during the ceremony, and her tears were not dried 
afterwards. She was far from seeking the notice of her husband, who, on his 
side, was too proud to pursue her with his attentions. The good Josephine 
did every thing in her power to bring them together. Conscious that the 
union, which had commenced so unhappily, was her work, she wished to rec- 
oncile her own private interest, or that which appeared to her as such, with 
the happiness of her daughter; but her efforts, as her counsel and her prayers, 
availed nothing. 

" I have seen, a hundred times, Madame Louis Bonaparte seek the solitude 
of her apartment and the bosom of a friend, there to shed her tears. She 
would often escape from him in the midst of the saloon of the First Consul, 
where one saw with chagrin this young woman, formerly glittering in beauty, 
and who had so gracefully performed the honors of the palace, dispensing 
with etiquette, retire into a corner or into the embrasure of a window with 
some one of her intimate friends, sadly to confide her griefs. During this 
interview, from which she would return with her eyes red and flooded, her 
husband would remain, pensive and silent, at the end of the saloon." 

Louis Bonaparte writes with his own pen, in his dirge-like memoirs, " Never 
was there a more gloomy wedding. Never had husband and wife a stronger 
presentiment of a forced, an ill-suited marriage. Before the ceremony, during 
the benediction, and ever afterwards, we both and equally felt that we were 
not suited to each other." 

The first child, the fruit of this marriage, was born in 1803, and received the 
name of Napoleon Charles. Both Napoleon and Josephine were rendered ex- 
ceedingly happy by his birth. He was a very beautiful child, and developed 
brilliancy of intellect, and nobility of character, which won the admiration of 
all. Napoleon loved the child most tenderly, and was ever fond of foi'getting 
the cares of state in caressing the little one; and, having decided to constitute 
him his heir, all thoughts of the divorce were abandoned. In one of Jose- 
phine's letters to Hortense, dated Aix la Chapelle, Sept. 8, 1804, she writes 
in reference to this child, — 

"The news you give me of little Napoleon affords me very great pleasure. 
The emperor has read your letter. He has, at times, appeared to me wounded 
in not hearing from you. He would not accuse your heart if he knew you as 
well as I do. But appearances are against you. Since he may suppose that 
you neglect him, do not lose a moment to repair the wrongs which are not in- 
teutional. Say to him that it is through discretion that you have not written 



^ 




'I ^-:.-*^-- 



'^ 



TON. B.B.RUSSEL 



HIS PARENTAGE. 23 

to him; that your heart suffers from that law which even respect dictates; that, 
having always manifested towards you the goodness and the tenderness of a 
father, it will ever be to you a happiness to offer to him the homage of your 
gratitude. Bonaparte loves you as if you were his own child ; and this greatly 
increases my attachment for him." 

Early in the spring of 1807, on the 5th of May, this child, upon whom were 
centred so many hopes, and who was then entering his fifth year, was taken 
sick of the croup, and died. It was a dreadful blow to Josephine. Napoleon 
was then far away, just after the battle of Eylau, in a winter encampment, 
with his army upon the banks of the Vistula. The melancholy tidings reached 
him at his headquarters, which consisted of a cheerless stable, at a place called 
Osterode. In silence he buried his face in his hands, and for a long time 
seemed lost in painful musings. The following letters, which he wrote at the 
tin\e to Josephine and Hortense, reveal, in some degree, his feelings. On the 
14th of May, he wrote to Josephine, — 

" I can appreciate the grief which the death of poor Napoleon has caused 
you. You can understand the anguish which I experience. I could wish that 
I were with you, that you might become moderate and discreet in your grief 
Yon have had the happiness of never losing any children. But it is one of 
the conditions and sorrows attached to suffering humanity. Let me hear that 
you have become reasonable and tranquil. Adieu, my love." 

To Hortense he wrote, a few days after, " My daughter, every thing which 
reaches me from the Hague informs me that you are unreasonable. However 
legitimate may be your grief, it should have its bounds. Do not impair your 
health. Seek consolation. Know that life is strewed with so many dangers, 
and may be the source of so many calamities, that death is by no means the 
greatest of evils. Your affectionate father. Napoleon." 

Again he wrote to Josephine, a few days after, on the 24th of May, " I have 
received your letter from Lucken. I see with pain that your grief is still un- 
abated, and that Hortense is not yet with you. She is unreasonable, and 
merits not to be loved, since she loves only her children. Strive to calm your- 
self, and give me no more pain. For every irremediable evil we must find con- 
solation. Adieu, my love. Wholly thine. Napoleon." 

On the 2d of June, he wrote to Hortense in the following terms of tender 
reproach: "My daughter, you have not written me one word in your well- 
founded and great grief You have forgotten every thing, as if you had no 
other loss to endure. I am informed that you no longer love; that you are 
indifferent to every thing. I perceive it by your silence. This is not right, 
Hortense. It is not what you promised me. Your child was every thing to 
you. Your mother and I — are we nothing, then? Had I been at Malmaison, 
I should have shared your anguish ; but I should have also wished that you 
would restore yourself to your best friends. Adieu, my daughter. Be cheer- 
ful. We must learn resignation. Cherish your health, that you may be able 
to fulfil all your duties. My wife is very sad in view of your condition. Do 
not add to her anguish. Your affectionate father, Napoleon." 

At the time of the death of this child, Louis Bonaparte, the husband of 
Hortense, had been King of Holland about one year, and was residing with 



24 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

Queen Hortense at tlie Hague. Another son had been bora to them on the 
11th of October, 1804, to whom they had given the name of Napoleon Louis. 
The anguish of Hortense was so great, that she seemed to have lost all love 
for this her surviving child. In a letter which Napoleon wrote her on the 
16th of June, he says, — 

" My daughter, your griefs touch my heart ; but I could wish that you would 
summon more fortitude. To live is to suffer; and the sincere man struggles 
incessantly to gain the victory over himself I do not love to see you unjust 
towards the httle Napoleon Louis and towards all your friends. Your mother 
and I cherish the hope to be more in your heart than we are. I am well, and 
I love you intensely. Adieu, my daughter. I embrace you with my ^v hole 
heart. — Napoleon." 

Again Josephine wrote ; and I quote these letters the more freely, to show 
that the palace as well as the cottage has its share of griefs. " Your letter 
has affected me deeply, my dear daugliter. I see how profound and unvary- 
ing is your grief; and I perceive it still more sensibly by the anguish which 
I experience myself We have lost that, which, in every respect, was most 
worthy to be loved. My tears flow as on the first day. Our grief is too 
well founded for reason to be able to cause it to cease : nevertheless, my dear 
Hortense, we should moderate it. 

"You are not alone in the world. There still remain to you a husband, 
an interesting child, and a mother whose tender love you well know ; and 
you have too much sensibility to regard all that with coldness and indiffer- 
ence." 

The death of little Napoleon took place, as we have mentioned, in May, 
1807. It was in the midst of such maternal griefs as these that Charles 
Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, the third son of Louis and Hortense, was born on 
the 20th of April, 1808. This child, usually called Louis Napoleon, and who 
is now the Emperor of the French, is the subject of this memoir. His moth- 
er Hortense, Queen of Holland, was, at the time of his birth, in Paris. Na- 
poleon was then at the summit of his brilliant career, surrounded with 
imperial splendor, and all Europe prostrate before him. The birth of the 
young prince was welcomed by explosions of artillery all along the lines of 
the army, from Hamburg to Rome, and from the Pyrenees to the Danube. 
In the following strain, Josephine congratulates her daughter upon the birth 
of this child. The letter is dated at Bordeaux, on the 23d of April.* 

"I am, my dear Hortense, in an excess of joy. The tidings of your happy 
accouchement were brought to me yesterday by M. de Yilleneuve. I felt 
ray heart beat the moment I saw him enter; but I cherished the hope that 

* The Moniteur of April 21 thus announces this event : " Yesterday, at one o'clock, her 
Majesty the Queen of Holland was safely delivered of a prince. In conformity with Art, 40 
of the Act of the Constitution of 28, Flore'al year 12, M. the Chancellor of the Empire at- 
tested the birth, and wrote immediately to the emperor, the empress, and the King of Holland, 
to communicate the intelligence. At five o'clock in the evening, the act of birth was received by 
the arch-chancellor, assisted by his Eminence Reynault de St. Jean d'Angely, minister of state, 
and state secretary of the imperial family. In the absence of the emperor, the new-born prince 
has not yet received his name. This will be provided for by an ulterior act, according to the 
>ru:Ts of his Majesty." 



HIS PARENTAGE, 25 

he had only good tidings to bring me, and my presentiments did not deceive 
me. I. know that Napoleon Louis will console himself in not having a sister, 
and that he already loves very much his brother. Embrace them both for 
me." 

These two children of Hortense and Louis Bonaparte were i-egarded by 
Napoleon and Josephine with the greatest interest. By a decree of the 
Senate, which was submitted to the acceptation of the French people, and 
which was adopted by 3,521,675 votes, there being but 2,579 in opposition, 
they were declared the heirs to the imperial throne, should Napoleon, and 
his elder brother Joseph, die without children.* 

When we read the record of the anguish of Queen Hortense, in view of 
the death of her eldest child; when we remember that he died in May, 1807, 
and that Louis Napoleon was born not quite one year after, in April, 1808, — 
it seems to be a sufficient reply to the charge that Hortense was, during those 
months, living in guilty pleasure. It is, of course, impossible to prove that a 
charge of the nature to which we here refer is not true ; but the circum- 
stances seem to render such an accusation almost impossible. No mother, 
weeping in anguish over the death of her lirst-born, could be thus living. * 

The Berkeley Men, in their admirable work upon " The Napoleon Dynasty," 
say, " We have found nothing in our investigations upon this subject 
to justify even a suspicion against the morals or integrity of Louis or Hor- 
tense ; and we here dismiss the subject with the remark, that there is more 
cause for sympathy with the parties to this unhappy union than of censure 
for their conduct." f 

The union was indeed a very unhappy one. There were no congenial 
sympathies between husband and wife. The grief-stricken mother, secluding 
herself from all society, in her anguish almost forgetting her surviving child, 
had gone to Paris that she might be near Josephine in the hour of woman's 
greatest trial. After the birth of Louis Napoleon, she felt but little disposi- 
tion to return to her husband ; and the estrangement between them increased, 
until it resulted in final separation. 

Napoleon, at St. Helena, referring to this painful subject, said, " Louis had 
been spoiled by reading the works of Rousseau. He contrived to agree with 
his wife only for a few months. There were foults on both sides. On the 
one hand, Louis was too teasing in his temper; and, on the other, Hortense 
was too volatile. Hortense, the virtuous, the devoted, the generous Hortense, 
was not entirely faultless in her conduct towards her husband. This I must 
acknowledge in spite of all the affection I bore her, and the sincere attach- 
ment I am sure she entertained for me. Though Louis' whimsical humors 
were, in all probability, sufficiently teasing, yet he loved Hortense. In su(ih a 
case, a woman should learn to subdue her own temper, and endeavor to 
return her husband's attachment. 

" Perhaps an excuse might be found for the caprice of Louis' disposition 
in the deplorable state of his health, the age at which it became deranged, 

* IListoire complete de Napoleon III., Empereur des Fran9ais, par MM Gallix ct Guy, 
p. 17. 

t Napoleon Dynasty, by the Berkeley Men, p. 44. 

4 



26 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

and the horrible circumstances which led to that derangement, and which 
must have had a considerable influence upon his mind. He was at the point 
of death on the occasion, and has ever since been subject to the most cruel 
infirmities. He is almost paralytic on one side." 

Louis Bonaparte the father, in his melancholy memoirs, alludes to these 
slanders with which Hortense had been assailed, and repels with contempt 
and indignation every insinuation against the purity of her character. In 
his peculiar state of mind, one would think, that, if there had been the shadow 
of an occasion for jealousy, he would have detected it, especially as he needed 
justification for the separation between himself and wife. 

In one of Josephine's letters to Hortense, she writes, in reference to this 
alienation, " Why show to Louis this repugnance ? Instead of rendering him 
more ungracious still, by caprice, by inequality of character, why do you not 
rather make efibrts to surmount your indifference ? But you will say he is 
not amiable : if not in your eyes amiable, he may appear so to others. As for 
myself, I imagine that I behold him as he is, — more loving, doubtless, than 
lovable; but this is a great and rare quality. He is generous, benevolent, 
feeling, and, above all, an excellent fiither. If you so willed, he would prove 
a good husband. 

" His melancholy, his love of retirement, injure him in your esteem. For 
these, I ask you, is he to blame ? Is he obliged to conform his nature to cir- 
cumstances ? Who could have predicted to him his fortune ? But, according 
to you, he has not even the courage to bear that fortune. This, I believe, is an 
error; but he certainly wants the strength. With his ascetic inclinations, his 
invincible desire for retirement and study, he finds himself misplaced in the 
elevated rank to which he has attained. 

" You desire that he should imitate his brother : give him, first of all, the 
same temperament. You have not failed to remark that almost our entire 
existence depends upon our health, and that upon our digestion : let poor 
Louis digest better, and you would find him moi-e amiable. Take pity on a 
man who has to lament that he possesses what would constitute another's 
happiness. Before condemning him, think of others, who, like him, have 
groaned beneath the burden of their greatness, and bathed with their tears 
that diadem which they had believed had never been destined for their 
brow." 

The emperor ever manifested the deepest interest in the two children of 
Louis and Hortense. Even after his divorce from Josephine and the birth 
of the son of Maria Louisa, aware of the uncertainty of the life of his own 
child, he still carefully cherished these children. Hortense now spent much 
of her time in Paris, occupying, it is said, the hotel No. 17, Rue Lafitte, now 
the residence of one of the Rothschilds. On one occasion, when little Louis 
Napoleon was but a year old. Napoleon being absent on a campaign in Ger- 
many, Hortense, without consulting him, took her two children with her to 
the baths of Baden. They were thus exposed to the peril, as two acknowl- 
edged French princes, of being seized by the Austrians, and held as hostages. 
The emperor immediately wrote to her from Ebersdorf, under date of May 
28,1809,— 



HIS PARENTAGE. 27 

"My daughter, I am much displeased (t7'es mecontent) that you should 
have left France without my permission, and particularly that you should 
have taken my nephews from France. Since you are at the waters of Baden, 
remain there; but, in one hour after the reception of this letter, send 
my two nephews to Strasbourg, near to the empress. They ought 
never to leave France. It is the first time that I have had occasion to 
be dissatisfied with you ; but you ought not to dispose of my nephews without 
my permission. You ought to perceive the mischievous <}ffect which that 
may produce. Since the waters of Baden are beneficial to you, you can 
remain there some days ; but I repeat to you, do not delay for a moment 
sending my nephews to Strasbourg. Should the empress go to the waters of 
Plombieres, they can accompany her there ; but they ought never to cross 
the Bridge of Strasbourg." * 

The confidential correspondence of Josephine renders it evident that 
the younger child, Louis Napoleon, the subject of this memoir, was the favor- 
ite, certainly, of Josephine. This was, perhaps, the result of his being more 
with his grandmother than was his older brother. Louis Napoleon, even 
as a child, seemed to have inherited some of the sadness which had cast its 
gloom over his parental home. He was the son of a grief-strioken mother. 
The silent, thoughtful, pensive temperament has ever remarkably predomi- 
nated in his character; and yet with this pensive mood there was united an 
affectionateness of disposition which ever endeared him greatly to his friends. 

When the emperor was at home, he was very fond of having the two 
princes near him : he took great pleasure in sharing in their games, and in 
watching their intellectual, social, and moral developments. It was quite his 
custom to have them with him at his meals, when he endeavored, for a few 
moments, to get entire relief from the cares of state. They had a little table 
placed by his side. He would question them in reference to their lessons, and 
teach them such sentiments as he wished to impress upon their minds.f 

Hortense was in wretched health, and in a state of extreme mental dejec- 
tion. She was often absent at the springs, leaving her younger son with 
Josephine, while the elder was with his father. In June, 1813, Hortense was 
at Aix in Savoy : the two children were with Josephine at Malmaison. Louis 
Napoleon was then five years of age. For some unexplained reason, he was 
called in the family by the endearing epithet of little " Oui, Oui," — " Yes, Yes." 

On the 11th of June, Josephine wrote to Hortense, "I am delighted to 
have the children with me. They are charming. I must tell you of a beauti- 
ful response of little Oui Oui. He was reading to the Abbe Bertrand a fable 
upon the subject of metamorphosis. Being called upon to explain the mean- 
ing of the word, he said, ' I wish I could change myself into a little bird. I 
would then fly away at the hour of your lesson; "but I would come back when 
M. Haze, my German teacher, arrives.' — ' But, prince,' responded the abbe, 'it 
is not very polite for you to say that to me.' — ' Oh ! ' replied Oui Oui, ' what I 
said was only for the lesson, not for the man.' Do you not think, with me, 

* Lettres de Napoleon et Josephine, torn. ii. p. 293. 

t Histoirs complete de Napole'on III., Empereur des rran9uis, p. 18. 



28 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III, 

that this repartee was tres spirituelle f It was not possible for him to extricate 
himself with moi-e delicacy and gracefulness." 

Again Josephine wrote to Hortense, a few days after, on the 29th, "M. de 
Turpin has brought me your letter, my dear daughter. I see, with pain, how 
sad and melancholy you still are. Take courage, my dear Hortense. I hope 
that happiness will yet be your lot. You have passed through many trials. 
Have not all persons their griefs? The only diiference is in the greater or 
less fortitude of soul with which one supports them. Your children mourn 
over your sorrows. Every thing announces in them an excellent charac- 
ter, and a strong attachment for you. The more I see of them, the more I 
love them. Nevertheless I do not spoil them. Feel easy on their account. 
We follow exactly what you have prescribed for their regimen and their 
studies. When they have done well during the week, I invite them to break- 
fast and dine witli me on the sabbath." 

Josephine wrote to Hortense on the 6th of August, 1813, — 

"I see with pleasure that you have not forgotten the years of your child- 
hood, and you are very kind to your mother in recalling them to her. I did 
right in making happy two children so good and so affectionate, and they have 
since abundantly recompensed me for it. Your children will do the same for 
you, my dear Hortense. Their hearts resemble yours. 

"The little Oui Oui is always gallant and amiable to me. Two days ago, 
in seeing Madame Tascher leave us, who went to join her husband at the 
springs, he said to Madame Boucheporn, — 

"'Madame Tascher must love her husband very much indeed to be willing 
to leave my grandmamma to go to him.' 

"Do you not think that was charming? On the same day, he went to walk 
in the woods of Butard. As soon as he was on the grand avenue, he threw 
his hat into the air, shouting, ' Oh, how I love beautiful Nature ! ' Not a day 
passes in which some one is not amused by his amiability. The children ani- 
mate all around me. Judge if you have not rendered me happy in leaving 
them with me." 

It is said that Madame de Stael, who was fond of dazzling all by the display 
of the brilliance of her conversational powers, had a chance interview with 
the young prince, and overwhelmed him with her questions. He replied with 
great calmness, and judgment beyond his age. After she had gone, the child 
turned to Madame Boubers, saying, "That lady is a great question-monger. I 
wonder, now, if that is what people call genius."* 

But days of darkness and gloom began to lower over the empire of Na- 
poleon. All Europe was armed against him, and the majestic fabric of 
power which he had reared was crumbled to the dust. These gathering dis- 
asters roused all the heroism of Hortense. Indignantly she remonstrated with 
Maria Louisa against the weakness she displayed in so readily abandoning her 
husband and Paris, The allied armies were marching upon the metropolis: 
the thunders of their artillery could already be heard in the streets of the 
city. All who could escape were flying in dismay. 

* Life of Louis Napoleon, by J. A. St. John, p. 50. 



HIS PARENTAGE. 29 

" I shall remain in Paris," exclaimed Hortense to Regnault, colonel of the 
National Guard. " I will share with the Parisians all their fortunes, be they 
good or bad. I wish that I were the mother of the King of Rome : I would 
inspire all around me with the energy I could exhibit. Unfortunately, I can- 
not fill the place of the empress ; but I do not doubt that the emperor is exe- 
cuting manoeuvres which will soon conduct him hither. Paris must hold out ; 
and, if the National Guard is willing to defend it, tell them that I pledge my- 
self to remain here with my sons." * 

After the surrender of the city, and when all hope was gone, Hortense waa 
urged by her husband to retire with the children, lest they should be seized 
by the enemy as hostages. She retired to Navarre, where she took refuge 
with Josephine. Soon, however, receiving assurances of protection from the 
Emperor Alexander, she returned again to Paris with her sons. After the 
departure of Napoleon for Elba, she resided at Malmaison most of the time 
with her mother and the two children. In May, 1814, while Napoleon was at 
Elba, Josephine died at Malmaison in the arms of her daughter. The grief 
of Hortense was agonizing. Of Josephine it has been truly said, " She never 
caused the shedding of a single tear." Nine months after the death of Jose- 
phine, in March, 1815, Napoleon returned from Elba. Maria Louisa and her 
child were prisoners in Austria. 

Hortense was in Paris to welcome the emperor. " Sire," said she, " I had 
a strong presentiment that you would return ; and I waited for you here." 
The two young princes were immediately presented to him ; and he received 
them with the warmest affection. Hortense was invested with the honor of 
presiding at the imperial palace. The first official act of Napoleon was char- 
acteristic of his whole career. 

Though the Council of State immediately issued a decree, stating that the 
nation, by nearly four million of votes, had conferred upon Napoleon the im- 
perial dignity, and made it hereditary in his family; that foreigners had forced 
the Bourbons upon France; that Napoleon had abdicated to save France fron> 
the effusion of blood, but that this abdication was not in accordance with the 
will of the people, and could not destroy the solemn contract which had been 
formed between the nation and the emperor ; and that Napoleon, in re-ascending 
the throne to which the people had raised him, had only re-established the most 
sacred rights of the nation, returning to reign by the only principle of legiti- 
macy which France had recognized and sanctioned for the past twenty-five 
years, — notwithstanding this very decisive decree. Napoleon was so anxious 
to avoid even the appearance of usurpation, that he insisted that the question 
of his re-election should be submitted to the suffrages of the French people. 
The vote was taken in all the departments of France. Napoleon was chosen 

* In reference to the invasion of France by the allies, Alison savs, " Never had such an inun- 
dation of armed men poured over a single country. Eight hundred thousand warriors, in the 
highest state of discipline and equipment, had already entered ; and the stream still continued to 
flow on, without any visible abatement. The eastern provinces could no longer maintain the 
armed multitude : already they extended over the central parts of the country, and were even 
approaching those which were washed by the Atlantic wave." 



30 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

to the chief magistracy by a majority of more than a million of votes over all 
other parties. 

On the 1st of June, 1815, there was an exceedingly imposing ceremony in 
the Field of Mars for the re-inaugm-ation of the re-elected Emperor of France. 
Napoleon ascended an elevated platform, dressed in imperial robes, with his 
two nephews. Napoleon Louis and Louis Napoleon, at his side. The Arch- 
bishop of Rouen reconsecrated the eagles restored to the banners, and im- 
plored upon their cause the blessing of the God of armies. An address was 
then read to the emperor from the electors of Paris, containing the following 
words: — 

"/^S'^>e, — The French people had conferred upon you the crown, and you 
have laid it down without their consent. Their suffrages now impose upon 
you the duty of resuming it. What does the league of allied kings require ? 
how have we given cause for their aggression ? We do not wish for the chief 
they would impose upon us, and we wish for the one they do not like. We 
are threatened by invasion. Sire, nothing shall be spared to maintain our 
honor and independence. Every thing shall be done to repel an ignominious 
yoke. Sire, a throne built up by foreign armies has crumbled in an instant 
before you, because you have brought to us from retirement all the pathways 
of true glory, all the hopes of our real prosperity." 

A shout of applause from the attendant thousands followed the utterance 
of these words, which shout is represented by those who heard it as appall- 
ing in its sublimity. In Napoleon's brief reply, he said, — 

"Emperor, consul, soldier, I owe every thing to the people. In prosperity 
and in adversity, on the field of battle, in council, on the throne, in exile, 
France has been the sole and constant object of my thoughts and actions." 

Then, turning to the soldiers, he threw off the imperial mantle, and ap- 
peared before them in that simple costume of every-day life with which all 
were familiar. Another shout burst from their lips which seemed to rend 
the skies. 

"Soldiers of the land and sea forces," said he, "I confide to you the impe- 
rial eagle, with the national colors. You swear to defend it at the price of 
your blood against the enemies of your country." 

A prolonged roar, like tlie voice of echoing thunders, swept along the lines 
as they repeated, " We swear it, we swear it ! " 

As these ceremonies proceeded, cries of "Vive I'Empereur" filled the air; 
and a scene of entlmsiasm Avas witnessed which left an ever-during impres- 
sion even upon the most phlegmatic minds. "No one," writes Savary, "could 
fail to remark, that never did the French people, at any period of the Revo- 
lution, seem more disposed to defend their liberty and tiieir independence," 

The two young princes, as we have said, stood by the side of the em- 
peror on this occasion. He presented them separately to the deputations of 
the people and of the army, as those, in the direct line of inheritance, upon 
whom the future interests of France might depend.* Louis Napoleon was 
then seven years of age. This scene must have produced a profound impres- 
sion upon his reflective, sensitive nature. 

* Histoire complete de Napole'on III., par MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 19. 



HIS PARENTAGE. 31 

But again the allied armies were on the inarch for Paris, in columns amount- 
ing to nearly a million of men. Napoleon, by incredible exertions, raised 
a band of a hundred and twenty thousand men, and j^repared to cross the 
frontier to assail them by surprise on their unsuspicious march. The evening 
before he was to leave Paris for that fatal campaign which resulted in the dis- 
aster at Waterloo, he was in his cabinet conversing with Marshal Soult. 

Suddenly little Louis Napoleon opened the door, and came silently creep- 
ing into the apartment. His features were swollen with an expression of the 
profoundest grief, which he seemed to be struggling in vain to repress. Trem- 
blingly he approached the emperor, threw himself upon his knees, and, burying 
his face in his hands, burst into a flood of tears. 

" What is the matter, Louis ? " said the emperor. " Why have you inter- 
rupted me? and why do you weep so?" 

The young prince was so overcome with grief, that, for some moments, 
he could not utter a syllable. At last, in words interrupted with sobs, he 
said, — 

" Sire, my governess has just told me that you are going away to the war. 
Oh, do not go ! do not go ! " 

The emperor was much moved by this affectionate solicitude manifested by 
the child, and, passing his hand through the clustering ringlets of the boy's 
hair, said, — 

" My child, this is not the first time that I have been to the war. Why are 
you so afflicted ? Do not fear for me. I shall soon come back again." 

" my dear uncle ! " exclaimed little Louis, again weeping convulsively, 
" these wicked allies wish to kill you. Let me go with you, my uncle ; let me 
go with you." 

The emperor made no reply, but, taking the child upon his knee, pressed 
him to his heart with much manifest emotion. Then, calling Hortense, he 
said to her, "Take away my nephew, Hortense, and severely reprimand his 
governess, who, by her inconsiderate woi'ds, has so deeply excited his sensi- 
bilities." Then, after a few affectionate words addressed to the young prince, 
he was about to hand him to his mother; when, perceiving that Marshal Soult 
was much moved by the scene, he said to him, "Embrace the child, marshal : 
he has a warm heart and a noble soul. Perhaps he is to be the hope of ray 
race." * 

* Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon sur des Documents particuliers et authentiques, par 
B. Renault, p. 70. 




CHAPTER n. 

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 

Abdication of Napoleon. — His Prediction. — The Allies in Paris. — Their Fear of the Bona 
parte Name. — Expulsion of Hortense and her Sons. — "Wanderings and Persecutions.— 
Residence at Lake Constance. — Studies of Louis Napoleon. — Purchase of Arenemherg. — 
Anecdotes. — Cultured Society. — The Reconciliation. — Military Taste of the Young Prince, 
— Visits to Rome. — The Princess Pauline. — Calumnious Reports. — Petition of Pauline. 

FTER the terrible tragedy of Waterloo, Napoleon again 
met Hortense at Malmaison. " She restrained her own 
tears," writes Baron Fleury, "reminding us, Avith the wisdom 
of a philosopher and the sweetness of an angel, that we 
ought to surmount our sorrows and regrets, and submit with 
docility to the decrees of Providence." 
Napoleon again abdicated, but in favor of his son. A provisional govern- 
ment Avas established in Paris. Plenipotentiaries were chosen to hasten to 
the headquarters of the allies, and sue for peace. A committee was sent 
by the provisional government to inform Napoleon of the instructions given to 
the envoys. The basis of the negotiation intrusted to these commissioners 
was the integrity of the French territory, the exclusion of the Bourbons, and 
the recognition of Napoleon II. The emperor replied to them, — 

" The allies are too deeply interested in imposing the Bourbons upon you 
to nominate my son. He will yet reign over France ; but his time has not 
yet arrived." 

This prediction, in its spirit, has been fulfilled. The heir of Napoleon, by 
the right of universal suffrage, is now upon the re-established imperial throne. 
Hortense, emulating her noble mother, endeavored to conceal her tears, and, 
though with a bursting heart, did every thing in her power to solace her 
afflicted father. On the 30th of June, Napoleon bade her farewell, never to 
see her again. Little did he then imagine that the dismal rock of St. 
Helena was to be his prison and his tomb. It is said that the child Louis 
Napoleon, as his uncle bade him good-by, was almost frantic with grief He 
clung screaming to the emperor, and was at last taken away by force." * 

Shortly after the allies entered Paris, Hortense became so much alarmed 
for the safety of her sons, in consequence of the bitterness displayed by the 
conquerors, that she concealed them for a time in an old shop, which was 

* The Public and Private History of Napoleon IIL, by Samuel Sraucker, LL.D., p. 33. 




^B 




From lAt Ffnperors pnvcde coll<!ciion. 

Ezficuted ta ??Jis eipisssly foi"AM)Offs Life of Fapoleoa HE' 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 33 

owned by one of her friends, on the Boulevard Montmartre. Every one 
bearing the Bonaparte name was exposed to obloquy. At length, Hortense 
received an order from the allies to leave Paris within two hours. In the 
evening of the 19th of July, the griefstricken mother, with her children, 
under the conduct of Count de Voyna, left Paris for Switzerland. It was 
her intention to take refuge in a country-seat which she owned in the 
vicinity of Geneva, Her husband, after a reign as King of Holland of a 
little over four years, had abdicated in July, 1810. He was now a melancholy 
wanderer, separated from his family, seeking health, living as a recluse, and 
devoting himself very sedulously to literary pursuits. 

On the evening of her departure from Paris, Hortense wrote, "I have 
been obliged to quit Paris, having been positively expelled from it by the 
allied armies. So greatly am I, a feeble woman with her two children, dreaded, 
that the enemies' troops are posted all along our route, as they say, to protect 
our passage, but, in reality, to insure our departure." 

The Bourbons, Avell knowing how general and eager, in France, was the 
desire for the restoration of the empire, while rejoicing that England had 
chained Napoleon to the rock of St. Helena with links which could not be 
broken, trembled at the thought of having Queen Hortense, with the two 
young princes, so near to France as Switzerland. She had scarcely entered 
upon her residence there, with the title of the Duchess of St. Leu, ere the 
French minister entered such a remonstrance to the Swiss Government, that 
she was ordered to leave the territory. She then went to Aix, in Savoy, 
where, in the days of her prosperity, she had established a hospital. Here, by 
a decision of the Parisian courts, she was compelled to surrender her elder 
son. Napoleon Louis, to his fjither; while she retained the younger, Louis 
Napoleon, with her. The separation was a terrible trial, not only to Hortense, 
but also to the two brothers. The pai'ting is said to have been very aifecting ; 
Louis Napoleon throwing his arms around the neck of his brother, and weep- 
ing as though his heart would break. Napoleon the elder was a bold, reso- 
lute, high-spirited lad ; while Louis, more like his father, was reserved, re- 
tiring, pensive, and reflective. The thoughtful boy, thus deprived of the 
companionship of his brother, turned, with all the full flow of his afiectionate 
nature, to his mother.* 

Soon the Sardinian Government found it not expedient to retain within its 
borders a family whose name was so much feared by the Bourbons, then 
reigning in France ; and Hortense, thus persecuted, was compelled to seek 
another home. Having, after much difficulty, obtained permission to pass 
through Switzerland, she directed her steps to Constance, in the Grand 
Duchy of Baden. 

A cousin of Hortense, Stephanie Beauharnais, had married the Grand Duke 
of Baden. Hortense hoped that her cousin would allow herself and child 
to reside in the duchy. She therefore, accompanied by her son, his tutor the 

* In the separation which had taken place between Hortense and Louis, the father claimed 
tlie children. There was an appeal to the courts. The judgment gave the eldest son to the 
father. 

6 



34 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

Abbe Bertrand, Mademoiselle Cocbelet her reader, and a single servant, left 
Aix ; and after encountering many obstacles on her journey, from the jealousy 
and fear of the French and Swiss authorities, she reached the city of 
Constance. 

Here, to her great disappointment and grief, she immediately received in- 
formation, that, however anxious the grand duke and duchess might be to 
afford her hospitable shelter, they were under the control of higher powers, 
and they must, therefore, request her to leave the duchy without delay. 

The cold winds of November were sweeping over those northern latitudes. 
Jlortense, fatherless and motherless, estranged from her husband, bereft of 
one of her children, an exile, in very feeble health, persecuted by all the 
powers of Europe, knew not where to go or what to do. France had 
banished her; Switzerland, in obedience to Bourbon command, had driven her 
from its territory ; Savoy had refused to receive her ; and now Baden, 
which seemed to be her last hope, for there her cousins reigned, shut its door 
in lier face, and ordered her immediately to depart. 

Thus assailed by misfortune, she wrote an imploring letter to her cousins 
the Duke and Duchess of Baden, stating the feebleness of her health, the 
severity of the weather, her utter friendlessness, and begging permission to 
remain only to the ensuing spring. 

In reply, she received a private letter from the grand duchess, her cousin 
Stephanie, assuring her of her sympathy, of the gladness with which she 
would openly cherish her if she dared to do so ; and saying, in conclusion, 
" Have patience, and do not be uneasy. Perhaps all will be right by spring. 
By that time, passions will have calmed, and many things will have been for- 
gotten." 

Comforted by these private assurances, she rented a small house upon the 
western shore of the beautiful Lake of Constance, where, for several months, 
she remained unmolested. Her private fortune was ample. Her brother 
Eugene, whom she loved most tenderly, had married the daughter of the 
King of Bavaria ; and he, also in the enjoyment of abundant means, took up 
his abode near his sister. 

In this obscure home, comforted by the caresses of her youngest child and 
cheered by the frequent companionship of her beloved brother, she gradually 
regained tranquillity; and her health became greatly improved. The scenery 
around the lake was very romantic. Illustrious personages, who, during the 
glories of the empire, had filled the world with their renown, frequently 
visited her and Prince Eugene. She devoted herself assiduously to the 
education of her son ; never allowing him to forget the name he bore, or the 
political principles which his uncle had proclaimed upon the banners of 
llie empire throughout the continent of Europe. Eagerly this thoughtful, 
solitary child must have listened to the conversation of the generals and states- 
men, who, in the saloons of his mother, recalled the glories of the empire. 

Hortense was intellectually a very superior woman ; and her natural powers 
had been expanded and trained by the most careful culture. Her literary 
attainments were very considerable, and her musical accomplishments were of 
the highest order. It was at this time that she composed that celebrated 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 35 

French air called "The Knight-Errant," or "Partant pour la Syrie le jeune et 
beau Dunois." She excelled in drawing and painting. With a vei-y reten- 
tive memory, all the brilliant scenes of the past were fresh in her mind, and 
all the incidents of the days of her prosperity were ever at her command ; 
and her modest mansion became the seat of elegance and hospitality. 

Lady Blessington gives the following description of Queen Hortense: 
"Though prepared to meet in Hortense Bonaparte, Ex-Queen of Holland, a 
woman possessed of no ordinary powers of captivation, she has, I confess, far 
exceeded my expectations. I have seen her frequently, and spent two hours 
yesterday in her society. Never did time fly away with greater rapidity than 
while listening to her conversation, and hearing her sing those charming little 
French romances written and composed by herself, which, though I had 
always admired them, never previously struck me as being so expressive and 
graceful as they now proved to be. 

" I know not that I ever encountered a pei'son with so fine a tact, or so 
quick an apprehension, as the Duchess of St. Leu. These give her the power 
of rapidly forming an appreciation of those with whom she comes in contact, 
and of suiting the subjects of conversation to their tastes and compi'ehensions. 
Thus with the grave she is serious; with the lively, gay; and, with the scien- 
tific, she only permits just a sufficient extent of her savoir to be revealed, to 
encourage the development of theirs. 

" She is, in f ict, ' all things to all men,' without, at the same time, losing a 
single portion of her own natural character, — a peculiarity of which seems to 
be the desire, as well as the power, of sending all away, who approach her, 
satisfied with themselves, and delighted with her. Yet there is no unworthy 
concession of opinions made, or tacit acquaintance yielded, to conciliate 
popularity. She assents to or dissents from the sentiments of others with a 
mildness and good sense that gratifies those with whom she coincides, or 
disarms those from whom she differs." 

The opening spring of 1816 found Queen Hortense, and her son Louis 
Napoleon, who was then eight years of age, still residing in their secluded 
home upon the shores of the Lake of Constance. She then made a visit to 
her brother Eugene, who was residing at one of the country-seats of his 
fether-in-law, the King of Bavaria. The summer she passed at a very retired 
watering-place called the baths of Geiss, among the mountains of Appensell, 
Her son was here her constant and almost only companion : her whole atten- 
tion was devoted to his education. She taught him drawing and dancing 
herself, and every Saturday spent much of the day in reviewing his studies 
during the week. The Abbe Berti-and was still his private tutor. Subse- 
quently, M. Lebas, professor at the Athenaeum at Paris, became his instructor 
in the classics. He thus enjoyed eveiy advantage which a child could enjoy 
for laying the foundation of a solid and liberal education. 

The summer passed rapidly away. But the Bourbons, who had been 
placed upon the throne of France, and who were still sustained there by 
foreign armies, could not rest in peace while one of the heirs of the great 
emperor, who had been placed upon the throne by the divine right of the 
almost unanimous voice of the French people, was so near to the territory of 



36 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

France. Louis, though but a child of eight years, bore the charmed name of 
Napoleon, — a name which could, almost at any moment, rouse the masses 
of the French people to frenzy. 

The alarm of the Bourbons was so great, that the Grand Duke of Baden, 
early in the year 1817, received peremptory orders from the allies, that he 
must immediately expel Hortense and her child from his dominions. 

In the extreme north-eastern borders of Switzerland, on the southern shores 
of the Lake of Constance, there is the little canton of Thurgovia. Hortense 
had occasionally, in her drives, entered the canton, and had observed and 
admired a very beautiful estate called Arenemberg, which commanded an 
extensive view of the Lake of Constance, here spreading out into almost the 
grandeur of the ocean, with towering mountains near by. The auihorities of 
this remote canton consented that she should take refuge there. She there- 
fore purcliased the estate for sixty thousand francs. This beautiful retreat 
became the home of Hortense until she died. It is still, we believe, in the 
possession of her illustrious son. Had Hortense known the career which was 
to be opened before her child, she could not more assiduously have devoted 
herself to prepare him for it by all appropriate physical, moral, and intellect- 
ual training. 

He learned fencing, riding, swimming. In all these mnnly exercises he 
became a proficient. It is said that he often spent hours in the lake, sporting 
among its waves. He studied the ancient classics and modern languages, po- 
lite literature, and the exact sciences. Here, in the seclusion of Arenemberg, 
he laid the foundation of that education which now classes him among the 
most accomplished men of the day. It is said that he speaks French, English, 
Italian, and German with almost equal fluency. There are few men to be 
found who are more conversant with all branches of knowledge.* 

His older brother, Napoleon Louis, was then with his father in Florence. 
Louis Napoleon was alone with his mother in the picturesque solitude of 
Arenemberg. As his mother had ample pecuniary means, she Avas enabled to 
furnish her son with all the private tutors he needed. Many anecdotes are 
related illustrative of his character in these early years. 

His mother one day censured him for giving away something of whicli she 
had made him a present. His characteristic reply was, " Mother, I am certain 
that you wished to cause me pleasure by the present ; and I have now had a 
twofold pleasure, — first in receiving the gift from you, and then in giving it 
to another." 

The young prince was very fond of a lad, the son of a miller, who resided 
not far from the chateau. He frequently went to play with this boy at the 
mill. One day. Mademoiselle Cochelet, who was his mother's reader, saw 
young Louis returning from the mill in very singular plight. He was ia his 
shirt-sleeves, and was walking home, evidently trying to avoid observation, 
barefooted in the melting snow and mud. He hoped to reach his room 
unobserved ; but, upon being detected, it appeared, that, while he was playing 

* Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, ear des Documents particuliers et authentiques, par 
R. Renault, p. 70. 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 37 

at the entrance to the garden, he had seen a family go by whose poverty and 
misery so oppressed him, that he took off his shoes and put them upon the 
feet of one of the children, and gave his coat to another, " because," as he said, 
"he had not any money to give them." 

In these early years, Louis Napoleon developed a decided taste for military 
studies. There was a regiment garrisoned at Constance, which he often vis- 
ited, and where he was ever received, under the title of Duke de St. Leu, with 
distinction. By order of the federal government of Switzerland, the young 
Swiss soldiers met every year in camp at Thun, in the canton of Berne; the 
officers to be instructed in engineering and ai'tillery practice, and the troops 
to perform grand military manoeuvres under the direction of General Dufour, 
one of the most distinguished soldiers of the empire. 

Young Louis Napoleon gained ready admission to the camp. There he 
bivouacked with the soldiers, partook of their rations, and shared in all their 
privations and hardships. He often endured the severest fatigue ; marching 
weary miles, regardless of the weather, with a compass in his hand, and 
a knapsack on his back ; sometimes even dragging a truck over mountains 
and glaciers, through forests and swamps. "My son," wrote Hortense at this 
time, "is still occupied in making, witli his fellow-students, military excursions 
in the mountains. They travel on foot from ten to twelve leagues a day, 
knapsack on back; and at night sleep under a tent at the base of some 
ghicier." 

While the young prince was receiving this physical and intellectual train- 
ing, his mother never lost an opportunity to instil into his mind those political 
principles and moral precepts which she had imbibed from the emperor, who 
was then languishing upon the rock of St. Helena. Young Louis remembered 
his uncle vividly, and loved him passionately. He was told that his uncle was 
the chosen emperor of the French people; that an army of a million of for- 
eigners — combined from despotisms who hated Napoleon, because he was the 
friend of the masses of the people — had seized him, torn him from France, 
and imprisoned him upon a rock in the ocean, leaving him there to die mis- 
erably; that nearly all the people of France mourned the loss of Napoleon, 
and longed for his return ; that his brother and himself were the heirs of the 
great emperor; and that the time might yet come when the French people 
would be strong enough to rise again, and drive from France the kings which 
foreigners had imposed upon them, and re-establish the empire, and place one 
of the heirs of Napoleon upon the throne. 

It is not difficult to conceive how vivid an impression these reiterated in- 
structions must have produced upon the sensitive mind of the young prince. 
He seemed even then to have imbibed the idea that he was destined to the 
throne of France. It is certain that this thought gradually grew to a convic- 
tion, so deeply seated that it became part of I}is very nature. In the darkest 
hours of his subsequent career, and in the gloomiest depths of his many griefs, 
this faith never forsook him. 

In the year 1818, there was a partial reconciliation between Hortense and 
her husband; and the two brothers, their children, enjoyed each other's 



38 LIFE OF KAPOLEON III. 

society for several months, after having been separated nearly three years.* 
They met subsequently, not unfrequently, at Florence, at Rome, and in Ai'e- 
nemberg. His judicious mother felt it now to be desirable that her son 
should enjoy the advantages of a more public education, and of association 
with young men of his age and rank. She therefore went to Augsburg in 
Bavaria, where she entered her two sons in the celebrated gymnasium or col- 
lege of that city.f It will be remembered that her brother Eugene had mar- 
ried a daughter of Maximilian, King of Bavaria. Hortense took a house, since 
called Pappenheem Palace, in Holy-cross Street. Prince Napoleon, at the 
close of the first year, ranked as twenty-fourth in a class of fifty-six students. 
It is said that his rank would have been higher if he had then been more con- 
versant with the German language. He, however, made rapid progress in the 
language, so that he was soon able to express himself in it fluently and cor- 
rectly. His favorite studies were history, philosophy, and mathematics. He 
is represented to have been popular with his fellow-students, though he was 
naturally retiring and reticent. 

Many years after this, on the 2d of September, 1862, there was a general 
gathering at Augsburg of the graduates of the gymnasium — four hundred and 
fifty in number — in honor of their alma mater. Louis Napoleon was then 
Emperor of France. He sent to his ex-school-fellows, in token of his remem- 
brance, five hundred bottles of champagne, and five thousand francs (|1,000) 
to be distributed among the poor at Augsburg. The following letter accom- 
panied the gift : — 

St. Cloud, Aug. 30, 1862. 

Monsieur le President, — I have heard with the greatest interest of the 
assemblage of the former scholars of the Augsburg Gymnasium, who wish to 
celebrate by a banquet the memory of former student-years passed together; 
and I wish, as an ex-pupil, to take part, at least in thought, at this pleasant 
festival. 

I have never forgotten the time which I spent in Germany, where my 
mother found a noble hospitality, and I enjoyed the first benefits of education. 
Exile offers melancholy though useful experiences. It teaches us to become 
better acquainted with foreign nations, to estimate their good qualities at the 

* The King of Holland, Louis, after his abdication in 1810, retired into Styrie. When Aus- 
tria declared war against France, he left that province, and sought an asylum at Lausanne in 
Switzerland. There, in the midst of the great distractions which divided Europe, the philosophic 
king had no other ambition but to live obscurely in the bosom of his friendship. In 1814, when 
all Europe rose against Napoleon, he retired to Rome. Appointed peer of France in 1815, he 
took his seat in the Chamber as prince imperial. After the calamity of "Waterloo, new domestic 
griefs assailed him. 

" The annoyances of a legal process, into which he entered against Queen Hortense his wife 
to obtain his oldest son, inspired him with such disgust for the world, that from that moment, 
wandering listlessly, the sport of fortune, in Switzerland, in Germany, in Italy, tarrying for 
a time wherever he could find shelter from the political storms of Europe, uttering at each halt- 
ing-place cries of anguish from a heart ulcerated, wounded in its affections, he lived more than 
ever solitary and isolated under the name of Count of St. Leu." — Histoire Politique et Popu- 
laire du Prince Louis Napole'on, sa Vie, ses Actes, et ses Ecrits, par Emile Marco Saint-Hilaire, 
torn. iii. p. 72. 

t Napoleon III. and his Court, by a Retired Diplomatist, p. 15. 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 39 

right value; and, if we are afterwards so fortunate as to tread the soil of our 
native land, we still retain the most friendly recollections of the regions in 
which the years of youth were passed. Your meeting affords me the oppor- 
tunity to express these my feelings to you. Receive them as proof of my 
hearty sympathy, and the esteem with which I am your well-disposed 

Napoleon.* 

On one occasion, Louis Napoleon was visiting his aunt, the Grand Duchess 
of Baden. He was taking a walk upon the banks of the Rhine with his aunt, 
his two cousins, the Princesses Josephine and Maria, and several members of 
the court. The conversation turned upon the gallantry of gentlemen in olden 
time. The Princess Maria, a very spirited, vivacious girl, extolled in the high- 
est terms the chivalry of those ancient days when the knight took for his 
motto, "God, my king, and my lady;" and insisted that the gentlemen of mod- 
ern times had sadly degenerated. Louis Napoleon, with great ardor, espoused 
the other side of the question, affirming that the modern gentleman had no 
less of true chivalric devotion than the knight-errant of past ages. " In all 
time," said he, "this devotion has never been wanting to a lady who was 
worthy of inspiring it." 

Just as he had uttei-ed these words, a wintry gust — for it was winter — 
tore from the head-dress of his cousin Maria a flower, and swept it into the 
river. "There!" said the vivacious princess, pointing to the flower as it was 
borne rapidly down the swift and dark current of the stream : " what an excel- 
lent opportunity that would have been for an ancient knight!" 

"Ah, my cousin!" said NajDoleon, "it is a challenge, is it? Very well: I 
accept it." 

Immediately he plunged, dressed as he was, into the water. The river was 
swollen by the melting snows into a turbid flood. The grand duchess and 
the whole party were thrown into the greatest consternation as they saw the 
gallant young prince swept down the stream. They ran along the banks, 
shouting, in their terror, for help. But Napoleon, being a remarkable swim- 
mer, regained the flower, and, clambering up the bank, presented it with a 
bow to Maria, saying, " Here is the flower, my fair cousin ; but I entreat you," 
he added, laugliing, as he pointed to his dripping clothes, "for the future, to 
forget your knights of old." f 

In consequence of the partial reconciliation which had happily taken place 
between Hortense and her husband, the two young princes were now fre- 
quently together. Hortense spent her summers in Arenemberg, and her 
winters in Rome, where her husband resided. At Rome, her residence was 
the centre of the most brilliant and polished society of the city. Young 
Louis Napoleon here saw the most distinguished men from all lands, old 
friends of the empire, who never permitted him to forget the noble name he 
bore. Pauline Bonaparte, whom Canova pronounced to be the most peerless 
model of beauty, in form and features, to be found in Europe, and who had 

* Napoleon III. and his Court, by a Retired Diplomatist, p. 18. 

t Histoire complete de Napoleon III., par MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 24. 



40 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

married the Prince Borghese, also resided in the immediate vicinity; and 
Ilortense and her son spent much of their time with her. 

Prince Borghese, a descendant of one of the most ancient and proud of 
Italian families, was the inheritor of great wealth. He enjoyed from his own 
estates an annual income of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. In 
addition to this, he received a dowry with his young wife of two milliou 
five hundred thousand dollars. The marriage of Pauline, who was then the 
young Avidow of General Le Clerc, with Prince Borghese, was considered as 
one of the most brilUant alliances which had ever taken place in Europe. The 
lot of Pauhne was a very remarkable one. She had wealth, rank, beauty, health, 
brilliant intellect, and was endowed with almost every accomplishnjent. The 
prince had, in the vicinity of Rome, one of the most magnificent villas in the 
world. Such was the home which the young Prince Louis Napoleon enjoyed 
with his mother when they were in Rome. 

In reference to the reports which have been so extensively circulated 
injurious to the reputation of Pauline, the Berkeley Men say, " No satisfactory 
evidence has ever been adduced, in any quarter, that Pauline was not a 
virtuous woman. Those who were mainly instrumental in originating and 
circulating these slanders at the time about her were the very persons who 
had endeavored to load the name of Josephine with obloquy." * 

Sir Walter Scott, in reply to an infiimous story started by Fouche respect- 
ing Pauline and her imperial brother, says, "The gross and guilty enormities 
of the ancient Roman emperors do not belong to the character of Bonaparte, 
though foul aspersions have been cast upon him by those who were willing 
to represent him as in all respects a counterpart of Tiberius and Caligula." 

Pauline loved her brother Napoleon with devotion which has, perhaps, 
never been surpassed. Upon his downfall, she placed at his disposal all her 
fortune and her private jewels. She followed him to Elba; and when the 
captive was dying at St. Helena, without a relative permitted to be near him 
to close his eyes, she wrote to the British Government, — 

" The malady by which the emperor is attacked will prove mortal at St. 
Helena. In the name of all the members of the family, I ask for a change of 
climate. If so reasonable a request be denied, it will be a sentence of death 
pronounced on him ; in which case, I beg permission to depart for St. Helena, 
to join my brother, and receive his parting breath. I know that the moments 
of his life are numbered; and I should eternally reproach myself if I did not 
use all the means in my power to assuage the sufierings of his last hours, and 
l)rove my devotion to him." 

The government refused to remove Napoleon, but granted Pauline's re- 
quest to go to St. Helena. The permission, however, came too late: Na- 
poleon was already dead. 

In the villa of Pauline, young Prince Louis Napoleon was not likely to 
have the enthusiasm abated with which his mother had taught him to regard 
his uncle. Pauline was the idol of the brilliant circles which were gathered 
in her magnificent saloons. The old generals of the empire, the statesmen 

• The Napoleon Dynasty, by the Berkeley Men, p. 477. 



CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 41 

and the scliolars of those days of renown, were always welcomed to the more 
than regal hospitality of her home. Louis Napoleon silently listened to their 
conversation as they recounted the achievements of his uncle ; and, as he 
mused, the fire burned. 

Thus the period of youth passed away. The year 1830 came. Louis Na- 
poleon was then twenty-two years of age. In July of that year, as he was 
at Rome with his mother, the exciting tidings reached them, that the French 
people had again risen, and driven out the Bourbons. All Italy was instantly 
thrown into a tumult of insurrection. Before describing the scenes which 
ensued, we must turn back a few leaves of the pages of history. 




CHAPTER m. 



THE TREATIES OF 1815, AND THE ATTEMPTS TO OVERTHROW THEM. 

Invasion of France. — Congress of Vienna. — Anecdote, — Parcelling out of Italy. — Tlans of 
Napoleon I. — Carbonari. — Insurrection in Italy. — The Insurrection crushed by the Aus- 
trians. — Louis XVIII. : his Character. — The Countess de Gala. — Expulsion of Charles 
X. — Battles and Diplomacy. — Abdication of the King in Favor of the Duke de Bordeaux 
as Henry V. —Flight of the Royal Family. — Assassination of the Duke de Berri. — Strife of 
Parties. — Interview of Chateaubriand with the Orleans Family. — Speech of Chateaubriand. 
— Anecdote. — Enthronement of Louis Philippe. 

HEN, in the year 1815, the empire of the first Nai^oleon was 
demolished by more than a milhon of foreign bayonets, and 
the Bom-bons were forced upon France, the allies, having 
garrisoned all the fortresses of the subjugated kingdom with 
foreign troops,* assembled an army of one hundred and sixty 
thousand Russians upon the Plains of Chalons, At the signal 
of a gun, three cheers were given by this multitudinous throng. It was the 
despot's shout of victory, defiant and exultant ; probably the most awful roar 
of human voices ever heard upon earth: the thunders of that cry reverberated 
through France, and fell upon the ear of the enslaved nation as the knell of a 
hopeless doom. 

Alison, speaking of this event, says, " Even at this distance of time, those 
cheers sound, as it were, fresh in the ears of those who heard them. Their 
sublimity, like the roar of the ocean when near, and gradually melting away 
in the distance, was altogether overpowering, A general salute was then 
given by a rolling fire along the lines, from right to left : the Russians then 
broke from their lines into grand columns of regiments, and marched past the 
sovereigns in splendid array. ' Well, Charles,' said the Duke of Wellington to 
Sir Charles Stuart, now Marquis of Londonderry, 'you and I never saw such 
a sight before, and never shall again.' " f 

The allied sovereigns, having thus crushed the empire, with its principle, 
so obnoxious to them, of equal rights for all men, met in congress at Vienna 
to divide Europe between them : it was their great object so to re-organize 
the Continent as to render it impossible for the peojile again to rise in advo- 

* Les Traite's de 1815; Textc des Traite's et Conventions Diplomatiques de 1814, 1815, et 
1818 ; entrc la France ct des Puissance AUie's, Paris, A. Bourdilliat et Cie., e'diteurs, p, 125. 
t Alison, vol. iv. p. .545. 
42 



THE TREATIES OP 1815. 43 

cacy of those popular rights which had been so widely proclaimed upon the 
banners of the empire. 

This congress, taking its name from the year of its session, which was 
mainly 1815, was composed of a motley, discordant, contentious assem- 
blage, held together but by the single bond of a common hatred of those 
principles of equal rights for all which Napoleon had so grandly maintained 
in France, and which the masses of the people in all the nations of Europe 
were so eagerly coveting. This assembly of kings constituted the most 
formidable conspiracy against the rights of humanity of which we have any 
record. Truly does " The British Quarterly " say, — 

"The treaties of Vienna in 1815, though the most desperate efforts have 
been made by the English diplomatists to embalm them as monuments of 
political wisdom, should be got under ground with all possible despatch ; for 
no compacts so worthless, so wicked, so utterly subversive of the rights of 
humanity, are to be found in the annals of nations." 

The following incident illustrates the principles which reigned in this con- 
gress. Metternich, its presiding officer, gave a banquet. At the table, the 
conversation turned upon those principles of popular equality, for the advo- 
cacy of which Napoleon was then entering upon the long agony of St. Helena. 
After dinner. Lord Castlereagh and Metternich stepped out upon a balcony 
which commanded an extensive view of the surrounding country. Metternich 
pointed to the peasants — men, women, and girls — toiling in the fields, and said, 
"Behold, my lord, the true philosophy of society! — gentlemen in the parlor, 
laborers in the field, and an impassable gulf between them." 

There were personally present at the Congress of Vienna the emperors of 
Austria and Russia, the kings of Prussia, Denmark, Bavaria, and Wurtemberg, 
and a large number of grand dukes and princes. The Pope was represented 
by Cardinal Consalvi. Great Britain intrusted her interests to Lord Castle- 
reagh, the Duke of Wellington, and Lords Cathcart, Clancarty, and Stuart. 
The Bourbons of France were represented by Talleyrand and others. Met- 
ternich, the Austrian minister, presided over the deliberations. Most of the 
questions were decided by the five great powers, — England, Austria, Russia, 
Prussia, and the Bourbons of France. In some cases, the minor powers — 
Spain, Portugal, Sweden, Denmark, and Sardinia — were permitted to take 
part in the deliberations. 

We can refer to but a few of the measures of this congress as a specimen 
of the rest. The kingdoms of Italy Avhich Napoleon had aided the Italians 
to establish, with freedom of conscience and equal rights for all, were over- 
thrown, and the old and loathsome regimes of civil and religious despotisms 
were re-inaugurated. 

" The Encyclopaedia Americana," in a very able article upon Italy, says, " If 
the downfall of Napoleon is regretted in any quarter of the world, it is in 
Italy. This country had become destitute of every element of national life: 
its commerce was fettered by numerous political divisions, its administration 
poisoned and vitiated to a degree of which none can have an idea but an eye- 
witness ; the cultivation of the ground impoverished by the heavy rents which 
they had to pay to the land-holders ; science enslaved by the sway of the 



44 LIFE OF NAPOLEON lU. 

clergy ; the noblemen, distrusted by the foreign governments, and not admitted 
to offices of importance, had lost energy and activity : in fact, hardly any thing 
could be said to flourish, with the exception of music, and, to a certain degree, 
other fine arts. 

"Under Napoleon, every thing was changed. Italian armies were created, 
which gave birth to a sense of military honor among the people. The 
organization of the judicial tribunals was improved, and justice much b-tttep 
administered. Industry was awakened and encouraged. Schools received 
new attention, and the sciences were concentrated in large and effective 
learned societies. In short, a new life was awakened ; and no Italian or Ger- 
man who wishes well to his country can read, without deep interest, the 
passage in Las Casas' 'Memorial' in which Najooleon's views on tliose two 
countries are given. His prophecy that Italy will one day be united, we hope 
will be fulfilled. Union has been the ardent wish of Italians for centuries, 
and the want of it is the great cause of the suffering of this beautiful and 
unfortunate country." 

The following is the passage recorded by Las Casas, to which the above 
writer refers: " One of my great plans," said the emperor, "was the rejoining, 
the concentration, of those same geographical nations which have been dis- 
united and parcelled out by revolution and policy. There are dispersed in 
Europe upwards of thirty millions of French, fifteen millions of Spaniards, 
fifteen millions of Italians, and thirty millions of Germans ; and it was my 
intention to incorporate these several peoples, each into one nation. It would 
have been a noble thing to have advanced into posterity with such a train, 
and attended by the blessings of future ages. I felt myself worthy of this 
glory. 

" After this summary simplification, it would have been possible to indulge 
the chimera of the beau-ideal of civilization. In this state of things, there 
would have been some chance of establishing in every country a unity of 
codes, of principles, of opinions, of sentiments, views, and interests. Then, 
perhaps, by the help of the universal diffusion of knowledge, one might have 
thought of attempting in the great European family the application of the 
American Congress or the Amphyctions of Greece. ' What a perspective of 
power, grandeur, happiness, and prosperity, would thus have appeared! 

"The concentration of thirty or forty millions of Frenchmen was com- 
pleted and perfected; that of fifteen millions of Spaniards was nearly 
accomplished. Three or four years would have restored the Spaniards to 
profound peace and brilliant prosperity. They would have become a compact 
nation, and I should have well deserved their gratitude ; for I should have 
saved them from the tyranny by which they are now oppressed, and the 
terrible agitations that await them. 

" With regard to the fifteen millions of Italians, their concentration was 
already far advanced : it only wanted maturity. The people were daily 
becoming more firmly established in the unity of principles and legislation, 
and also in the unity of thought and feeling, — that certain and infallible 
cement of human concentration. The union of Piedmont to France, and the 
junction of Parm:i, Tuscany, and Rome, were, in my mind, only temporary 



THE TREATIES OF 1815. 45 

measures, intended merely to guarantee and promote the national education 
of tlie Italians. 

" All the south of Europe would soon have been rendered compact in point 
of locality, views, opinions, sentiments, and interests. In this state of things, 
what would have been the weight of all the nations of the north ? What 
human efforts could have broken through so strong a barrier? The concen- 
tration of the Germans must have been effected more gradually, and there- 
fore I had done no more than simplify their monsti-ous complication. How 
happens it that no German pruice has yet formed a just notion of the spirit 
of his nation, and turned it to good account? Certainly, if Heaven had 
made me a prince of Germany, amid the critical events of our times, I should 
infallibly have governed the thirty millions of Germans combined. 

" At all events, this concentration will be brought about sooner or later by 
the very force of events. The impulse is given ; and I think, that, since my 
fall and the destruction of my system, no grand equilibrium can possibly be 
established in Europe, except by the concentration and confederation of the 
principal nations. The sovereign, who, in the first great conflict, shall 
sincerely embrace the cause of the people, will find himself at the head of 
all Europe, and may attempt whatever he pleases." 

Such was the condition of Italy, and. such the plans of Napoleon, at the 
time of his downfall. As the Italians had, for a short time, enjoyed the bless- 
ings of a government instituted for the benefit of the masses of the people, 
it was well known that they would be restive under the tyranny re-imposed 
upon them. Italy was therefore cut up by the allies at Vienna into frag- 
ments, and so parcelled out as to render any rising of the people almost 
impossible. 

The Emperor of Austria received the territory of Venetia, and the whole 
of Lombardy as far westward as the Ticino. These two provinces, containing 
over seventeen thousand square miles and above five millions of inhabitants, 
he organized into a monarchy, which he called the Lorabardo- Venetian king- 
dom. This realm the Emperor of Austria governed through one of the 
Austrian dukes, who was constituted viceroy at Milan. From the people, 
thus enslaved, Austria extorted an annual revenue of one hundred and seventy 
million livres, — about thirty-four million dollars. 

The little province of Modena, which was about as large as the State of 
Delaware, was reconstituted into a duchy, and was conferred upon one of the 
nephews of the Austrian emperor. The duchy contained a population of 
about five hundred thousand, and afforded a revenue of one million five 
hundred thousand dollars. 

Parma was also re-organized into a duchy of about the same size and popu- 
lation as Modena. Its government and revenues were conferred upon Maria 
Louisa, the daughter of Fi-ancis I., who had been either voluntarily or invol- 
untarily separated from Napoleon, her husband, and carried back to her parental 
home. The grand duchy of Tuscany, being a thousand square miles larger 
than the State of Massachusetts, with a population of one and a half millions 
and a revenue of five millions, was given to the Austrian emperor's son, 
Ferdinand. The States of the Church, consisting of nineteen departments, 



46 LIFE OF NAPOLEON ILL. 

with a total area of seventeen thousand square miles, being about twice as 
lai-ge as the State of New Jersey, with a population of about three millions, 
were restored to the temporal dominion of the Pope. 

From the lower part of Italy the kingdom of Naples was cut off, contain- 
ing about forty-two thousand square miles, being about the size of the State 
of Louisiana, and given back to that hoary debauchee, Ferdinand, who had 
married a daughter of the Austrian emperor, and who was as merciless and 
contemptible a tyrant as ever sat upon a throne. 

Sardinia, on the extreme western- frontier of Italy, and bordering upon 
France, was a realm about two hundred miles long and two hundred and 
forty broad. It contained a population of four and a half millions. Its an- 
nual revenue has been nearly thirty millions of dollars. This little kingdom, 
with the addition of Piedmont, Savoy, and the provinces of Genoa, was as- 
signed to Victor Emanuel I., who had for some time possessed, as his lilipu- 
tinn realm, simply the Island of Sai'dinia. 

Thus it will be seen that the whole of Italy, with the exception of Sardinia, 
was surrendered to Austria, and was virtually cut up into provinces of the 
Austrian Empire. Every privilege which the Italian people had gained in the 
line of popular rights was taken from them ; and they were delivered, bound 
hand and foot, to their old masters. 

Five years passed away, during which the discontent of the Italian people 
rapidly increased. In Naples, which, under tlie beneficent reign of Joseph 
Bonaparte and Murat, had enjoyed the Code Napoleon, Ferdinand re-instituted 
all tlie tyranny of the old regime. The taxes were increased. All the public 
works which the French had planned were neglected, and many which they 
had executed were permitted to fall into decay. The education of the people 
was entirely abandoned; for the funds which had been appropriated for that 
object were needed to supply the voluptuousness of the court. 

In defiance of dungeons and death, the murmurs of the Italian people grad- 
ually became so loud, that it was manifest to all observers that troubles were 
at hand. A secret society was organized, or rather revived, called the Car- 
bonari. The object of this society was to liberate Italy from Austrian sway, 
and to establish a monarchy, with a constitution which would insure civil and 
religious liberty. This society spread with such unprecedented rapidity, that 
it is said, that in the month of March, 1820, six hundred and fifty thousand 
members were admitted. Louis Napoleon and his brother both enrolled their 
names on the list of this secret and formidable association, though we do not 
know the precise date of their membership. Nearly the whole genius, intelli- 
gence, and patriotism of Italy were to be found in the ranks of the Carbo- 
nari.* 

This powerful organization had its branches all over Europe. "It is now 
known," snys Alison, "by the best of all evidence, — the admission of their ablest 
and best-informed partisans, — that, during the whole restoration, the Liberal 
party were engaged in one vast conspiracy for the overthrow of the elder 
branch of the house of Bourbon."t The most renowned leaders of this party, 

* See Encyclopaedia Americana, art. " Carbonari." 
t Alison, vol. ii. p. 183. 



THE TREATIES OF 1815. 47 

such as General Lafayette, B. Constant, M. Manuel, were enlisted in this effort. 
Louis Blanc informs us that the Carbonari, in a very short space of time, spread 
through all the quarters of Paris. It invaded all the schools. A penetrating 
fire seemed to circulate through the veins of the young men. Every one kept 
his secret. Every one proved himself a devotee. The duties of the Carbo- 
nari were to have a musket and fifty cartridges, and to be ready to devote them- 
selves, with blind obedience, to the orders of their unknown chief There 
was, at that time, a parliamentary committee to which Lafayette belonged, 
Lafayette joined the Carbonari, and many of his colleagues followed him. 

Such vigorous measures were adopted by this secret society, tliat, in the last 
months of the year 1821, all things were prepared for insurrections in nine of 
the most important cities of France. The basis of a constitution was drawn 
up. A provisional government was organized of five directors, with Lafliyette 
at their head. This attempt, however, at a revolution, was a failure.* 

In Italy, the insurrection burst forth at Avalino, about fifty miles west of 
Naples, in the month of July, 1820. The soldiers at that post promptly fra- 
ternized with the insurgent people. The emeute spread like wildfire, and the 
court at Naples Avas plunged into coasternation. The students, the profes- 
sional men, the whole intelligent class, and nearly entire regiments of native 
soldiers, rallied to the cry of "The Constitution!" The king, in his terror, 
yielded, and took an oath, sanctioned by all the solemnities of religion, to 
adopt and maintain a free constitution founded upon the principles of the 
Code Napoleon. 

The success of this movement in the kingdom of Naples roused the people 
in the Papal States. Nearly the whole population sprang to arras. They were, 
however, mercilessly shot down by the well-trained troops; and the movement 
was drowned in blood. 

In Sardinia, the insurrection was still more serious. This little kingdom was 
directly on the eastern border of France. A large portion of its ten-itory had 
been attached to the empire under Napoleon. Very many of the people were 
thoroughly imbued with those popular political pi-inciples which Napoleon had 
infused into all the governments of Em-ope over which he had obtained an 
influence. 

In Sardinia, as in France, and as in other portions of Italy, the most influ- 
ential part of the community, including the educated classes, the ofiicers of 
the army, and the merchants, were members of the Carbonari. The standard 
of rebellion against the aristocratic institutions which the treaties of 1815 had 
imposed upon them was first raised by tlie students in the small town of Ar- 
dennes. The whole of the little kingdom was immediately thrown into com- 
motion. There seemed to be entire unanimity in the resolve to throw off the 
yoke of absolutism, and to establish a constitutional monarchy. In Turin, the 
capital, the insurrection was so general and formidable, and the cry rang so 
menacingly through the streets, "Death to the Austrians! " that the Austrian 
troops which had been left to garrison the city precipitately retired. The 
Italian tricolor, green, red, and blue, was hoisted on the ramparts of the cita- 
del in the midst of a scene of indescribable tumult and enthusiasm. 

* Louis Blanc. Histoire de Dix Ans du E^gne de Louis Philippe, i. pp. 97-99. 



48 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

In this emergency, the King of Sardinia held a long conference with his 
cabinet and the princes of the royal family, which continued through the 
whole night. He was greatly embarrassed, for he was powerless to resist 
the unanimous demands of the people ; but, before the allies had allowed him 
to assume the crown of Sardinia, they extorted from him an oath of fidelity 
to the political principles which they advocated. To grant the constitution 
was inevitable war, not only Avith Austria, but vnth all the despotic powers 
which were banded together in the Holy Alliance to prevent the people from 
asserting their rights. 

In this dilemma, the king decided to abdicate. He transmitted the crown 
to his brother, Charles Felix, who was then at Modena. Charles Albert, Prince 
of Carigan, was appointed regent. The abdicated king, with the royal fomily 
and a large escort, left Turin for Nice. The new government immediately 
adopted the constitution which the people were so impetuously demanding. 

Thus both Naples and Sardinia had broken from the treaties of 1815, and 
were instituting governments which contained the germs, at least, of civil and 
religious liberty. This, however, was but the commencement of the arduous 
work which they had undertaken. Russia, Austria, and Prussia had signed 
in Paris, in September, 1815, a treaty of what they called a Holy Alliance, in 
which they mutually pledged the whole power of their military organization 
to crush any uprisings of the people in favor of liberty, — an alliance which 
Lord Brougham truly stigmatized as "nothing but a convention for the en- 
slaving of mankind under the mask of piety and religion."* 

Austria immediately appealed to Russia and Prussia to aid in quelling the 
popular movement in Italy. Nearly the whole military force of Austria was 
instantly in motion, crowding by forced marches, through the defiles of the 
Tyrol, upon the plains of doomed Italy. The Prussian army followed behind. 
In their rear came pressing on one hundred thousand Russian troops. In the 
words of the treaty, "The three allied sovereigns, regarding themselves but as 
delegates appointed by Providence to govern three branches of the same fam- 
ily, — to wit, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, — will render to each other, on 
every occasion and under all circumstances, assistance, aid, and succor." 

The storm, resistless as the avalanche, fell first upon Naples. The treacher- 
ous King Ferdinand, who had reluctantly granted the constitution, fled from 
his kingdom, joined the Austrian army, and came back in the rear of its bat- 
teries. A few sanguinary and hopeless conflicts terminated the strife. The 
banners of liberty were trampled in the dust, the constitution torn to shreds, 
and all the leading patriots were sent to the galleys, or shot or hanged. Forty- 
two thousand Austrian troops, including seven thousand cavalry, were placed 
in the fortresses of the reconquered kingdom to hold the people in subjection. 
And now the "Holy Allies" directed the march of their armies to Sardinia 
to settle the account with that unhappy realm. What could Sardinia do to 
resist Austria, Russia, and Prussia united? Not the shadow of a hope re- 
mained. The Austrians, in overpowering numbers, took possession of the 
realm. The new king, Charles Felix, joined them at Novara, aided them in 

* Les Traites de 1815, A. Boudilliat et Cie., fediteure, p. 107. Paris, 1859. 



THE TREATIES OF 1815. 45j 

recapturing the Piedmont fortresses, and, at the head of their cohmms, made 
his public entrance into Turin. The popular cause was as effectually crushed 
in Sardinia as in the kingdom of Naples, and the old authority of absolutism 
re-established. Confiscations and executions followed mercilessly. Austrian 
detachments were placed in all the principal fortresses. The Sardinians were 
compelled to support these foreign troops at an expense of a hundred thou- 
sand dollars a month, and thirteen thousand rations dally.* 

Thus terminated the first efforts of the Italians, in the years 1820 and 1821, 
to throw off the yoke imposed upon them by the treaties of 1815. At this 
time, Louis Napoleon was but twelve years of age. Busily engaged in his 
studies at Arenemberg, he could take no part in the strife; though it is very 
certain that the sympathies of the thoughtful child were with the patriot Ital- 
ians, who were so heroically struggling to regain the popular lights of which 
the allies had deprived them. Ten years more passed away, while France and 
all Europe were held in the chains imposed by the Congress of Vienna. 

Upon the overthrow of Napoleon, the allies had placed Louis XVIII. upon 
the throne of France. The proud nation felt indignant and disgraced in hav- 
ing a king imposed upon them by foreigners ; but allied Europe had con- 
quered France, and submission was inevitable. 

"Although the age and infirmities of the king," says Alison, "prevented him 
from becoming the slave of the passions which had disgraced so many of his 
race, and his disposition had always made him more inclined to the pleasures 
of the table than to those of love, yet he was by no means insensible to fe- 
male charms, and was extremely fond of the conversation of elegant and well- 
informed women. He piqued himself, though neither young nor handsome, 
upon his power of rendering himself agreeable to them in the way which he 
alone desired, which was within the limits of Platonic attachment. 

" He had a remarkable facility in expressing himself, both verbally and in 
writing, in elegant and complimentary language towards them. He spent 
several hours every day in this refined species of trifling; and prided himself 
as much on the turn of his flattery in notes to ladies, as on the charter which 
was to give liberty to France, and peace to Europe. Aware of this disposi- 
tion on the part of the sovereign, the Royalists, in whose saloons such a per- 
son was most likely to be found, had for a long time been on the lookout for 
some lady attached to their principles, who might win the confidence of Louis, 
and insensibly insinuate her ideas on politics in the midst of the compli- 
mentary trifling or unreserved confidence of the boudoir. Such a person was 
found in a young and beautiful woman then in Paris, who united a graceful 
exterior to great powers of conversation, and an entire command of diplo- 
matic tact and address; and to her influence the future policy of his reign is 
in a great degree to be traced." 

This fascinating woman, Madame la Comtesse du Cayla, had been the 
school-companion of Hortense, under Madame Campan. She was now sepa- 
rated from her husband, in consequence of total want of congeniality of feel- 

* For n more minute account of these scenes, to which we here can only briefly allude, see 
Alison's History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon to the Accession of Louis Napoleon, voL i. 
7 



50 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

ing, and was residing, as a friend, in the family of the Prince of Conde. By 
stratagem, she was introduced to tlie king. He was -instantly dazzled by her 
grace and beauty. So admirably did she perform her part, that she obtained 
the entire ascendency over the mind of the weak old man, whose obesity was 
such, that he had to be wheeled about his room in a chair. Several hours 
every day she spent in the presence of the monarch, who seemed ever uneasy 
when she was out of his sight. By this secret influence the king was gov- 
erned, and the destinies of France controlled. Such was the man in whose 
hands the allies had placed the sceptre which the French people, by the voice 
of universal suffrage, had intrusted to Napoleon* In 1824, Louis XVIII. 
died; and his brother, the Count d'Artois, with the title of Charles X., assumed 
the crown. The French could not forget that he belonged to that Bourbon 
family whom they had already twice driven from the throne. 

The year 1830 had now come. Fifteen years had passed away since the 
allied armies of Europe had overthrown the empire, and restored the 
monarchy of the old regime. During all these fifteen years, the people of 
France had been growing increasingly restive under the galling yoke imposed 
upon them. Charles X., alarmed by the prevalence of liberal ideas, appointed 
a ministry, every individual of which was a known opponent of liberal princi- 
ples, and was especially obnoxious to the French people. The press ventured 
to utter loud and bitter remonstrances. The king, by the advice of these 
obnoxious ministers, issued a decree prohibiting the publication of any jour- 
nals or pamphlets but such as were authorized by the government. Alison, 
quoting from Lamartine, gives the following account of the scene witnessed 
when the ordinances were signed containing this decree. It was the 25th of 
July, 1830. 

"The ministers were deeply impressed with the step which was about to 
be taken : every countenance was grave and serious. Reflection had added 
to their anxiety, but had not taken away their courage. Prince Polignac, 
after reading the preamble and the ordinances, presented them to the king 
to sign. Charles turned pale. He hesitated some time before taking tlie 
irrevocable step. At length, after casting his eyes to lieaven, he exclaimed, 
'The more I think of it, the more I am convinced that it is impossible to do 
otherwise than I do,' With these words, he signed the ordinances. The 
ministers all countersigned them in silence : despair was painted on every 
visage. None really hoped any thing from the step ; but all felt it was a duty 
to take it. They did so with the resignation of martyrs, not with the spirit of 
conquerors." 

The ministry were acting insanely, but not blindly. The preamble of this 
coup d'etat shows that the government was not unaware of the wide exten- 
sion of liberal opinions in France, and that violent resistance was to be antici- 
pated. Prince Polignac, who was, for the occasion, both prime minister and 
minister at war, had in Paris an armed force of only 11,550 men ; and of these, 
in a contest with the people, he could only rely upon the Royal Guard, but four 
thousand six hundred strong. But Paris, in insurrection, could furnish two 

* Lciniartine, Hist, de la Restauration, vi. 290 ; Lettres de Madame du Cayla, pp. 39, 94. 



THE TREATIES OF 1815. 51 

Lundred thousanJ fighting men. Not only many of these were familiar with 
arms, but there was a disbanded National Guard, consisting of forty thousand, 
who still retained their weapons of war. In every town in France also, the 
masses of the people were unrelentingly hostile to the Bourbon government. 
Marshal Marmont, who was extremely unpopular in consequence of the part 
he had taken in the capitulation of Paris in 1814, was placed in command of 
the royal troops. 

On the morning of the 26th of July, the obnoxious ordinances were issued 
in the " Moniteur," and were also conspicuously placarded upon the walls of 
Paris. The excitement instantly created was intense. Crowds gathered at 
all the corners with anxious and agitated countenances. As the ordinances 
wei-e repeated from mouth to mouth all through the long hours of the beau- 
tiful July day, the gathering tumult and indignation indicated to every 
observant eye that a stonn was approaching. The leading statesmen, and 
editors of journals, and writers on the Opposition side, met to deliberate upon 
what was to be done. Thus passed the day. As night aj^u-oached, the 
tumult increased. Cries of "Down with the Bourbons!" "Death to the minij*- 
try ! " resounded through the gloom. The lamps lighting the city were extiii 
guished. The pavements were torn up, carts overturned, and furniture 
thrown from the windows to construct barricades in the streets. Arms and 
ammunition were obtained, and military companies hastily organized. Crowds 
of students from the military schools swept the streets, shouting the Marsel- 
laise Hymn, thousands swelling the chorus, — 

" To arms, to arms, ye brave ! 

The avenging sword unsheathe : 
March on, march on ! all hearts resolved 

On liberty or death." 

The next morning, the 27th, Paris presented the spectacle of a camp. The 
whole distance of the Boulevards, from the Place de la Bastille to the Made- 
leine, was thronged with excited multitudes, many of whom were armed. The 
alarm-bells were ringing, the tricolored flag was unfurled, and it was manifest 
that somewhere there was an intellectual head, — a power organizing and 
directing the majestic movement. In fact, the leaders of the Liberal party, 
thirty in number, most of them members of the Chamber of Deputies, and 
many of them bearing the most distinguished names in France, were secretly 
assembled in anxious deliberation. The sound of discharges of musketry 
were heard in the streets. The people and the royal troops were in various 
places coming into collision. The strife grew more general and desperate as 
night approached, the people everywhere in their frantic strength and over- 
powering numbers gaining the advantage. 

As the king's troops, infantry and cavalry, endeavored to clear the streets, 
wherever they encountered the barricades they were assailed by a murder- 
ous fire from the windows and roofs of the adjacent houses. Another night 
came, the night of the.27lh. Both parties in silence gathered their strength 
for the renewal of the strife on the morrow. 



52 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

The morning of the 28th ushered in a day of terror and of blood. The 
royi.l troops, ah-eady compelled to act on the defensive, were concentred at 
the Tuileries. From all directions, through all the avenues, the mighty mass 
of an insurgent population rolled on to the point of attack. From the towers 
of Notre Dame, from the Hotel de Ville, from the spires of twenty churclies, 
the tricolor banner was floating in the air. Then ensued scenes of tumult 
and of carnage which cannot be described: everywhere the people were 
becoming stronger, the king's forces weaker. A Provisional Government was 
established by the leaders of the insurgents. 

Again night closed upon the dreadful scene. The king and the royal family 
were at Si. Cloud, a few miles out from Paris. With his spy-glass, the king 
could see the tricolor, the symbol of successful rebellion, floating from the 
summit of Notre Dame. It was a sleepless and melancholy night to the royal 
family. Each hour seemed to toll the knell of the Bourbon dynasty. 

On the morning of the 29th, General Marmont found liimself in the Car- 
rousel with bilt five thousand effective men and eight guns. Many of his troops 
had passed over to the people. An army of one hundred thousand comba- 
tants, well armed, and many well disciplined, were crowding upon him. 
Lafayette, Gnizot, Thiers, were counselling and aiding in the movement. 
The National Guard was re-established, and Lafayette appointed its com- 
mander-in-chief. The king and his ministers were declared to be the ene- 
mies of the nation. The battle was brief, desperate, bloody : the Louvre was 
stormed. The royal troops were driven pell-mell out of the Carrousel, through 
the Tuileries, into the garden, and thence into the Champs Elysees, from which 
they slowly retreated toward St. Cloud. General Marmont galloped across the 
Bois de Boulogne, and informed the king of the discomfiture, the evacuation, 
and the retreat. The Bourbon dynasty, which had been forced upon France 
by the allied sovereigns at the expense of millions of money and of lives, 
was again overthrown. The Provisional Government, established at the Hotel 
de Ville, issued a proclamation, declaring that " Charles X. has ceased to 
reign in France." 

The king and court fled to Rambouillet, where they arrived at midnight in 
the deepest dejection, accompanied by twelve thousand of the Royal Guard, 
who had been assembled from various posts for their escort. Here the king 
issued a decree, abdicating the throne in favor of his grandson, the Duke of 
Bordeaux, who was to be recognized under the title of Henry V. But it was 
now too late even for this compromise. As the proclamation was made known 
to the inflamed multitude, with one voice they cried, " It is not for Henry 
y. that we have fought. Down with the Bourbons!" 

The king was soon informed that eighty thousand men had issued from 
Paris, and were on the march to attack him. Orders were immediately 
issued for the departure of the court for Cherbourg, where the royal fiimily 
would embark to take refuge in England. The next morning, the long cor- 
tege of carriages, escorted by a small body of the National Guard, was wind- 
ing its mournful way through the remote provinces of the kingdom to find in 
foreign lands a refuge and a grave. The journey occupied twelve days. 
Though the revolution which had proved so triumphant in Paris had spread 



THE TREATIES OF 1815. 53 

ihrougiiout the whole of France, still the generous people, when they wit- 
nessed the utter diseorafiture of their fxlleu monarch, manifested no disposition, 
by arrest or insult, to add to his anguish. 

The tricolored flag was floating from every turret, proclaiming that the 
Bourbon power was at an end in France. The royal family darkened the 
windows of their carriages, and in silence and tears continued their flight 
until they reached Cherbourg : there the king dismissed his faithful guard 
with words broken by sobs, and with the court embarked to take refuge i** 
the ancient palace of Holyrood, in Scotland, which had been kindly oflTered tu 
them by the British Government. 

Though the king bad fled from France, he had by no means relinquisheil 
the idea that his grandson, the Duke of Bordeaux, in whose favor he had 
abdicated, was yet to regain the crown. This young prince was then ten 
years of age. As the king took leave of his guard, and received from them 
their banners, he said, "These standards which I now take, this child will one 
day restore Lo you." 

As this pimce, notwithstanding his tliirty-seven years of exile, is still re- 
garded by the old Bourbon party as the legitimate sovereign of France, under 
the title of Henry V.; as his mother soon made an heroic and desperate 
Bndeavor to regain the crown for him; and as there is a party in France, 
ambracing all the advocates of the old regime^ who are watching for the oppor- 
tunity when they \iiay raise the banner of what they call legitimacy^ and 
place Henry V. upon the throne, — it may be well here to give a brief account 
of the nature of his caim. 

Louis XVni. had no son to whom he could bequeath his crown: conse- 
quently, by natural descent, it passed to his only brother, Charles, the Count 
d'Artois. The count had two sons, the Duke d'Angouleme and the Duke de 
Berri. The oldest son, tfiu Duke d'Angouleme, had married the only dangli- 
ter of Louis XVI. They had no children, and the duke was now fifty-five 
years of age. The second son, the Duke de Berri, had married the Princess 
Caroline of Naples. Their two first children died in infancy; their third was 
a daughter Mary, afterwards Duchess of Parma. As, by the salic law, females 
could not reign in France, the direct Bourbon line would become extinct by 
the death of the Dukes of Angouleme and of Berri, unless the Duchess of 
Berri should give birth to a son : consequently all the Legitiixdsts were 
exceedingly anxious for this event. 

In February, 1820, as the duke was leaving the theatre in company with 
tlie duchess, an assassin plunged a poniard to the hilt in his side, and he 
almost immediately expired. The blow was directed at the heir of the mon- 
archy, as the only one from whom the continuance of the direct line of suc- 
cession could be hoped. It so happened, however, tJjat the duchess was then 
enceinte. On the 20th of Septendicr, 1820, seven months after the death of 
her husband, she was delivered of a son, who was christened Henry, Duke of 
Bordeaux. The Royalists welcomed the birth of this child with every demon- 
stration of joy. It was in his favor tliat Charles X. abdicated. The Duchess 
de Berri and her child accompanied the fallen monarch to his retreat in Scot- 
land. The Duke d'Angouleme had waived his rights in favor of his nephew, 



54 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IL 

to whom Charles X. had bequeathed liis throne. Thus wliatever rights there 
might be in legitimacy pertained to the young Duke of Bordeaux : the 
Legitimists have, consequently, ever since regarded him as their lawful sov- 
ereign, Henry V. 

We must now return to Paris. The crown of France was drifting away 
upon the billows of revolution, and there were three parties endeavoring to 
seize it. These parties were just then so equally balanced in power, that it 
was difficult to say which would gain the ascendency.' The Republicans were 
])erhaps the most prominent. The populace in Paris were ready to espouse 
that cause ; but tliey had no efficient leader : and the more wealthy and edu- 
cated classes, entertaining a vivid recollection of the past reigns of anarchy 
and terror in France, dreaded the re-establishment of a form of government 
for which they felt that France was quite unprepared. The rural peasantry 
were also, almost to a man, opposed to a republic. 

The Napoleonist or Imperial party existed in smothered embers, which, 
though they might at any moment burst into a flame, still, at that moment, 
had scarcely any perceptible life. The remains of the renowned emperor had, 
for ten years, been mouldering beneath the sod at Longwood. All the mem- 
bers of the Bonaparte family had, for fifteen years, been banislied fi-om the 
soil of France, and were nearly forgotten. . The only son of the emperor, the 
Duke de Reichstadt, was pining away in consumption, soon to die, — a pris- 
oner, held by golden chains, in the palaces of Austria. He was then the im- 
mediate and direct heir to whatever rights Napoleon could transmit as emper- 
or of France, enthroned by universal suffi-age. There was no one to rally and 
lead the Imperialists, and the hour for the restoration of the empire had mani- 
festly not yet come. 

Should the young Duke of Bordeaux die, the direct branch of the Bourbon 
line would become extinct. In that event, the crown would pass to the Duke 
of Orleans, Louis Philippe, Avho was at the head of the collateral branch of 
the family. He was a man of ability, of wide experience in the school of 
misfortune, of much social excellence, and with strong tendencies to liberal 
political opinions. In addition to all this, he was possessed of immense o^states. 
being the richest man in France. As the life of a frail child of -ten years alone 
stood between the Duke of Orleans and the crown, a considerable party had, 
for some time, been adhering to him. 

The Duke of Orleans was on the ground : liis friends were all ready for 
action : the exigencies- of the case would admit of no delay. Lafayette, Gui- 
zot, Thiers, and all the rich bankers of Paris, earnestly espoused his cause, as 
the most effectual remedy for impending anarchy. For a long time, the scales 
of fortune hung equally poised. The Republican leaders were at the Hotel de 
Ville. The able men who were striving to secure the ascendency of the Duke 
of Orleans were privately gathered in the parlor of the mc^t wealthy banker 
of Paris, M. Lafitte. Two young men, M. Ladvocat and M. Dumoulin, were 
making a movement for organizing a party to proclaim the empire. Had 
there been, at that hour, an heir of the emperor in Paris to have unfurled 
the eagles, it is probable that the great mass of the people would have vallied 
around that banner with enthusiasm ; but for fifteen years, under the Bour- 



THE TREATIES OF 1815. 55 

bon reign, no mcj^iber of the imperial family had been permitted to enter 
France. 

Still, so great was the fear, on the part of the Orleanists, of any Napoleonic 
movement, that M. Thiers and M. Mignet, two prominent Orleanists, persuaded 
M. Ladvocat to desist from the attempt. The other, M. Dumoulin, being less 
pliant, was lured into an apartment of the Hotel de Ville for consultation. 
"He was seized, disarmed, and made a prisoner. " Thus the great name of 
Napoleon," says Alison, " that name which had so lately resounded through 
the world, and was still worshipped in secret by so many hearts, was scarcely 
heard in those eventful days." * 

There were, probably, more efforts made by individuals to bring forward 
the name and the claims of the heir to the empire than is now known. 
Unsuccessful efforts are soon forgotten. The son of Napoleon I., bearing the 
title of the Duke of Reichstadt, the immediate heir of whatever rights his 
father could transmit as the elected Emperor of France, was then, in reality, 
a captive at Vienna, the colonel of an Austrian regiment, prohibited, under 
penalty of death, from entering France. 

The Baron de Glandives, Governor of the Tuileries, had an interview with 
M. Lafitte, in which the wealthy banker urged him to give his support to the 
Duke of Orleans. 

"The Duke of Orleans!" exclaimed the baron indignantly: "what are his 
titles to the crown ? That boy whom Vienna has educated can at least 
invoke l^he memory of his father's glory. All must admit that Napoleon has 
written his annals in letters of fire upon the hearts of men. But what 
prestige surrounds the Duke of Orleans? Who knows his history? How 
few are there who have even heard his name ! " 

Very many who were in heart Napoleonists, discouraged by the fact that 
they had no leader in France around whom they could rally, divided ; and 
some joined the Repubhcans, and others the Orle.'Wiists. Consequently, the 
great struggle of intrigue, which for a time, it was feared, would lead to 
bloodshed and to almost hopeless anarchy, was between these two parties. f 

It is generally admitted, that, could the young Duke of Reichstadt have 
made his appearance at that time in Paris, he would have been, beyond all 
question, placed upon the throne. 

Anxiety sat upon every countenance. Talleyrand, Chateaubriand, and other 
distinguislied raembei's of the old Bourbon party, made earnest efforts in 
behalf of the young Duke of Bordeaux. Their plan was to constitute the 
Duke of Orleans Lieutenant-General of France during the minority of the 
son of the Duchess de Berri. A few peers cherishing these views had met 
at the palace of the Luxembourg. Chateaubriand, addressing them in a strain 
of poetic enthusiasm, exclaimed, — 

"Let us protest in favor of the ancient monarchy! If need be, let us leave 

* For a minute account of this great political struggle, see Alison's History of Europe from 
the Fall of Napoleon I. to the Accession oF Louis Napoleon, vol. ii. p. 398. A still more minute 
ac?ount may be found in the history of these eventful days by Louis Blanc. 

+ Louis Diane. Dix Ans de Louis Philippe, i. 298. 



56 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

Paris ; but, wherever we may be driven, let us save the king, and surrender 
ourselves to the trust of a courageous fidelity. If the question comes to the 
salvation of legitimacy, give me a pen and two months, and I will restore the 
throne." 

The Duke of Orleans, anxious to purchase the powerful support of Chateau- 
briand, had jfiered him either the mission to Rome, or the situation of min- 
ister of foreign aifairs, whiclie\ r he might choose. Chateaubriand, in his 
" Meraoires d'outre Tombe," has given the following very graphic account of 
his interview at that time with the Duke and Duchess of Orleans and the 
Princess Adelaide in the chateau of the Duke of Orleans : — 

"Madame the Duchess of Orleans invited me to take a seat near to her, 
and immediately said to me, ' Ah ! Monsieur de Chateaubriand, we are vei-y 
unhappy. If all the parties would unite, we might perhaps yet be saved,' 

"'Madame,' I replied, ' nothing is so easy. Charles X. and Monsieur the 
Dauphin have abdicated. Henri V. is now king. Monseigneur the Duke of 
Orleans is lieutenant-general of the realm : let him be regent during the 
minority of Henri V., and all is right.' 

" ' But, Monsieur de Chateaubriand, the people are very much excited. We 
shall fall into anarchy.' 

"'Madame,' I replied, 'may I be permitted to ask of you what is the inten- 
tion of Monsieur the Duke of Orleans? Will he accept the crown if it is 
offered to him ? ' 

" The two princesses hesitated to rei)ly. Madame the Duchess of .Orleans, 
after a moment of silence, replied, ' Think, Monsieur de Chateaubriand, of the 
evils which may befall us. It is necessary that all good people should co-ope- 
rate to save us from the republic. At Rome, Monsieur de Chateaubriand, you 
could render signal services ; or even here, if you do not wish to leave 
France.' 

" ' Madame is not ignorant,' I replied, ' of my devotion to the young king 
and to his mother.' 

"'Ah ! Monsieur de Chateaubriand, they have treated you so very kindly! ' 

"' Your Royal Highness,' I replied 'would not wish that I should give the 
lie to my whole life, — que je cUmentisse toute ma vie.'' 

" ' Ah ! Monsieur de Chateaubriand, you do not know my niece. She is so 
trifling! Poor Caroline! But I will send to call the Duke of Orleans. He 
can persuade you better than I.' 

"The princess gave her orders; and, in about a quarter of an hour, Louis 
Philippe came in. He was badly dressed, and had the air of extreme fiitigue. 
'Madame the Duchess of Ox-leans,' he said, ' must have told you how un- 
happy we are.' And immediately he commenced an idyl (une idylle) upon the 
happiness which he enjoyed in the country ; upon the life of tranquillity, in 
entire accordance with his tastes, which he passed, surrounded by his chil-. 
dren. I seized the moment of posture between two strophes {cVune pose 
entre deux strophes), in my turn, respectfully to crowd in a word (jjrendre la 
parole), and to repeat very nearly what I had just said to the princesses. 

"'Ah!' he exclaimed, 'that wa? my desire. How satisfied I should be in 
becoming the tutor and guardian rf that child ! I agree with you entirely, 



THE TREATIES OF 1815. 57 

Monsieur de Chateaubriand. To take the Duke of Bordeaux would certainly 
be the best thing that could be done : I fear only that events may be more 
strong than we.' 

"'More strong than we, ray lord?' I replied. 'Are you not esteemed by all 
the powers? Let us go and join Henri V. Call around you, outside of Paris, 
the Chambers and the army. At the first tidings of your departure, all this 
effervescence will cease, and they will seek shelter under your enlightened 
and protective power.' 

"While I was speaking, I closely observed Louis Philippe. My advice 
placed him ill at his ease. I read, written upon his face, the desire to be 
king. 

"'Monsieur de Chateaubriand,' said he to me, without looking at me, 'the 
thing is more difficult than you imagine. It cannot be accomi)lished. You do 
not know what peril we are in. A furious band can drive the Chambers to the 
worst excesses, and we have no defence. Believe me, that I alone restrain the 
menacing crowd. If the Royalist party is not massacred, it will owe its life 
to my efforts.' 

"'My lord,' I replied, 'I have seen some massacres. Those who have passed 
through the Revolution are inured to war: the gray mustaches are not terri- 
fied by objects which frighten the conscripts.' 

"Madame tlie Duchess of Orleans desired to see me again. 

" ' I pray that madame,' I replied, ' will excuse the vivacity of my words. I 
am penetrated with her kindness ; I shall ever retain a pi-ofound and grateful 
remembrance of it : but she will not wish me to dishonor myself. Pity me, 
madame ; pity me.' 

"She rose, and, leaving the room, said, 'I do not pity you, Monsieur de 
Chateaubriand ; I do not pity you ! ' " * 

The extreme brancli of the Republican party, the ardent Jacobins, lield their 
stormy meeting at the Restaurateur Lointiers, in the Rue St. Honore. They 
were ripe for any audacious measures. Heated with the fever of battle, and 
still grasping their weapons almost convulsively, they were ready again to face 
death rather than lose the results which they had souglit in the struggle. The 
Oi'leanists sent their most influential and popular men — the poet Beranger, 
with others — to win them over to tlie Orleans side. Bat these efforts were iu 
vain. Oue of the Orleanist orators narrowly escaped death from a pistol-shot 
.whicli wounded him iu the cheek, — the emphatic response of some ardent 
Republican to his arguments. At leugtli the Republicans sent a deputation, 
with an address containing the following words, to a body which had or- 
ganized itself at the Hotel de Ville with the title of the Provisional Govern- 
ment : — 

" The people yesterday reconquered their rights at the price of their blood. 
The most precious of these rights is that of choosing their form of govern- 
ment. It is necessary to take care that no proclamation should be issued 
which designates the form of government Avhich may be chosen. A provis- 

* Chateaubriand, Mcmoires d'outre Tombe, vol. ix. p. 352. 
8 



58 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

ional representation of the nation exists. Let it continue till the wishes of the 
majority of Frenchmen are known." * 

An armed band of a hundred students of the Ecole Polytechnique escorted 
a deputation which they had appointed to the Hotel de Ville, to order the 
President of the Provisional Government to sign a proclamation which they 
had prepared. M. Maguin refused. "What!" said the young man who led 
the deputation, "do you recoil? Nothing is so dangerous in revolutions as to 
recoil. I will have you shot ! " 

" Shot ! " exclaimed M. Maguin indignantly. " Shoot a member of the Pro- 
visional Government!" 

" Sir," replied the young man, leading him to the window, and pointing to 
his comrades below, '■Hhere are men, who, if ordered by me to shoot God 
Almighty, would do it." M. Maguin in silence signed-the proclamation. f 

Lafayette and Thiers were men of great ability and influence, and endowed 
with consummate skill to guide affairs in such a crisis. Lafayette, especially, 
had the confidence of the liberal party to such a degree that very many of 
them were willing, almost without question, to follow his lead. The vast 
wealth of the Duke of Orleans and of his friends placed at the disposal of the 
Orleanist party any amount of money they might need. The Chamber of 
Deputies was assembled ; and, as a first step, they voted to confer upon the 
Duke of Orleans the oftice of Lieutenant-General of France. The excitement 
of the contending parties was so intense, that it was much feared that the 
duke would be assassinated. At eleven o'clock at night, the duke in disguise, 
and accompanied by but two friends, also in disguise, left his rural retreat at 
Neuilly, and set out on foot for his princely residence in Paris, — the Palais 
Royal. He was summoned to Paris by the following resolution from a few 
members of the Chamber, who had met, and with much difficulty had obtained 
the passage of the resolve : — 

"The deputies at present at Paris conceive that it is essential to pray his 
Royal Highness, the Duke of Orleans, to come immediately to Paris, to exer- 
cise the functions of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and to express the 
universal wish that the tricolor flag should be resumed." \ 

At eight o'clock the next morning, a deputation called upon the duke at the 
Palais Royal to make him the formal offer of his appointment and to receive 
his acceptance. It is said, that with the greatest reluctance, and even with 
fear and trembling, the duke accepted the perilous position. In the following 
proclamation, he announced the fiict to the Parisian populace: — 

"Inhabitants of Paris, — The deputies of France at this moment assem- 
bled at Paris have expressed a wish that I should repair to that capital to 
exercise the function of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. I have not hesi- 
tated to share your danger, to place myself in the midst of that heroic popu- 
lation, and to make every effort to preserve you from civil war and anarchy. 
On entering the city of Paris, I bore with pride those glorious colors which 
you have resumed, and which I myself have long borne. The Chambers are 

* Monitcur, July 31, 1830 t Louis Blanc, i. 324. % Louis Blanc, i. 333. 



THE TREATIES OF 1815. 59 

about to assemble. They will consider the means of assuring the reign of the 
laws and the maintenance of the rights of the nation. A charter shall hence- 
forth be a reality. " Louis Philippe d'Okleans." * 

This proclamation was not at all satisfactory to many members of the 
Liberal party. The remonstrances in the streets were loud and threatening; 
and it was manifest to all, that, unless the government of the duke were 
immediately established, the experiment of a republic would be inevitable. 
A procession was formed to conduct the duke from the Palais Royal to the 
Hotel de Ville. It was greeted with but few acclamations from the crowds 
which filled the streets. When the procession approached the Place de 
Greve, an immense throng was found filling the square. The Republicans had 
assembled there in great numbers, prepared to give the duke a hostile recep- 
tion. Murmurs full of menace rose from the excited multitude ; many had 
loaded fire-arms; and it was seriously apprehended that the duke might be 
assassinated on the spot. Benjamin Constant and Beranger, earnest friends 
of the popular cause, exerted themselves to the utmost to restrain the passions 
of the people. 

" He is a Bourbon ! " exclaimed General Lobau : " I am not for him more 
than for the rest." f 

To obviate this feeling, which was general and strong, the Orleans commit- 
tee had placarded all over Paris a proclamation containing the surprising 
assertion, considering that the historians Mignet and Thiers were members 
of that committee, " Le Due d'Orleans n'est pas un Bourbon ; c'est un Va- 
lois," — "The Duke of Orleans is not a Bourbon; he is a Valois." 

The agitation in the crowd boded an approaching storm. The duke rode 
on horseback : he was silent, apparently calm, but deadly pale. A loud roll- 
ing of drums announced his ascent to the top of the staii-s, where Lafayette 
met him. After some brief ceremony, Lafayette led the prince out ujion a 
balcony of the window, and there, in token of his confidence and support, 
embraced him in the presence of the assembled thousands. It was upon this 
occasion that the marquis is said to have remarked to the duke, — 

" You know that I am a Republican, and that I regard the Constitution of 
the United States as the most perfect that has ever existed." 

"I think as you do," replied Louis Philippe. "It is impossible to have 
passed two years in the United States, as I have done, and not be of that 
opinion. But do you think, that, in the present state of France, a republican 
government can be adopted ?" 

" No," said Lafiiyette : " that which is necessaiy for France now is a throne 
surrounded by republican institutions : all must be republican." 

The ever-variable multitude raised shouts of applause. There was still a 
disaffected fraction of the Republican party left, headed by impetuous leaders. 
To Avin over those leaders, an interview was appointed between them and the 
Duke of Orleans. " If you should become king," said M. Boinvilliers, the 
chairman of the Republican deputation, " what are your ideas upon the treaties 
of 1815?" 

* Moniteur, Aug. 1, 1830. t Louis Blauc, i. 3.15. 



60 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

"1 am no partisnn," the tluke replied, " of the treaties of 1815; but w\3 
must avoid irritating foreign powers." 

" "What is your opinion of the peerage ? " 

"In hereditary aristocracy," answered the duke, "it is the best basis of 
society; but, if the here :litary peerage cannot maintain itself, I am not the 
man who will endow it. I w^as once a Republican ; but I have lived to be con- 
vinced that it is inapplicar.le to such a country as France."* 

The two parties separated, more alienated than ever. Tlie Republicans 
now made great efforts to get up another insurrection : bands of Democratic 
young men in a state of intense excitement patrolled the streets, calling upon 
the people again to rise to protect their endangered rights, and not to suffer 
a Bourbon king again to be imposed upon them by a clique of intriguers at 
Lafitte's, without any regard to the wishes of the nation. But all these efforts 
were in vain : the Republican party had neither wealth nor leaders. The 
more quiet portion of the populace still retained a painful remembrance of 
past scenes of anarchy and blood ; and all who had station to peril, or wealth 
to be endangered, were anxious for the speedy organization of almost any 
form of government which would save Fi-ance from the horrors of civil war. 

The majority in the Chamber of Deputies and also in that of Peers was now 
in favor of Louis Philippe. Still, in both Chambers, there was violent opposi- 
tion : the ablest speech made upon the occasion was that of Chateaubriand 
in advocacy of the legitimacy of the old regime. 

"A king," said Chateaubriand, "named by the Chambers or elected by the 
people, will ever be a novelty in France. I suppose they v,'ish liberty, — above 
all, the liberty of the press, by which and for which they have gained so 
astonishing a victory. AVell, every itew monarchy, sooner or later, will be 
obliged to gag that liberty. Was Napoleon himself able to admit it? 
Daughter of our misfortunes and slave of our glory, the liberty of the press 
cannot live in safety but under a government which has struck its roots deep 
into the hearts of men. 

"A republic is still more impracticable. In the existing state of our morals, 
and in our relations with the adjoining states, such a government is out of 
the question. The first difficulty would be to bring the French to any 
unanimous opinion upon the subject. What right have the people of Paris to 
impose a government by their vote on the people of Marseilles? What right 
have they to constrain any other town to receive the rulers which they have 
chosen, or the form of government which they have adopted? Shall we have 
one republic, or twenty republics? a federal union, or a commonwealth one 
and indivisible? 

"Do you really suppose, that, with your manners and ideas, any president, 
let him be as grave or authoritative as can be figured, will be able for any 
length of time to maintain his authority, except by force? Must he not soon 
be reduced to the necessity of making himself a despot, or resigning? If he 
have recourse to coercive meas u-es, the republic Avill become odious at home; 
if he give it full license abroad, it will become the object of terror, and bring 

* Louis Elanc, i. 359. 



THE TREATIES OE 1815. 61 

Europe to our gates. A representative republic may perhaps be the destined 
future of the world; but its time has not yet arrived. 

" Charles X. and his son are dethroned, or have abdicated, as you have heard; 
but the throne is not thereby vacant: after them a child is called to the 
succession, and who will venture to condemn his innocence? What blood 
cries for justice ? No one will venture to say his fither has shed it. The 
orphan he has left, educated in the schools of the country, in the ideas of the 
Constitution, and abreast of his age, might become a king with all the require- 
ments of the future. It is to the guardian of his youth that yon may commit 
the oath by which he is to reign. Arrived at majority, he will renew that 
oath in his own person : that combination removes every obstacle, reconciles 
every advantage, and perhaps may save France from the convulsions which 
attend too frequently violent changes in the state. 

" I know, that, in removing that child, it is said you establish the principle of 
the sovereignty of the people. Vain illusion ! which proves, that, in the march 
of intellect, our old democrats have not made greater advances than the parti- 
sans of royalty. It were easy to show that men may be as free and freer 
under a monarchy than a republic, were this the time or the place to deliver a 
lecture on political philosophy. After all I have said, done, and written for 
the Bourbons, I should be the basest of the human race if I denied them, when, 
for the third and last time, they are directing their steps toward exile." * 

At last, the vote was taken. France contained between thirty and forty 
millions of inhabitants. Less than one hundred men in the city of Paris, with no 
delegated authority to do so, undertook to decide upon a form of government 
and to choose a king for these millions. A few peers voted with Chateaubri- 
and ; but the result was, that, by a majority of eighty-nine to ten, the crown 
was offered to Louis Philippe. The brief ceremony of reading to him the 
Constitution, and presenting the crown, took place in the Chamber of Deputies. 

"I accept," said Louis Philippe, "without restriction or reserve, the clauses 
and engagements which that declaration contains, and the title of King of the 
French which it confers upon me." 

Thus was the Revolution of 1830 consummated, and the throne of Louis 
Philippe constructed. "And thus," says Alison, "did a small minority, not 
exceeding a third of either Chamber, at the dictation of a clique in the ante- 
chambers of the Duke of Orleans, dispose of the crown to a stranger to the 
legitimate line, without either consulting the nation, or knowing what form of 
government it desired." f 

* Moniteur, Aug, 3, 1830. t Alison, ii. 403. 




CHAPTER IV. 

XJNSUCCESSFUL INSURRECTIONS. 



Excitement caused by the Overthrow of the Bourbon Dynasty. — The Napoleonic Princes join 
the Italian Insurgents. — Letter of Louis Napoleon to the Pope. — Death of Napoleon Louis. 

— Letter to the Pope. — Letter from Prof. S. F. B. Morse. — Peril of Louis Napoleon. — De- 
votion of his Mother. — Their Flight. — Incognito Entrance to France. — Visit to England. 

— Return to Arcnemberg. -.-" Political Revei-ies." — Madame Re'camier. — Chateaubriand. 

— Death of General Lamarque. — Republican Insurrection. 

HE overthrow of the old Bourbon regime, and the est.ablish- 
nieut of a constitutional monarchy under the new dynasty of 
Orleans, was at first regarded as a decided step in the direction 
of liberal principles. This success in France excited the hopes 
of the Liberal party all over Europe. Every throne began to 
trerable. In Italy, especially, the commotion was almost uni- 
versal. In Milan, in the Papal States, in Modena and Parma, the people were 
roused to the most intense excitement. 

In December, 1830, several members of the Bonaparte fimily held a secret 
meeting in Rome. Madame Letitia, the mother of the family, her brother 
Cardinal Fesch, Jerome Bonaparte, Pauline, and Hortense with her two sons, 
attended the meeting. Tlie eldest of the two princes, Napoleon Louis, then 
twenty-six years of age, had married his cousin, the second daughter of Joseph 
Bonaparte. Tlie meeting took place five months after the expulsion of Charles 
X. from France, and the accession of Louis Philippe to the throne by the very 
questionable title of an appointment by a few leading men in Paris. 

What transpired at this gathering is not known ; but all Italy then was in 
a feverish state of excitement. A knowledge of the meeting came to the 
authorities of the Pontifical Government, and Louis Napoleon was ordered 
immediately to leave the Ecclesiastical States. Disregarding this command, 
lie was arrested, and conveyed to the frontiers under the escort of a mounted 
guard, and was compelled to leave the Papal dominions.* He immediately 
repaired to Florence, the capital of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, where his 
elder brother then resided with his father. Just as he arrived in that city, the 
insurrection broke out there. The patriots appealed to the young princes to 
lend to their cause the influence of their potent name and the aid of their 
swords. With enthusiasm, they both joined the insurgents struggling for the 

* The Napoleon Dynasty, p. 534. 



UNSDCCESSFUL INSURRECTIONS. 63 

liberation of Jtaly from the Austrian yoke. In allusion to this event, Louia 
Kapolpon thus wrote to his mother: — 

" Yonr affectionate heart will understand our determination. We have con- 
tracted engagements which we cannot break. Can we remain deaf to the 
voice of the unfortunate who call to us? We bear a name wliich obliges us 
to listen." 
, Tliere was, however, but little chance of success. Austria, strong in her- 
self, was almost invincible in the pledged support of the Holy Alliance. 
France could afford Italy no aid ; for Louis Philippe, in order to obtain recog- 
nition by the monarchies of Europe, had pledged himself to respect the 
treaties of 1815, and to suppress any propagandism of the revolutionary spirit. 
Gen. Athalin was despatched to St. Petersburg with a letter from Louis Phi- 
lippe to the Emperor Nicholas. 

"But before he arrived," says Alison, "the way had been prepared by the 
secret despatches of Pozzo di Borgo from Paris, wiio gave the most favorable 
account of the conservative disposition and determined acts of Louis Philippe, 
— the last barrier against the flood of democracy which threatened to deluge 
Europe. The French envoy met, accordingly, with a cordial reception at St. 
Petersburg; and though the emperor avoided any express recognition of the 
revolutionary principle of the right of the people to change their governors, 
yet he accepted Louis Philippe as a necessary compromise, and the best thing, 
which, under existing circumstances, could be admitted." * 

This was the state of feeling with all the European cabinets. Louis Phi- 
lippe caused himself to be regarded by them as arresting the revolution, and 
preventing the restoration of the popular empire in France, or the establish- 
ment of a republic. 

The insurrection in Italy, however, had but little chance of success. Aus- 
tria was at hand with her highly-disciplined army, ready to crush the insui"- 
gents. If more strength were needed, the holy allies — Prussia and Russia — 
were ready to move with their reserves. But the young men of Italy were 
sanguine, inexperienced, rash. Prince Louis Napoleon, then twenty-two years 
of age, urged that their only hope of success lay in prompt and desperate 
action, immediately assuming the offensive. His views, however, were not 
sustained by other leaders. They wasted precious hours in preparing to act 
on the defensive. The Austrians rapidly gathered in overwhelming strength. 
In one or two minor conflicts, the patriots were victorious ; but soon they Avere 
compelled to retreat before superior numbers. The elder brother, Napoleon 
Louis, on this retreat was taken sick from the exhaustion of the campaign, 
and died at Forli on the 27th of March, 1831. 

Jerome Bonaparte was then at Rome. Not believing it jjossible for the 
insurrection to succeed against the power of Austria, since Franco had voted 
not to intervene, he had sent his secretary, Baron Stocking, to endeavor to 
recall his nephews. Louis Napoleon wrote two letters, one to his uncle, and 
tlie other to the pope, which he sent to Rome by the baron. The letter to his 
uncle was as follows : — 

* History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon I. to the Accession of Louis Napoleon, vol. ii 
p. 405. 



64 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"Terni, Saturday, 1831. 
"My dear Uncle, — I must not describe to you our position here: it is 
honorable. The person you have sent, M. Stoelting, will tell you many things, 
undoubtedly, which will re-assure you, and enable you to see matters in their 
true light. He has done every thing in his power to induce us to return ; but 
we cannot do so. I entreat you to re-assure my parents. Believe, my dear 
uncle, in my strong attachment. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. 

«P. S. — I have advised M. Stoelting to return to Rome. I have given him 
a letter to the holy father. Moderation and respect for religion animate all. 
I have so many things to do, so many things to think of, that I jDray you to 
excuse me if my letter is so short. I fully recognize that your attachment for 
us has induced you to send M. Stoelting to us (to whom I have spoken very 
frankly) ; and I thank you for it, my dear uncle. I hope, indeed, that M. 
Stoelting will bring me back a response." 

The letter to the pope, Gregory XVI., was as follows: — 

"Very Holy Father, — M. the Baron of Stoelting, who has brought to 
me at Terni a letter from my uncle. Prince Jerome of Montfort, will inform 
your Holiness of the true situation of things here. He has told me that you 
were grieved to learn that we were in the midst of those who have revolted 
against the temporal power of the court of Rome. I take the liberty to write 
a word to your Holiness, to open to him my heait, and to enable him to hear 
language to which he is not accustomed ; for I am sure that the true state of 
things is concealed from him. Since I have found myself in the midst of the 
revolted States, I have been able to assure myself of the feeling which ani- 
mates all hearts. The people desire laws and a national representation ; they 
desire to be on a level with the other nations of Europe, — to be equal to the 
epoch. 

"They fear anarchy, and it will not appear; for every one, even to the hum- 
blest workman, is fully persuaded that there is no more happiness for men 
under the reign of anarchy than under the reign of despotism and of oppres- 
sion. If all the sovereign pontiffs had been animated with the evangelical 
spirit which they assure me would have guided your Holiness if he had been 
elected in a tranquil period, the people, less oppressed, less suffering, would not, 
perhaps, have been united with those enlightened parties, who, for a long time, 
have cast eyes of envy upon the condition of France and England. 

" Religion is everywhere respected. The priests, the monks even, have noth- 
ing to fear; and everything advances with order, calmness, and good faith. 
No robbery, no assassination, has been committed. The Romagnols, espe- 
cially, are intoxicated with liberty. They arrived this evening at Terni; and I 
render them this justice, — that, in the cries which they continually raise, there 
is never one against the person of the chief of religion. This is due to the 
chiefs, who are everywhere men the most highly esteemed, and who, on all 
occasions, express their attachment for i-eligion with as much force as their 
desire for a change in the temporal government. 



UNSUCCESSFUL INSUEEECTIONS. 65 

"The kindness of your Holiness to my family constrains me to inform him, 
and I can assure him upon my honor, that the forces organized, which are 
advancing upon Rome, are invincible. The chiefs and the soldiers are well 
appointed ; but they are far from wishing to do any thing which is dishonor- 
able. I shall be too happy if your Holiness will deign to reply to me. 

" It is very bold in me, since I am nothing, to dare to write to your Holiness. 
But I hope to be useful to him. It is the manifest and decided wish that the 
temporal power should be separated from the spiritual. But your Holiness is 
beloved ; and it is generally believed that your Holiness would consent to 
remain at Rome, with his riches, his Swiss, the Vatican, and permit a provis- 
ional government to be formed for temporal affairs. I declare the truth, upon 
my oath ; and I entreat your Holiness to believe that I have no ambitious 
view. My heart could not remain insensible in view of the people, in view 
of the prisoners released from Civita Castellana, who were everywhere em- 
braced and covered with tears of joy. The unhappy creatures ! Many of them 
almost died of joy, so much were they enfeebled, so much have they been 
maltreated. But that was not under the pontificate of your Holiness. 

"It only remains for me to assure your Holiness that all ray efforts are directed 
towards the general good. I know not what reports have been made to your 
Holiness: but I can give the assurance that I have heard nearly all the 
young people say, even the least moderate, that, if Gregory XVI. would 
renounce the temporal sovereignty, they would adore him; th.-it they would 
themselves become the most firm supporters of a religion purified by a great 
pope, and which has for its foundation the book the most liberal which exists, 
— the divine gospel. "Louis Napoleon Bonaparte."* 

Our distinguished fellow-countryman. Professor Samuel F. B. Morse, has 
kindly furnished the following interesting personal reminiscences of these 
days : — 

" ' Galignani's Messenger' of Dec. 13, 1866, contains the following extract 
from 'The London Times:' 'The Italians have been often unjust to the 
Eraperor of the French. They have been hard of belief, impatient, unchari- 
table. They may henceforth feel better disposed to do him justice. They 
must acknowledge in him their greatest, most unwearied, most generous 
benefactor. Whatever he may have been to other nations, and to the French 
themselves, to the Italians the emperor has always, at heart, been that Louis 
Napoleon who took up arms for Italy, and against the temporal power, five 
and thirty years ago. It seems as if some vow made by the bedside of his 
brother, dying in his arms at Forli at that juncture, swayed Napoleon's mind 
through life, and bade him go firmly, however slowly, to his goal. In all other 
measures, in any other home or foreign policy, the emperor had friends and 
opponents. Of any other good or evil that he may have done, others may 
share the praise or blame ; but the Italian game was played by him single- 
handed, and the game is won. Throughou* all France, in the emperor'« 

* Le Gouvernement Temporel des Papes, Juge par la Diplomatic Fran9aise, pp. 151, 152. 
9 



66 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

cabinet, at Lis court, in his household, Italy had only one friend, — a friend in 
need, and a friend indeed.' * 

" The above extract," writes Professor Morse, "from a fair-minded article in 
♦The London Times,' brought fresh to my mind incidents connected with 
my own travels in Italy, at the time when his Imperial Majesty Napoleon III. 
took up arms for Italian unity thirty-five years ago. 

« It was in the spring of 1831 that I left Rome for Florence, in the midst 
of the attempted Italian revolution of that year. My companions, besides 
two English gentlemen, were two Americans, — Lieutenant Williams of the 
army, afterwards an aide to General Scott, and killed at Monterey in our 
war with Mexico; and Mr. Cranch, son of Judge Cranch of Washington. 
Both of them, as well as I, had been students of art in Rome. 

" The day we left Rome was an exciting and eventful one to us. In the 
morning, we were at the headquarters of the Papal army at Civita Castellana; 
and in the evening, having passed over the interval between the two armies, 
we arrived at the headquarters of the Bolognese or Revolutionary army at 
Terni. We arrived at dark at the post-house, which was the headquarters 
of General Cercognani, who, being apprised that a party of Americans had 
arrived from Rome, invited us to share the accommodations of the post-house 
with him and his staff. 

" While at supper, the general introduced to us a courteous gentleman as 
the Baron Stettin, who, speaking English fluently, and having travelled exten- 
sively in the United States, made our evening pass very pleasantly. After 
conversing on a great vai'iety of subjects, he said to me, — 

" ' You are, perhaps, surprised to find me here at the headquarters of a 
revolutionary general.' 

" I replied, that, knowing his antecedents, there was certainly some mystery 
in the fact. 

"' Well,' said he, 'I will frankly tell you why I am here. The two sons of 
the late King of Holland, Louis Bonaparte, are here ; and their friends, anxious 
lest they should compromise their position, have sent me to persuade them to 
return.' 

"I, of course, manifested the surprise I felt in common with my com- 
panions. We could not but applaud the devotion and daring of the noble 
young men for a cause that appealed so strongly to all our sympathies for the 
long-oppressed Italians, and we could not but secretly hope that our courteous 
friend the baron might not be successful in his mission. 

" So strongly were our sympathies aroused in favor of the Italian uprising, 



* M. Thiers was bitterly opposed to the sympathy which Louis Napoleon ever manifested for 
struggling Italy. In his celebrated speech before the corps legislative on the 18th of March, 1867, 
he said, — 

"As for me, when distinguished Italians have spoken to me of unity, I have said to them, ' No, 
no, never ! For my part, I will never consent to it.' And if, at the time when that question 
came up, I had had the honor to hold in my hands the affairs of France, I would not have con- 
sented to it. I will say to you even, that upon that question, pardon me for being personal, the 
friendship, very ardent and sincere, which existed between Monsieur Cavour and me, has bwn 
interrupted." — Moniteur, March 16, 1867. 



UNSUCCESSFUL INSURRECTIONS. 67 

that our enthusiastic military companion, Lieutenant Williams, proposed to 
leave us to pursue our journey to Florence alone, while he offered his services 
to the commanding general ; and it was with difficulty that he was reasoned 
out of his determination, so suddenly formed from the impulse of a brave 
and generous heart. 

" We left in the morning ; and, on our arrival in Florence, we found that our 
intercourse at the headquarters at Terni had compromised us with the 
authorities, and we were peremptorily ordered to quit Florence in twenty-four 
hours. After much vexatious negotiation through our consul, we were found 
to be harmless artists, intent on study and the arts of peace, and not on 
revolution ; and we were then permitted to stay some months under close 
surveillance. It is needless to say that this attempt at revolution very 
speedily succumbed to the overwhelming force of Austrian intervention. 

" While in Florence, passing one day by the Church of the Trinity, I was 
attracted by the funeral decorations of the exterior of the church, and, enter- 
ing, found a lofty and splendid catafalco, upon which were the mortal remains 
of some distinguished person. On inquiry, I learned that the funeral 
solemnities were in honor of one of the noble brothers, the young Bona- 
partes. The other lives to see his earliest efforts for oppressed Italy, then 
baffled, at length crowned with success, and he himself occuj^ying the most 
brilliant throne of Europe, justly admired for his largeness of soul, and the 
unsurpassed wisdom of his prosperous administration." 

The spirit which animated the Italians at this time is exhibited in the fol- 
lowing spirited address from the revolutionary party at Bologna to the inhab- 
itants of Lombardy : " Fellow-citizens of Lorabardy, follow the example of 
France. Imitate the patriots of Central Italy. Break the shameful chains 
with which the Holy Alliance has bound you. We were slaves, and miserable, 
under the despotism of the priests ; but our oppressors were at least Italians. 
You are the slaves of foreigners, who enrich themselves with your spoils, and 
who every day render you more wretched. The day in which you rise against 
them, forty thousand of our compatriots will march to aid you to crush the 
Austrians. Do not delay. There is peril in hesitation. Display your courage, 
fellow-citizens, and despotism will fly from our beautiful country. Our coun- 
try, our liberty, our national independence, before all ! " 

Hortenso, hearing of the peril of her sons retreating before the Austrians, 
and also of the dangerous sickness of the elder, hastened with a mother's love 
to their aid. She met on the way General Amandi, the minister of war of the 
Itahan Provisional Government, who said to her, — 

"Your Majesty has indeed reason to be proud of being the mother of two 
such sons. Their whole conduct under these sad circumstances has been 
a series of noble and courageous actions, and history will remember it." 

The patriots, pursued by the Austrians, had retreated to Ancona, on the 
shores of the Adriatic. There the mother met her only surviving child. 
He was also sick with a burning fever. The Austrians were now gathering 
up prisoners from the routed and disorganized army, and mercilessly shooting 
them. Hortense was in an agony of terror. The Austrians were soon in pos- 
session of Ancona. Eagerly they sought for the prince who bore the name 



68 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

which despots have ever feared. They had set a price upon his head. But 
his mother succeeded in eluding all their vigilance, and caused the story to be 
circulated that he had escaped by water and taken refuge in Greece. 

" One evening," she writes in her memoirs, " a frail skift' spread sail, and no 
one doubted that it conveyed my son." 

While the Austrian police, deceived by this stratagem, believed that the 
young prince had crossed the Adriatic to the shores of Illyria, Louis Napo- 
leon, flashed with fever, and emaciated from grief and toil, in the costume of 
a footman, mounted behind the carriage of his mother, and protected by an 
English passport, succeeded in crossing the Avhole breadth of Italy, and in 
reaching Pisa on the eastern shore.* 

There was no place on the Continent to which Hortense could retire in 
safety with her son, now imiDlicated in a revolutionary rising against Austrian 
despotism. The young pi'ince had thus rashly thrown down the gantlet to 
the dynasties, and had drawn the eyes of all Europe upon him as the advo- 
cate of those principles which his uncle. Napoleon I., had maintained, and 
which all dynastic Europe had combined to crush. 

By a law of the Bourbons, enacted in 1816, the entrance into French terri- 
tory of any member of the imperial family was prohibited, under penalty of 
death.f But a revolution in France had now banished the elder branch of the 
Bourbons; and one renouncing the name of Bourbon, and taking that of Or- 
leans, sat upon the throne. Napoleon I., when in power, had been very gener- 
ous to the Orleans family. He had allowed the mother and the aunt of the 
Duke of Orleans to remain in France, and had settled upon them an annuity 
of six hundred thousand francs ($100,000)4 Queen Hortense had also, in the 
days of her prosperity, conferred upon the family many favors. She there- 
fore resolved, notwithstanding the decree of banishment, to throw herself 
upon the generosity of Louis Philippe. In her " Meraoires," Queen Hortense, 
speaking of these sad and eventful hours, says, — 

"At length, I arrived at the barrier of Paris. I experienced a sort of self- 
love in exhibiting to my son, by its most beautiful entrance, that capital of 
which he could probably retain but a feeble recollection. I ordered the postil- 
ion to take us through the Boulevards to the Rue de la Paix, and to stop at 
the first hotel. Chance conducted us to the Hotel d'Hollande. I occupied 
a small apartment on the third floor, du lyremier^ first above the entresol. 
From there I could see the Boulevard and the column in the Place Vendome. 
I experienced a sort of saddened pleasure in my isolation in beholding once 
more that city which I was about to leave, perhaps forever, without speaking 
to a person, and without being distracted by the impression which that view 
made upon me." 

Thus, after fifteen years of exile, Louis Napoleon returned to Paris a fugi- 
tive, proscribed, and in disguise, — the young prince whose birth in that very 
citj had been announced by salvos of artillery throughout the vast extent of 

* See La Vie du Nouveau Cesar, par Pierre Ve'sinier, p. 21. 
t The Early Life of Louis Napoleon. London, p. 17. 
I Napoleon Dynasty, p. 539. 



UNSUCCESSFUL INSUKRECTIONS. 69 

the empire, from Hamburg to Rome, from tlie Pyrenees to the Danube.* 
The prince and his mother had travelled incognito, and had taken the great- 
est care to conceal their names. Louis Napoleon was still sick, suffering from 
a burning fever. A few days of repose and careful nursing seemed to be abso- 
lutely necessary. Hortense, accordingly, immediately wrote a letter to Louis 
Philippe, informing him of her arrival in Paris with her son, and throwing 
herself upon his protection. She knew that he was aware of the very great 
favors which his mother and his aunt had received from her in the days of 
their poverty and proscription.! 

At the same time, Louis Napoleon, overjoyed to find himself once more in 
his own country and in his native city, wrote a letter to the king, entreating 
that he might be permitted to enter the French army as a simple soldier. 
Louis Philippe was greatly embarrassed. He was by no means firmly seated 
upon his throne. Any fiivor shown to the Bonapartes would excite the dis- 
pleasure of the dynasties surrounding him. The friends of the Duke of Bor- 
deaux were loudly calling Louis Philippe a usurper, and were plotting under 
the name of legitimacy — that magic word among the dynasties — to restore 
the crown to the child whom they regarded as the only lawful sovereign of 
France. Should Louis Philip])e give any indication of a movement towards 
liberal principles, he would bring all the moral influence, and perhaps even the 
physical power, of the monarchies of Europe against him. 

The heirs of the old Bourbon dynasty claimed the throne by that "divine 
right of legitimacy" which was almost universally recognized throughout 
Europe. The heirs of Napoleon claimed the throne by what they deemed 
the dioiner right of universal suffrage. Louis Philippe could fall back upon 
neither of these claims. His only title to the crown consisted in the fact that 
a few scores of men in Paris, in an hour of tumult and consternation, had very 
adroitly slipped the sceptre into his hands, without any authority from the 
nation so to do. Thus unstaTsly seated upon his throne, Louis Philippe could 
not consult the impulses of his heart, but was compelled to listen to the less 
generous dictates of prudence. He did not venture to call personally upon 
the queen, but sent Casirair Perier president of the council, to see her. 

" Sir," said Queen Hortense to Perier as he entered her apartment, " I am a 
mother. My only means of saving my son was to come to France. I know 
very well that I have transgressed a law. I am well aware of the risk we run. 
Yow have a right to cause our arrest. It would be just." 

"Just?" responded the minister : "no. Legal? yes." In consideration of 
the health of the young prince, the king consented, upon condition that they 
would preserve the strictest incognito^ that they might remain in the city one 
week. The king also granted Queen Hortense an audience. He spoke to her 
of his own exile and that of his fomily as having weighed so heavily upon his 
heart. " I have experienced," said he, " all the griefs of exile, and it is not in 

* Histoire du Prince Napoleon, par B. Renault, p. 75. 

t Sec the Letters of the Duchess of Orleans and the Duchess of Bourbon to Queen Hor- 
tense. — Histoire du Prince Napoleon sur des Doctiments particulias et authaitiques, par B. Renault 
p. 77. 



70 LIFE OF NAPOLEON HL 

accordance with my wishes that yours has not yet ceased." Hortense was also 
permitted to see the queen and the king's sister. Thus there were but four 
persons in France who were aware that Hortense was in Paris. The king waa 
so extreme in his caution, that no one was permitted, but himself and hia 
minister, to know of the presence of the young prince, though his wife and 
sister were aware that Queen Hortense was in the city. It was feared, and 
justly feared, as subsequent events have proved, that his name would rouse all 
Paris. 

While Louis Napoleon and his mother were at the Hotel Hollande, the 5th 
of May came, the anniversary of the death of the Emperor at St. Helena. In 
honor of his memory, large crowds gathered, as ever on that occasion, in the 
Place Vendome, surrounding the column with their homage, and covering 
the railing with wreaths of immortelles and other flowers. From his window, 
Louis Napoleon must have gazed with a throbbing heart upon this scene. 
The king and his minister became alarmed. Should the populace get an inti- 
mation that an heir of Napoleon was in the city, no one could predict what 
the consequences might be. The anxiety of the king became so great, that 
Queen Hortense was informed that she must immediately leave France, not- 
withstanding the continued sickness of her son.* 

The command was imperative. The sick prince was placed in a carriage, 
and they took their departure for England, that only safe asylum in Europe 
for all political refugees. This was the first visit of Louis Napoleon to Eng- 
land. He was then a young prince, twenty-three years of age, highly edu- 
cated, endowed with all manly accomplishments, moderately wealthy, and 
bearing an ancestral name whose renown had filled the world. He devoted 
himself with unremitting assiduity to the study of the practical operations of 
the institutions of England, and to the progress that great nation had made 
in all the wide fields of science and art. Thoughtful, retiring, pensive, and 
unusually mature, from the discipline of adversity through which he had 
passed and the intellectual and cultured society with which he ever had 
associated, he treasured up in his mind the knowledge he was acquiring ; even 
then cherishing the conviction that the day would yet come when he could 
render that knowledge valuable to his own country. 

In England, Queen Hortense and her son were the guests of the Duke of 
Bedford at Woburn Abbey. They were treated with great consideration by 
the most illustrious men of all ranks and parties. Several months were thus 
spent very pleasantly and profitably, thougli they were both in much uncer- 
tainty respecting their future movements. While in this state of perplexity, 
Louis Napoleon was one day much gratified by receiving from the authorities 
of the canton of Thurgovia a document conferring upon him the rights of cit- 
izenship. The paper bore the date of April 30, 1832, and stated as a reason for 

* For the above narrative, we are mainl}' indebted to the volume of J. B. Fellens on the Polit- 
ical and Private Life of Louis Napoleon. The Duke d'Anmale, in his Letter upon the History 
of France, gives quite a different account, stating that the sickness of Louis Napoleon was feigned, 
and that he was then in secret conference with the principal chiefs of the Picpublican party, and 
that his presence was known to all the ministers. — See La Vie du Nouveau Cesar, par Pierre 
V^sinier, p. 25. 



UNSUCCESSFUL INSUERECTIONS. 71 

this honor the many favors which the canton had received from Queen Hor- 
tense, who was kno^vn in her residence at Arenemberg by the title of the 
Duchess of St. Leu* 

The prince in his reply thanked them for the honor of being made " the 
citizen of a free nation ;" and, in the name of his mother and himself, expressed 
gratitude for the courtesy and kindness with which they had ever been treated. 
He also sent them, as a further testimonial of his esteem, two six-pounders, 
with complete trains and equipage ; and he founded a free school in the village 
of Salleustein.f 

This kindly feeling expressed by the Swiss induced them both to return to 
their beautiful and loved retreat at Arenemberg. But it was not easy to get 
there. They could not enter France without violating the decree of banish- 
ment, which exposed them to the penalty of death. Italy was closed against 
them. Hortense applied for permission to pass through Belgium and Brussels ; 
but this was forbidden her. The Belgian throne was then vacant ; and it was 
feared that the people might rally at the magic name of Napoleon, and place 
their crown upon the brow of the young prince. At length, Louis Philippe 
granted them permission to pass through the northern part of France, ])yo- 
vided that the queen should go disguised under the title of the Baroness of 
Arenemberg, and that they both should pledge themselves not to enter Paris.J 
On tliis journey they visited Josephine's tomb at Ruel, where Hortense now 
sleeps, by her mother's side, beneath a beautiful marble monument reared to 
her memory by her grateful son. 

Upon their return to their calm retreat amidst the mountains of Switzer- 
land, and on the shores of the Lake of Constance, Louis Napoleon passed a 
few months of tranquil enjoyment, with a heart which warmly appreciated the 
spirit of repose which surrounded hijn. From his fother, perhaps, he had in- 
herited a fondness for meditation and study. Though naturally a recluse in 
his habits, he necessarily saw much society ; for his mother's home was the 
abode of affluence and a resort for illustrious travellers. He pondered in his 
hours of solitude the memory of his uncle the great Emperor, and his grand 
deeds, which had now become mellowed by time. He studied his history and 
his works with a silent enthusiasm which absorbed his whole sensitive nature. 
The illustrious men of the day, who were continually visiting the chateau at 
Arenemberg, kept him well informed respecting not only all that was openly 
ti*anspiiing in Europe, but also of the secrets of courts. 

* The announcement was made in the following terms : " "We, the President of the Council 
of the Canton of Thurgovia, declare that the Commune of Sallenstein, having offered the right 
of communal citizenship to his Highness Prince Louis Napoleon out of gratitude for the nu- 
merous favors conferred upon the canton by the family of the Duchess of St. Leu since her 
residence in Arenemberg, and the Grand Council having afterwards, by its unanimous vote of the 
14th of April, sanctioned this award, and decreed unanimously to his Highness the right of hon- 
orary burghcrship of the canton, with the desire of proving how highly it honors the generous 
character of this famiiy, and how highly it appreciates the preference they have shown for the 
canton, declares that his Highness Prince Louis Napoleon, son of the Duke and Duchess of St. 
Leu, is acknowledged as a citizen of the Canton of Thurgovia." 

t The I'ublic and Private History of Napoleon III., by Samuel M. Smucker, LL.D., p. 44. 

t La Vic du Nouveau Cesar, par Pierre Vesinier, p. 27. 



72 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

It was now 1832. Louis Napoleon was twenty-four years of age. In these 
hours of calm, he wrote and published a pamphlet entitled " Political Reveries." 
The following extracts from this work will show what were then his views 
upon the subject of government: — 

" The more there is in a country of intelligence, the more men there are 
capable of commanding others, the more republican the institutions should 
be. The first wants of a country are independence, liberty, stability, the 
supremacy of merit, and competence equally diffused. The best government 
is that in which every abuse of power can be always corrected ; in which, 
without social commotion, without effusion of blood, both the laws and the 
chief of the State can be changed : for one generation has no right to impose 
its laws upon future generations. 

" In order that independence may be secured, it is necessary that the gov- 
ernment should be strong; and, that it may be strong, it must have the con- 
fidence of the people, so that it can have a numerous and well-disciplined 
army without exciting fears of tyranny on the part of the people, and so 
that it can arm all the nation without fear of seeing the government over- 
thrown. 

"In order to be free, which is but a consequence of independence, it is 
necessary that all the people, without distinction, should concur in the elec- 
tions of the representatives of the nation : it is necessary that the masses, 
who cannot be corrupted, and who never flatter or dissemble, should be the 
constant source froin which all power emanates. 

" In order that competence should be diffused through all classes, it is not 
only necessary that the taxes should be moderate, but that the government 
should have an aspect of stability, which will tranquillize the citizens, and give 
them assurance for the future. 

" The government will be stable when the institutions are not exclusive ; 
that is to say, when, not favoring any class, they are tolerant of all, and 
especially are in harmony with the needs and desires of the majority of the 
nation. Then merit will be the only reason for promotion ; services ren- 
dered the country, the only cause for reward. 

" From these opinions which I advance, it will be seen that my principles 
are entirely republican. Indeed, what can be more attractive than to dream 
of the empire of virtue, the development of our faculties, the progress of 
civilization? If, in my project of a constitution, I prefer the monarchical form* 
it is because I think that government better suited to France, since it gives 
stronger guai'anties for tranquillity, power, and liberty. 

"If the Rhine were an ocean, if virtue were always the only moving power, 
if merit alone secured promotion, then I should wish for a republic pure and 
simple. But, surrounded as we are by powei-ful enemies who have at their 
command thousands of soldiers who can re-enact among us the irruptions of 
the barbarians, I think that a republic would not be able to repel foreign 
invasion and to suppress civil agitations without having recourse to rigoi'ous 
measures which would endanger liberty. 

"I wish for a government which can secure all the advantages of a repub- 
lic without involving its inconveniences; in a word, a government which 



UNSUCCESSFUL INSURRECTIONS. 73 

shall be strong without despotism, free without anarchy, independent without 
conquests. 

"The following are the fundamental principles of such a constitution: 
The three powers of the State should be the people, the legislative corps, and 
the emperor. The people should have the elective power and the power of 
sanction; the legislative corps should have the deliberative power; the 
emperor, the executive power. 

" The country will be happy so long as there is harmony among these three 
powers; that is to say, when the opposition, which must ever exist in a free 
State, shall be but as the discord in music, which promotes the combined 
harmony. 

" Harmony between the government and the governed can only exist in 
two Avays, — when the people permit themselves to be governed by a single 
Avill, and when the chief governs in accordance with the wishes of the people. 
In the first case, it is despotism ; in the second, it is liberty. The tranquillity 
of the one is the silence of the tomb: the tranquillity of the other is the 
serenity of an unclouded sky. 

"The power will be always obliged to reign after the desires of the people, 
since the two Chambers will be immediately chosen by the people. There 
will no longer be any distinction of rank or fortune ; for each citizen will con- 
cur equally in the election of the deputies. There will no longer be any 
aristocracy of birth or aristocracy of wealtli : there will be only that of merit. 
The only condition in order to be an elector, or eligible to office, will be age, 
— a difference which relates only to capacity, since this is only developed with 
years. 

" The second Chamber reposes upon the same basis. One can be a senator 
only when one has rendered eminent service to the country. Thus the 
nation will be represented by two Chambers : the one will be composed of 
men whom the people will have judged most worthy to discuss its interests, 
the other of those whom the nation will have recognized as having merited 
well of the country. 

"The sovereignty of the people is guaranteed, because, at the accession of 
each new emperor, the sanction of the people will be demanded. If he refuse, 
the two Chambers will propose another sovereign. The people not having the 
right of election, but only that of approbation, the law will not present 
the inconveniences of an elective royalty, a constant source of dissensions : 
it will be, on the contrary, a surety against political explosions. 

"I Hatter myself that these ideas are more or less in harmony with those 
])rofessed by the most energetic party in France. That grand porti(;n of the 
nation is composed of the patriots ; and the patriots of the present d;iy are 
mostly Republicans. But although each one may have a beau-ideal of gov- 
ernment, believing this or that form most suitable for France, nevertheless it 
is a consequence of the principles of liberty to recognize, that, above all 
private convictions, there is a supreme judge, which is the people. It is for 
the people to decide its lot, to bring all parties into accord, to prevent civil 
war, to proclaim loudly and freely its supreme will. 

"This is the point upon which all good Frenchmen should meet, to what- 



74 LIFE OP NAPOLEON III. 

ever party tliey belong, — all those who wish for the happiness of their country, 
and not merely for the triumph of their own doctrines. Let those Carlists 
who do not make common cause with the traitors and the enemies of France, 
but who follow the generous ideas of Chateaubriand ; let those Orleanists 
who are not associated with the murderers of Poland, of Italy, and of the 
French patriots; let all the Republicans and Napoleonists, — unite before the 
altar of their country to await the decision of the people. Then we shall 
present to Europe the imposing spectacle of a grand people organizing 
itself without excess, which marches to liberty without disorder." * 

Such were the views which Louis Napoleon promulgated at this time. 
"It must be conceded," says Smucker, " that the constitution proposed by 
Louis Napoleon in 1832 has been retained by liim, in its leading ideas, 
through all his subsequent career, until it became, in a great measure, realized 
by the memorable events of 1852." 

In " The Memoirs of Madame Recamier,"we find the following account of a 
visit which she made with Chateaubriand at this time to the Chateau of Are- 
nemberg. "In August, 1832, Madame Recamier decided to make a trip to 
Switzerland, where she was to meet M. de Chateaubriand, who was already 
wandering in the mountains. She went to Constance. 

"The Chateau d'Arenemberg, where the Duchesse de St. Leu passed her 
summers, and which she had bought and put in order, overlooks Lake Con- 
stance. It was impossible for Madame Recamier not to give a few days to 
this kind and amiable person, especially in her forlorn and isolated position. 
The duchess, too, had lost, the year previous, her eldest son Napoleon, who 
died in Italy. 

" When M. de Chateaubriand joined Madame Rdcamier at Constance, he 
was invited to dine with her at the castle. Hortense received him with the 
most gracious kindness, and read to him some extracts from her own memoirs. 
The establishment at Arenemberg was elegant, and on a large though not 
ostentatious scale. Hortense's manners in her own house were simple and 
aflfectionate : she talked too much, perhaps, about her taste for a life of retire- 
ment, love of Nature, and aversion to greatness, to be wholly believed. After 
all these protestations, her visitors could not perceive without surprise the 
care the duchess and her household took to treat Prince Louis like a sover- 
eign. He had precedence of every one. • 

" The prince, polite, accomplished, and taciturn, appeared to Madame Reca- 
mier to be a very different person from his elder brother whom she had known 
in Rome, young, generous, and enthusiastic. The prince sketched for her in 
sepia a view of Lake Constance, overlooked by the Chateau of Arenemberg.. 
In the foreground, a shepherd, leaning against a tree, is watching his flock, and 
playing on the flute. This design, pleasantly associated with Madame 
Recamier's visit, is now historically interesting. For the last ten years, the 
signature of the author has been affixed to very different things." f 

It will be remembered that upon the overthrow of Charles X., in 1830, 

* QSuvres de Napoleon III., torn, premier, p. 371. 

t Memoirs and Correspondence of Madame Ec^imier, p. 346. 



UNSUCCESSFUL IXSUREECTIONS. 75 

there were four parties striving to seize the crown then drifting upon the 
waves of revolution. B irst the Legitimists claimed it for the young Duke de 
Bordeaux, as not only the legitimate heir whose claim was recognized by allied 
Europe, but as the one in whose favor Charles X. had abdicated. The Orleans 
party sought it for Louis Philippe upon the plea that political necessity pointed 
to him as the only one who could rescue France from anarchy. He alone, 
it was said, by his royal blood and his supposed republican principles, could so 
fur unite Legitimists and Republicans as to save the nation from civil war. 
" The Republicans," says Alison, " it is well known, held the thread of a vast 
conspiracy, which extended over the whole country, embraced a considerable 
part of the army, and even some of the guard, and was headed by men of tlie 
greatest talent and most revered names in France."* The Napoleonists 
claimed the throne for the heir of Napoleon, basing their claim upon the fact 
that the nation by universal suffrage had established the empire in the person 
of Napoleon and his heirs. According to this claim, the crown of Napoleon 
would first descend to Napoleon's only son, the Duke of Reichstadt, then (in 
1830) a young man of nineteen years, virtually a prisoner, prohibited under 
the penalty of death from entering France, and pining away amidst the 
palaces of Austria, soon to die. Should he die without heirs, the crown would 
then pass to the brow of Napoleon's elder brother Joseph. As he had no son, 
his death would transmit the crown to the next younger brother, Louis 
Bonaparte. Upon his death, the crown would pass, first to his eldest son 
Napoleon Louis; and then, should he die without male issue, to Prince Louis 
Napoleon, who is now enthroned at the Tuileries. Thus there Avere four lives 
then (in 1830) intervening between Louis Napoleon and the crown. 

Six years before the overthrow of Charles X., when, in 1824, Lafayette 
made his triumphant journey through our country, he visited Joseph Bona- 
parte at his beautiful residence in Bordentown, N, J. On that occasion, 
Joseph says that Lafiyette expressed to him his regi-et at the part he had 
taken in 1815 in effecting the restoration of the Bourbons. 

" The Bourbon dynasty," said Lafayette, " cannot last : it too openly wounds 
the national feeling. In France, we are §,11 persuaded that the son of the 
Emperor alone can represent all the interests of the Revolution. Place two 
millions at the disposal of our committee in Paris, and I promise you that 
with this sum, in two years, Napoleon II. will be on the throne of France." f 

When Joseph Bonaparte received the tidings of the expulsion of Charles 
X. and the enthronement of the Duke of Orleans, not by the suffrages of the 
nation, but by the adroit manngement of a few influential men in Paris, he 
addressed to the Chamber of Deputies a protest in favor of Napoleon II., his 
nephew in Austria. In this document he says, — 

"There are no legitimate governments in the world save those acknowl- 
edged by the nation, — the nation which creates and destroys them according 
to its requirements. To the people alone belong these rights. The Bonaparte 

* Alison, vol. :i. p. 183. — See also Histoire de Dix Ans du Regno de Louis Philippe, par 
Louis Blanc, torn. i. pp. 9G-99. 
t The Napol&^n Dynasty, p. 391. 



76 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

family have been elected by three million five hundred thousand votes. If 
the nation finds it for its interest to make another choice, it lias both the 
power and the right to do so ; but the nation alone. Napoleon II. was pro- 
claimed in 1815 by the Chamber of Deputies, who recognized in him a right 
conferred by the nation. Nevertheless, the nation is mistress : it rests with 
her to reject or confirm the titles she has bestowed according to her good 
pleasure." 

Louis Philippe had scarcely taken his seat upon the throne ere he found 
himself surrounded by extreme embarrassments. Legitimists, Republicans, 
Napoleonists, all alike disputed his title to the crown. To conciliate the 
surrounding dynasties, he was compelled to avow principles and to adopt 
measures exceedingly obnoxious to that spirit of republican equality and of 
equal rights which the empire had so generally diffused throughout France. 

The first serious elForts to thrust him from his throne were made almost si- 
multaneously, though without concert, by the Republicans in Paris and by the 
Legitimists in the south of France. The funeral of General Laraarque presented 
an opportunity for the outbreak in Paris.* This distinguished man was one of 
the generals of the empire : Na[)oleon, upon his death-bed at St. Helena, had 
spoken of him in the highest terms of commendation. In the tribune, La- 
marque had proved one of the most eloquent speakers upon the popular side. 
In preparation for the outbreak, orders were given by the popular committees 
for an immense gathering of the people at the funeral. Arras were secretly 
distributed to those who could be trusted. Leaders were appointed, each with 
his particular part assigned. The procession was to move from the house of 
the deceased, through the Rue St. Honore, to the Madeleine, and thence through 
the Boulevards to the Place of the Bastille, where the remains were to be 
received, to be conveyed to their sepulture in the south of France. 

It was the 5th of June, 1832. A magnificent car, decorated with tricolor 
flags and immortelles, bore the remains. Nearly all the members of the 
Chamber of Deputies were there. The Republican societies contributed their 
immense numbers. The whole vast population of Paris seemed to be gath- 
ered along the line of march. Banners with revolutionary devices floated 
in the air. All countenances wore an expression of expectancy or of anxiety. 

* In the following terms, Sir Archibald Alison speaks of the popular discontent with the 
government of Louis Philippe at this time : — 

" The Republican party had long been in a state of the utmost discontent, in consequence of 
the entire failure of their hopes from the results of the revolution of July, and the clear evidence 
which was now afforded that they had only revolted to fix chains about their necks incomparably 
heavier than those which were around them under the former government of Polignac and his 
priests. The Democratic press was unanimous in ascribing the whole to the tyrannical govcm- 
mcnt of Louis Philippe. So far did the Opposition proceed, that a meeting of all the Opposition 
was held at Lafitte's, in which it was agreed to make an appeal to the nation ; in other words, to 
commence an insurrection. A committee was appointed, consisting of M. de Lafayette, M. Odil- 
lon Barrot, M. Manguin, and other Liberal deputies, to draw up an address to the nation. But 
before it could be prepared, or the requisite organization made for effecting a general insurrection, 
an event took place which brought on the crisis, and precipitated matters sooner than the leaders 
of the movement had intended. This was the death of General Lamarque, which took place on 
the 1st of June, 1832." — History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon to the Accession of Louit 
Napoleon, vol. iii. p. 24. 



UNSUCCESSFUL INSURRECTIONS. 77 

The government, conscious of the peril with which it was menaced, had 
assembled in Paris, in addition to two thousand municipal guards, eighteen 
tliousand infantry" of the line, four thousand cavalry, and eighty pieces of can- 
non. Tliere were also, besides these, over thirty thousand troops in the 
immediate vicinity, which could be called in at any hour. The government 
had about sixty thousand men and a hundred and twenty pieces of cannon. 
Many of these troops, however, could not be relied upon. The insurgents 
had a hundred thousand, many of them veteran soldiers, or members of the 
National Guard.* 

At ten o'clock in the morning, the procession set out. So great was the 
excitement and tumult at this early hour, that it was immediately evident to 
every observer that serious convulsions were at hand. As the head of the 
procession approached the Place Vendome, it was turned from its originally 
contemplated course, through the Rue St. Honore, and guided up the Rue de 
la Paix, so as to pass under the Column of Austerlitz. Cries of " Vive la Re- 
publique " began now to rise, sweeping along the streets, ever gathering 
volume, and spreading excitement through the countless masses. There were 
occasional acts of violence as prominent friends of Louis Philippe were en- 
countered. At the corner of the Rue du Temple, the pupils of the Polytech- 
nic School, a hundred and fifty in number, joined the procession with shouts 
of "Vive la Liberte!" This gave a new impulse to the rising storm; and the 
air was filled with shouts of "Vive la Republique ! " "A bas Louis Philippe ! " 
"Vive Lafayette!" 

The four corners of the pall were borne by Marshal Clausel, General La- 
fayette, M. Lafitte, and M. Mauguin. When the procession arrived at a point 
near the Bridge of Austerlitz where the body was to be received that it might 
be taken to its place of burial, funeral-orations were pronounced by General 
Uminski, a Polish refugee, and by M. Mauguin, one of the most distinguished 
of the French Liberal party. These orations, like Mark Antony's speech over 
the body of Cffisar, though cautiously worded, were admirably adapted to 
rouse to the highest pitch the passions of the already excited multitude. 

" Lamarque," said Uminski, " you were the woi'thy representative of the 
people. You were ours. You belonged to the human race. All people who 
love freedom will shed tears at your tomb. In raising your noble voice for 
Poland, you served the cause of all nations as well as France. You served 
the cause of liberty, — that of the interests dearest to humanity. You defended 
it against the Holy Alliance, which grew up on the tomb of Poland, and 
which will never cease to threaten the liberties of the world till the crime 
which cemented it shall have been efiaced by the resurrection of its unfortu- 
nate victim." t 

As the body was borne away, the crowd was left in a state of indescribable 
excitement, and all eager for action. General Lafxyette called for his carriage. 
He was urged to repair immediately to the Hotel de Ville, and to establish a 
provisional government. The multitude unharnessed the horses, and began to 

* Sir Archibald Alison, vol. iii. p. 75. 
t Louis Blanc, iii. 296, 297. 



78 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

draw him, witli shouts of triumph, through the streets, now choked by the 
prodigious throng. Just then the cry arose, " The dragoons!" and a mounted 
squadron of cuirassiers, with their glittering breastplates, appeared, endeavor- 
ing to force their passage through the dense array, and to disperse the enor- 
mous gathering. 

Blood began to flow, as the troops were assailed with every missile which 
fury could minister. For a few moments, they fought desperately, and endeav- 
ored to hew their passage through the dense and surging multitude with the 
sword ; but the mass was so compact, that the efibrts of the troops were un- 
availing, and they were finally compelled to retreat. And now the insurrection 
burst forth in all its terrible sublimity. " To the Barricades !" was the cry. 
Tlie Boulevards, from the Bridge of Austerlitz to the Rue Montmartre, were 
crowded with the tumultuous multitude. Barricades were instantly thrown 
up in all the narrow streets leading to this immense rendezvous. Thus, in an 
hour, about one-third of the metropolis became, as it were, the citadel of the 
insurgents, with all its approaches guarded. 

The king and his council, greatly alarmed, were in session at the Tuileries. 
At three o'clock in the afternoon, the intelligence was received that the conflict 
had commenced, and that the aspect of affairs was serious in the extreme. 
Orders were immediately despatched for all the troops within thirty miles of 
Paris to hasten to the capital. Night came with universal tumult and terror. 
The alarm-drum was beat in all the streets. The soldiers and the insurgent 
citizens were flocking to their several rallying-points. Fifty thousand troops 
of the line and fifty thousand of the National Guard were marching to their 
appointed positions. The populace were throwing up barricades, and seizing 
important posts, and arming themselves. The government could place but 
little reliance upon the National Guard, as it was manifest that large numbers 
of them were in sympathy with the people. 

General Lafayette, M. Lafitte, and others, who but a few months before had 
been prominent in placing Louis Philippe on the throne, but who were now 
dissatisfied with his manifest subservience to the principles of the old regime, 
were in session during the night, in the mansion of M. Lafitte, discussing the 
situation of affixirs.* To secure success in such an enterprise, there must always 
be some imperial, controlling mind to guide the blind masses. In this case, 
this essential element of success was wanting. There was no definite plan, 
no comprehensive and co-operative action, no leader to whom the multitude 
could look with confidence to conduct them to victory. General Lafayette had 
sufficient prestige and popularity to give him, in the hearts of the people, that 
position ; but notwithstanding his life-long devotion to popular rights, and all 
his heroic virtues, he was not a man of sufficient nerve and promptness of 
action to be a reliable guide in such troubled hours. The leaders separated 
without coming to any decision, save to wait the progress and development 
of events. 

During the night, there were several sanguinaiy conflicts between the people 
and the troops, in most of which the populace proved victorious. With won- 

* Alison, vol. iii. p. 77. 



UNSUCCESSFUL INSURRECTIONS, 79 

derful facility, these tumultuous masses seemed to organize themselves into an 
army, and to intrench themselves in those strategic positions which they had 
selected, jDrobably guided by the old generals of the empire. Their head- 
quarters were at the Porte St. Martin, and their intrenchments were vigorously 
pushed out on both sides of the river; so that a large part of the city was 
under their control. But the important points of the Tuileries, the Louvre, 
and the Hotel de Ville, were held by the royal troops. 

By ten o'clock on the morning of the 6th, Marshal Soult, who was in com- 
mand of the king's forces, found himself at the head of a body of eighty thou- 
sand men, six thousand of whom were cavalry, with one hundred and twenty 
pieces of artillery. Immense as this force was, it was none too much for the 
occasion. The triumphant people were steadily advancing from street to 
street towards the centre of the city, fortifying every street as they advanced. 
Consternation was manifest in every face at the Tuileries ; and there can be no 
question, that, had General Lafayette then openly placed himself at the head of 
the insurgents, many of the troops would have followed him, and the throne 
of the citizen-king would have crumbled to the dust. But, even amidst the 
excitements of these fearful hours, many of the more thoughtful were asking 
themselves, " To what will all this lead ? What government will take the place 
of the monarchy we are destroying ? Is not the throne of Louis Philippe, with 
all its aristocratic tendencies, safer for France than the anarchy with which we 
are menaced, or a return to the Reign of Terror?" 

It was now clear that nothing could save the monarchy but the most bold 
and energetic measures. To secure the soldiers of the National Guard from 
defection, they were intermingled with the troops of the line. It is in vain 
to attempt to describe the terrible conflict which ensued. Thirty thousand 
royal troops marched along the Boulevards; thirty thousand moved along the 
banks of the Seine. The two bodies were to meet at the Bridge of Austerhtz, 
hoping to sweep away between them every barricade, and to crush out all 
opposition. 

The houses of Paris are all of stone, generally five or six stories in height ; 
and each one becomes thus, in hours of revolution, a citadel. These houses 
were filled with musketeers, who kept up a deadly fire upon the approaching 
columns. But disciplined valor prevailed. Steadily the troops advanced, 
clearing the streets with grape-shot, sweeping away the barricades, and hold- 
ing firmly every position Avhich they gained. The courage and desperation 
were equal on both sides. Perhaps the severest conflict took place at the 
Cloister of St. Meri. The position was very strong, and it was held by the 
insurgents with the most determined heroism. 

" The tocsin," siiys Alison, " incessantly sounded from the summit of the 
Church of St. Meri to call the Republicans to the decisive point; and they were 
not wanting to the appeal. Young men, children of twelve years of age, old 
men tottering on the verge of the grave, flocked to the scene of danger, and 
stood side by side with the manly combatants. Never had there been, in the 
long annals of revolutionary conflicts, such universal enthusiasm and deter- 
mined resolution on the part of the Republicans." 

In the first attempt to storm this post, the royal troops were met by so 



80 LITE OF NAPOLEON III. 

deadly a fire from the barricade in the street and from the windows, that the 
whole column recoiled, and fled back to the river in disorder. Then Marshal 
Soult brought up several pieces of his heaviest artillery, and endeavored to 
batter down the obstructions. Having thus prepared the way, he sent for- 
ward a column to storm the works, while he threw shells over their heads to 
clear the space beyond. The troops rushed upon the barricade in an im- 
petuous charge, and succeeded in taking it, though with heavy loss. The 
defenders of the barricade retreated into the adjoining houses, where they 
fought with desperation until nearly every man was bayoneted or shot. 
Quarter was neither given nor asked. In the fury of the hour, deeds of 
ferocity were enacted which disgraced humanity. 

The contest was now closed. The Republican insurrection was crushed, — 
bloodily crushed. Of the king's troops, seventy-three were reported as killed, 
and three hundred and forty-four wounded. The loss of the insurgents can 
never be known, as the dead and wounded were generally conveyed away by 
their friends. There were, however, ninety-three dead bodies left upon the 
pavements and in the houses, and two hundred and ninety-one severely 
wounded. Fifteen hundred were also made prisoners.* 

On the morning of the 6th, it had seemed so probable that the insurrection 
would prove an entire success, that the leaders of the Liberal or Republican 
party met at the wealthy banker's, M. Lafitte's, to deliberate upon the de- 
thronement of the king and upon the new government which was to be 
instituted. But when the unexpected display of troops proved that the 
revolt was hopeless, and the thunders of heavy artillery proclaimed that the 
cloister of St. Meri was being stormed, " they quietly," says Alison, " slipped 
over to the other side, and sought only to mitigate the victors' wrath." A 
deputation was appointed to call upon the king, congratulate fmn upon his 
victory, and to implore him to temper justice with mercy in the moment of 
triumph. 

The king replied indignantly, "Who is responsible for the blood which has 
been shed? The miserable wretches who took advantage of the funeral of 
General Lamarque to attack the government by open force. The cannon you 
have heard has demolished the barricades of St. Meri. The revolt is termi- 
nated. I do not know why you should suppose that violent measures are to 
be adopted; but, rely upon it, they are loudly called for. I know that the 
press is constantly endeavoring to destroy me ; but it is by the aid of false- 
hood. I ask you. Is there any person, of whom you have ever heard, against 
whom a greater torrent of calumny has been poured forth than against my- 
self?"! 

They separated with increased exasperation on both sides. The next 
morning a decree appeared in "Le Moniteur," declaring Paris in a state of 
siege ; superseding, in all cases connected with the insurrection, the ordinary 
tribunals, and substituting courts-martial ; and the police were sent to break 
to pieces all the printing-presses belonging to the Opposition, whether Car- 

* Moniteur, June 7, 1832. 

t Louis Blanc. Dix Ans de Louis Philippe, vol. iii. 818. 



UNSUCCESSFUL INSURRECTIONS. 81 

lists, Napoleonists, or Republicans. These measures excited the utmost indig- 
nation ; but a triumphant army, maddened by its Avounds, yet flushed with 
victory, overawed the convulsed metropolis. The government regarded this 
movement as a combined attempt of the Republicans and Legitimists ; and 
thus Gamier Pages the Democrat, and M. de Chateaubriand the Bourbonist, 
found themselves arrested as accomplices in the same rebellion. It is cer- 
tain that the Legitimists were at the same time endeavoring to overthrow the 
throne of Louis Philippe ; but how for there was co-operation between these 
two opposite parties, it is diflicult to say. M. de Chateaubriand wrote from 
his prison on the 10th of June, 1832, to M. Bertin, editor of "Le Journal des 
Debats," that he had refused to take the oath of allegiance to Louis Philippe 
for two reasons : first, that his government was not founded upon legitimate 
succession from the ancient monarchy ; and, second, that it was not founded 
upon popular sovereignty. It was but a few weeks after this, in August, that 
Chateaubriand visited Louis Napoleon at Arenemberg, and read " The Politi- 
cal Reveries," from which we have made extracts, and in which Louis Napo- 
leon states that the voice of the people is the legitimate foundation of all 
government. "The Political Reveries," it is stated in "The Works of Napo- 
leon III.," were submitted to Chateaubriand; and that illustrious writer made 
his observations, which, unfortunately, are lost. One of his suggestions was, 
that the word nation should be substituted for that of people* 

The prosecutions of those engaged in the uprising were pursued with great 
severity. "The number of the prosecutions," says Alison, "exceeded any 
thing previously witnessed, not merely in French but in European history. 
The restrictions so much complained of during the Restoration were as noth- 
ing compared to it. From the accession of Louis Philippe to the 1st of Octo- 
ber, 1832, a period of little more than two years, there occurred in France 281 
seizures of journals, and 251 judgments on them. No less than 81 journals 
had been condemned, of which 41 were in Paris alone. The total number of 
months of imprisonment inflicted on editors of journals during this period 
was 1,226 ; and the amount of fines levied, 347,550 francs ($80,000). This is 
perhaps the hottest warfore, without the aid of the censorship, ever yet waged, 
during so short a period, against the liberty of the press. The system of 
Louis Philippe was, to bring incessant prosecutions against the parties respon- 
sible for journals, without caring much whether they were successful or not, 
hoping that he should wear them out by the trouble and expense of conduct- 
ing their defences." t 

Thus terminated the Republican attempt to overthrow the throne of the 
citizen-king. In the next chapter we shall describe the still more heroic, but 
equally unsuccessful, efforts of the Legitimist or Carlist party, seeking to 
restore the old Bourbon throne in the person of the child, the Duke de 
Bordeaux. 

* CEuvres de Napoleon III., torn. i. p. 373. 

t History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon to the Accession of Louis Napoleon, vol. iil 
p. 82. 

11 




CHAPTER V. 



THE ADVENTURES OF THE DUCHESS DE BERRL 

Claims of the Legitimists. — Narrative of the Assassination of the Duke de Bcrri. — Noble Con- 
duct of the Duchess de Berri. — The Dying Scene. — Birth of the ])uice de Bordeaux. — 
Efforts of the Duchess to reclaim the Crown for her Son. — iler Romantic Adventures. — 
Disappointments and Persistence. — Her (Capture and imprisonment. — Deplorable Develop- 
ment. — Moral Ruin of the Duchess. — Death of the Duke of Jtcichstadt. — His Attractive 
Character and Melancholy History. — Decree of the Senate of i^ ranee creating the Napo- 
leonic Dynasty. — Its Ratification by the People. — Response of Napoleon. 

IT will be remembered that Charles X. with liis fomily had taken 
refuge, through the kindness of the British Government, at 
Holyrood House, in Edinburgh. The Legitimists cousidercd 
the Duke of Bordeaux, subsequently called Count de Cham- 
bord, the son of the Duchess do Bcrri, as their king; giving him 
the title of Henry V. For many months, an active portion of 
this party had been plotting the restoration of the throne to their " legitimate 
sovereign." The conspiracy had spread widely among the Loyalists of West- 
ern and Southern France. Tlie duchess herself — young, beautiful, and fasci- 
nating, and imbued with a love of adventure which led her to enjoy peril and 
hardship — was to lead the enterprise, and thus throw herself upon the gal- 
lantry of those whom she regarded as the subjects of her son. 

We have alluded to the death of the Duke de Berri by the hand of an 
assassin. The romantic career of the widowed duchess renders it proper here 
more minutely to detail the events of her earlier histoiy. The Duke de Berri 
was the second of the two sons of the Count d'Artois, subsequently Charles 
X. As the elder son, the Duke d'Angouleme, was childless, the only hope for 
the direct succession of the royal lino was in the Duke de Berri. He was a 
man in whom the animal nature was very strongly developed ; short in stature, 
with broad shoulders and unattractive features. Indulging in all princely 
hi.vuries, his intellectual culture had been much neglected. His kindness of 
heart, however, wdiich was revealed in the sweetness of his smile and in great 
cordiality of manners, associated with an inexhaustible fund of small talk, 
uttered in courteous and complimentary phrases, rendered him a universal 
favorite. 

On the 28th of March, 1816, it was announced to both of the French Cham- 
bers that the Duke de Bcrri was about to marry Caroline Mary, eldest daugh- 
ter of the heir to the crown of Naples. The announcement created general 
62 



ADVENTURES OF THE DUCHESS DE BEKEI. 83 

joy. The Chambers, as an expression of their satisfaction, voted him a gift 
of one million five hundred thousand francs (-$300,000). 

The generous nature of the prince is manifested in his consenting to accept 
the gift, only in consideration of permission to consecrate the whole of it 
to the relief of the poor suffering from famine in the departments. This 
promise he religiously performed. The marriage proved a happy one. Both 
parties were affectionate in disposition, and each was tenderly attached to the 
other. Caroline, sylph-like in figure, beautiful jn person, and graceful in man- 
ners, won all hearts. Four years passed away. Two children were born, — 
one of them a son, the other a daughter. Both died in infiincy. A third 
child proved to be a daughter. There was great anxiety throughout France. 
Should not a prince be born, and should there thus be a failure in the direct 
line of succession, insurrection and civil war might occur. 

On the loth of February, 1820, the Duke de Berri, with the duchess, 
attended the opera. The duchess (who was then enceinte)^ in the interval 
between two of the pieces, left her own box, with the duke, to visit the Duke 
and Duchess of Orleans, who were in a neighboring box. Upon returning, 
she was accidentally struck in the side by the door of a box which was sud- 
denly thrown open. Apprehensive that the shock might be injurious to her 
in her delicate state, she expressed a wish to return home. The Duke de 
Berri led her out, and handed her into her carriage. "Adieu," said she, with 
a loving smile, to her husband : "we shall soon meet again.' 

As the duke was returning from the carriage to the opera, an assassin by 
the name of Louvel, who had been watching for him, and who was concealed 
in the shade of a projecting wall, rushed forward, and, with his left arm seizing 
the duke by the shoulder, with his right hand plunged a poniard to its hilt in 
his side. The deed was instantaneous ; and, in the darkness, the assassin fled. 

The duke felt only a violent blow. Bringing his hand to the spot, he found 
the dagger still sticking in his side. He exclaimed, "I am assassinated! I am 
dead ! I have the poniard ! That man has killed me ! " So sudden had the 
action been, that the carriage of the duchess was but just beginning to move, 
and she heard the dying cry of her husband. With a piercing shriek, she 
called upon the servant to stop. Before the steps were down, she leaped from 
the carriage, and clasped her husband in her arms. He had just drawn out 
the dagger, and was covered with the blood which was gushing from the 
Avound. 

"I am dead ! " said the duke : "send for a priest. Come, dearest, let me die 
in your arms." 

The duke was taken to an adjoining room, and medical attendants soon 
arrived. He was informed that the assassin was arrested. "Alas!" he said, 
" how cruel it is to die by the hand of a Frenchman ! " Some one expressed 
to the duchess the hope that the wound might not prove mortal. 

" No," said the dying duke : " I am not deceived. The poniard, I can assure 
you, has entered to the hilt. Caroline, are you there?" — "Yes," she replied; 
" and I will never leave you." 

The Bishop of Chartres, confessor of Charles X., arrived, and had a few- 
moments of private conversation with the dving man. The duke called for 



84 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

his infant daughter. She was brought to him asleep ; for it ft^as near the hour 
of midnight. "Poor child!" he exclaimed, placing his hanu upon her head 
'^may you be less unfortunate than the rest of your family! " 

M. Boujon, the domestic physician of the duke, endeavored to restore cir- 
culation by sucking the wound. "What are you doing?" exclaimed the duke : 
"for God's sake, stop! Perhaps the poniard was poisoned!" The chief sur- 
geon, Dupuytren, resolved to try, as a last resource, to open and enlarge the 
wound, that the blood, which was beginning to impede respiration, might flow 
externally. The duke, his hand already clammy with the damp of death, 
clasped that of the duchess as he bore the painful operation. When it was 
over, he said, — 

" Spare me further pain." Then, tenderly caressing his beloved and lovely 
.wife, he said, "Caroline, take care of yourself for the sake of our infant 
which you bear in your bosom." 

Tlie Duke and Duchess of Orleans were present from the moment the 
wounded prince had been brought into the room. His father, his older brother 
the Duke d'Angouleme, and the rest of the royal family, soon arrived. 

"Who is the man who has killed me?" the duke inquired in the feeble 
accents of approaching death. " I wish I could see him to inquii-e into his 
motives. Perhaps it is some one whom I have unconsciously offended. 
Would that I might live long enough to ask the king to pardon him ! Prom- 
ise me, my father, promise me, my brother, to ask of the king the life of that 
man." 

The increasing difficulty of respiration indicated that the dying moment 
was at hand. In a low tone of voice, a few words were interchanged between 
the duke and the duchess ; and soon two illegitimate children, who were born 
to him in London when the family were all in exile, were brought in. It 
seems that he had ever recognized these children, and that they had been 
under the fostering care both of himself and his lawful spouse. As they knelt, 
sobbing, at his side, be embraced them affectionately, and, turning to the 
duchess, said, — 

" I know you sufficiently, Caroline, to be assured that you will take care, 
after me, of these orphans." 

In silent, pathetic response, she took her own child from the arms of its 
nurse, and, drawing to her these innocent but unfortunate little ones, said to 
them, " Kiss your sister." 

The dying man was manifestly consoled by this noble act. He then con- 
fessed to the Bishop of Chartres, and received absolution ; fervently exclaim- 
ing at several of the responses, " My God, pardon me, and pardon him who 
has taken my life ! " 

Soon the king, Louis XVIIL, arrived. " My uncle," said tlie dying man, 
"give me your hand, that I may kiss it for the last time. I entreat you," he 
said, pressing his hand, "in the name of my death, to spare the life of that 
man." 

"You are not so ill as you suppose," Louis replied. "We will speak of this 
again." 

" Ah ! " sadly exclaimed the dying prince, " you do not say yes. The par- 



ADVENTURES OF THE DUCHESS DE BEREI. 85 

don of tliat man would have softened my last moments, if at least I could 
depart with the assurance that his blood would not flow after my death." 

He had scarcely uttered these words ere he sank away and died.* The body 
of the prince was laid in state for several days at the Louvre. It was then 
conveyed, with all the possible accompaniments of funereal pomp, to the vaults 
consecrated to the remains of the kings of France at St. Denis. Louvel the 
assassin, an atheist, inflamed by the desire to gain notoriety by killing a king, 
made no denial of his guilt. He was executed, and upon the scaflbld ex- 
hibited the brutal indifference which was to be anticipated from so fanatical 
a wretch. 

We have previously mentioned the birth of the expected child, and the 
abdication of the king, his grandfather, in liis favor. Eleven years had now 
passed since the assassination of the duke. In the month of March, 1831j 
nine months after the scenes of insurrection in Paris which we have recorded 
at the close of the last chapter, the heroic duchess set out in disguise upon 
her perilous adventure. The king, her father-in-law, had given his consent, 
though, it is said, quite reluctantly; and had constituted her, during the 
minority of her son, regent of the kingdom she was expecting to conquer. 
Passing through Germany, she crossed the Alps, and safely reached Naples, 
her parenial home. At the time of her marriage, fifteen years before, she was 
the daughter of the heir to the Neapolitan throne ; and her father was now 
King of Naples. Here she hoped to find her claims supported ; but Austria 
and the other European dynasties had decided not to make another attempt 
to restore the Bourbons. The Neapolitan kingdom could make no movement 
without the }>erraission of Austria. 

Disappointed in these hopes, the duchess repaired to the petty Duchy of 
Mara, at whose liliputian and powerless court she was very cordially received. 
Several cavaliers, inspired by enthusiastic courage and chivalric gallantry, 
here devoted themselves to her cause ; while a few women of the highest 
rank lent her the encouragement of their smiles and sanguine hopes. Her 
partisans in France also wrote to her in the most flattering terms, — truly of 
the dissatisfoction of the country with the government of Louis Philippe, 
truly of the eagerness of her partisans to rally around her unfurled banner; 
but falselj^, very falsely, of the number of those partisans, and of their moral 
and material sti'ength. 

Deceived by these illusions, the duchess gave orders for the general rising 
of her friends in the south of France, where the numbers of Legitimists were 
most numerous, and where the conspiracy in her behalf had the most exten- 
sive ramifications. Several military companies, amounting to a few thousand 
men, had been secretly organized and armed ; and spirited proclamations were 
prepared to rouse the peasantry to engage in so gallant an adventure. All 
things being thus made ready, tlie duchess with a few attendants embarked 
on board the steamer " Carlo Alberto," and steered for Marseilles, where her 
friends were waiting to receive her. It was midnight when this little band 
entered the l.arbor of their destination. The preconcerted signal of a couple 

* Dernier Moments du Due de Berri, 31-41. 



86 LIFE OF NAPOLEON ITL 

of lanterns suspended from the rigging bronglit out a boat to convey the 
duchess to the land. It was a dark and tempestuous night, and the little 
boat rocked violently on the stormy sea. Four gentlemen, dressed as fisher- 
men, accompanied the duchess to the shore, where she landed at two o'clock 
among some wild, slippery, precipitous cliiFs, which none but the most intrepid 
smugglers ventured to ascend. 

Two thousand of her partisans were assembled to receive her at their ap- 
pointed place of rendezvous, on the highest spot in the city. With shouts 
of" Vive Henri Cinq/" the excited band soon took possession of that whole 
quarter of the town. When the morning dawned, and the duchess, to her 
unspeakable delight, saw the white banner of the Bourbons waving from the 
spire of St. Laurient, she deluded herself with the hope that her great enter- 
prise was moving rapidly to a triumphant conclusion. 

The alarm-bells were sounding loudly from the steeples. The excited, 
bewildered multitudes were running to and fro in all directions. But, unfor- 
tunately for the success of the enterprise, the constituted authorities had 
received intelligence of the contemjjlated landing, and had made vigorous 
arrangements for the emergence. The strength of all the important posts 
had been doubled; and ere long a bayonet-charge by the regular troops 
dispersed the bands of the insurgents, and captured several of their promi- 
nent leaders. The duchess, though an enchanting, adventurous, and utterly 
fearless woman, was not a Maria Theresa; and she had no ability to head 
and guide an army. At one o'clock in the afternoon, her leaders were cap- 
tured, the crowd of her partisans was dispersed, and the white flag of the 
Bourbons was replaced on the steeple of St. Laurient by the tricolor, then 
the recognized symbol of Orleans power.* 

But the heroic woman escaped capture. Still determined in her enterprise, 
she rejected the entreaties of her friends, that she should re-embark in her 
steamer, and take refuge with the Bourbons of Spain. Perhaps she was 
strengthened in her resolve by the conviction that her relative Louis Philippe, 
with whom she was intimately acquainted, would not deal very harshly with 
her should she fall into his hands. She felt that she could reproach him with 
having robbed her child of his crown, and that he could not censure her very 
severely for attempting to regain it. Indeed, Louis Philippe had already issued 
orders, that, should the duchess be captured by any of his cruisers, they should 
convey her to Naples, and deliver her up to her parents. In this humanity 
there was an aspect of contempt, which must have stung the pride of this 
spirited vroman. 

To all the entreaties of her friends she replied, " I am in France now, and 
in France I will remain." Disguised as a peasant-boy, and accompanied by no 
one but Marshal Bourmont, she set out on foot to walk across France through 
fields and by-paths, a distance of more than four hundred miles, to the depart- 
ment of La Vendee, where the Bourbon party was in its greatest strength. 
The first night, they lost their way in the woods. Utterly overcome by 
exhaustion, the duchess sank down at the foot of a tree and fell asleep, while 
her faithful attendant stood sentinel at her side.f 

* Louis Blanc, torn. iii. p. 264. t Louis Blanc, iii. p. 274. 



ADVENTURES OF THE DUCHESS DE BERRI. 87 

This is not the place to describe the wonderful adventures of the Duchess 
de Berri on that long journey. There is nothing in the pages of romance 
more wild and strange. She slept in sheds, encountered a thousand hair- 
breadth escapes, and with great sagacity eluded the numerous bands who were 
scouring the country in quest of her. At one time, in an emergency, she 
threw herself upon the protection of a Republican ; boldly entering his house, 
and saying, "I am the Duchess de Berri. Will you give me shelter?" He 
did not betray her. After such a journey of fifty days, she reached on the 
17th of May the Chateau of Plassac, near Saintes, in La Vendee, where a gen- 
eral rising of her followers was appointed for the 24th. Nearly all the Vendean 
chiefs were then awaiting the summons. On the 21st of May, the duchess, 
slill in the costume of a young peasant, presenting the aspect of a remarkably 
graceful and beautiful boy, and taking the name Little Peter, repaired on 
horseback to an appointed rendezvous at Meslier. 

To her bitter disappointment, she found but few of her followers there 
assembled ; and those few, instead of meeting her with enthusiasm, represented 
the attempt as hopeless. Passionately, and with fervor of eloquence which was 
ever at her command, she entreated them not to abandon her ; representing the 
hardships she had endured and the risks she had run. A rising was at last 
agreed upon ; but it was by no means general or enthusiastic, or even hopeful. 
A few conflicts took place, in which the peasants fought with the greatest 
valor; but the royal troops were concentrated there in great numbers, and the 
insurgent bands rapidly melted away. All parties alike condemn the ferocity 
and barbarism with which the soldiers of the king consummated their victory. 
Savages have been rarely found more merciless. 

Still the Duchess de Berri, through her own intrepidity and sagacity and 
the devotion of her Royalist friends, succeeded in effecting her escape. Led 
by a single guide, she wandered through the woods, often sleeping upon the 
ground, and sometimes carried on the shoulders of her attendant through 
marshes up to his waist in water. 

" On one occasion," says Alison, " when the pursuit was hottest, she found 
shelter in a ditch covered with bushes, while the soldiers in pursuit of her 
searched in vain, and probed with their bayonets every thicket in the wood 
with which it was environed. The variety, the fatigue, the dangers, of her life 
had inexpressible charms for a person of her ardent and romantic disposition. 
She often said, ' Don't speak to me of suffering : I was never so happy at 
Naples or Paris as now.'" 

More than once, disguised as a peasant-girl, with heavy wooden shoes on 
her little feet, she entered towns occupied by hostile troops, and conversed 
gayly with the gendarmes by whom the gates were guarded. All her hopes of 
success, however, were soon at an end. The government forces were so strong 
and vigilant, that she found it impossible to rally her friends. But even this 
great disa])pointment she seemed to bear with wonderful cheerfulness. The 
coasts of France were so carefully guarded to prevent her escape, that she 
decided to seek concealment for a time in the city of Nantes, where she had 
but few adherents, and where, consequently, her presence would scarcely be 
suspected. She entered the city disguised as a peasant-gi:l, and accompanied 



00 LIFE OF NAPOLEON HI. 

by one female companion. A few Royalists, at the risk of their own lives, 
afforded her an asylum.* 

For some months she thus remained concealed, eluding all the efforts of the 
government to i3nd her. She still kept up a correspondence with her adher- 
ents, and issued orders as Regent of France. She even wrote to the queen, 
imploring her clemency in behalf of those of her followers wlio had been ar- 
rested and brought to trial. 

"Whatever may be the consequences," she wrote, "in which I may be in- 
volved from the position in which I am placed for fulfilling ray duties as a 
mother, I shall never implore your interposition for me; but I cannot refrain 
from pleading for those brave men who have so honorably devoted themselves 
to the cause of my son. I implore, then, my aunt, whose kindness of heart 
and piety are well known to me, to employ all her influence in obtaining 
interest in their favor, Notwithstanding the difference in our situations, a 
volcano is under your feet, madarae ; a!id you know it. God alone knows 
what he destines for us; and perhaps the day may yet come when you will 
thank me for reposing confidence in your kindness, and for furnishing you 
with an opportunity for manifesting it in behalf of my unfortunate friends. 
Believe in my gratitude. I wish you much happiness, madame. But I have 
too good an opinion of you to think it possible that you can be happy in your 
present situation. " Marie Caroli^te." f 

At last the duchess was betrayed by a Jew, who, pretending devoted loy- 
alty, had unfortunately acquired the confidence of his victim. Persuading 
some of the Royalists that he had important despatches which could be in- 
trusted only to the hands of her Royal Highness, he succeeded in obtaining 
the appointment for an interview. He then informed the police of the place 
of meeting. 

It was the 6th of November. The princess had scarcely crossed the 
threshold of the house designated for the meeting, ere it was surrounded by 
troops. The police entered with their pistols in their hands. Escape was im- 
possible. There was, however, a hiding-place very adroitly constructed in an 
angle of the room behind the chimney-piece. The duchess, with three female 
companions, slipped into this little nook, which was. scarcely capable of con- 
taining them. The officers searched the house from basement to attic in 
vain. In the mean time, the princess and her companions were suffering ex- 
cruciatingly. They could obtain fresh air only through a small aperture but 
three inches in diameter, to which each in turn applied her mouth ; and thus 
tliey barely escaped suffocation. '■' 

The gendarmes, fully assured that the object of their search must be 
Boraewhere in the house, took quiet possession of the room in which the 
duchess was concealed, and, as night approached, kindled a fire in the grate, 
which, by converting the space behind into a heated oven, added terribly to 
sufferings already almost insupportable. At length, after having endured six- 
teen hours of torture, the duchess came out from her concealment, to the 
astonishment of the gendarmes, who were seated in the room, and said 

* Louis Blanc, vol. iii. pp. 283, 284. t Ibid., vol. iii. p. 379. 



Al» VENTURES OF THE DUCHESS DE BERRI. 89 

to them almost gayly, referring to the ancient martyr roasted upon a grid- 
iron, — 

"Gentlemen you have made war on me a la St. Laurent. I have nothing 
to reproach myself with. I have only discharged the duty of a mother to 
gain the inheritance of her son." * 

The captive was treated with the respect which was deemed due to her 
rank, and was first conducted to the Castle of Nantes. From this place, after 
an interval of two days, she was led, with several ladies who adhered to her 
fortunes, to a brig, which conveyed her to the Castle of Blaye. The baggnge 
of the duchess consisted simply of a few articles tied in a handkerchief. Here, 
under circumstances which one would have supposed must have crushed the 
strongest spirit, she bore her captivity with cheerfulness, and even with gayety. 
A doom more to be dreaded than dungeon or scafiTold was slowly descending 
upon her, — the doom of the dei'ision of all Europe. 

Louis Philippe had become possessed of the information that the duchess 
was enceinte. With cold, calculating, cruel policy, he held her firmly in his 
grasp, until, when time brought about its natural result, the secret, so humili- 
ating, so crushing, should be revealed to the world. Had she been liberated 
or permitted to escape, she might in some retreat, aided by the solicitude of 
friends, have shielded her name from disgrace; and through her abounding 
energy she might again renew her attempt to regain the crown for her son. 
It surely was not magnanimous; but it was deemed politic that the duchess 
should not be permitted to escape irretrievable disgrace, but that her name 
should be so blasted as to render her forever after powerless. 

A feeble attempt the duchess made to shield her name in sending the fol- 
lowing announcement, on the 22d of February, to the cabinet at the Tuile- 
ries: "Although I have had motives the most weighty to keep my marriage 
secret, I think it a duty which I owe to myself and my children to declare 
that I was married secretly during my sojourn in Italy." 

On the 10th of May she gave birth to a daughter, whose father was declared 
to be the Count Campo Franco, one of the gentlemen of the bedchamber of 
the King of the Two Sicilies. The object of the government was now gained. 
The duchess was hopelessly disgraced. No one would again venture to advo- 
cate her cause. She was accordingly, with her babe, shipped to Naples, to be 
heard of no more. Thus terminated the Legitimist endeavor to overthrow 
the throne of Louis Philippe. 

The failure of the Duchess de Berri was soon followed by another event of 
the greatest political moment. The Duke of Reichstadt, the only son of Na- 
poleon and of Maria Louisa, and consequently the direct heir of whatever 
rights Napoleon could transmit, died at Schoenbrunn, near Vienna, on the 22d 
of July, 1832, at the age of twenty-one years. There is no contradiction in 
the testimony which ascribes to this young man a character remarkable for its 
amiability, intelligence, and attractiveness. Born to the highest of earthly 
destinie!-, he early appreciated the magnitude of his fall, and wept bitterly 
over the doom of his father, dying amidst the cruel glooms of St. Helena. 

* Memoires de la Duchesse de Berri, pp. 87-90. 
12 



90 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

Upon the overthrow of Napoleon, this child, then but about five years of 
age, was taken by his grandfather, the Emperor of Austria, to Vienna. Here 
he was tenderly treated and carefully educated. Though efforts were made 
to keep from him as much as possible the wonderful history of his father, still 
he retained a vivid recollection of the scenes of his infancy, and of the catas- 
trophe, so tumultuous and sublime, which accompanied the downfall of the 
empire. 

"When he reached," says Alison, "the years of adolescence, and read the 
story of the immortal hero whose blood ran in his veins, much of his father's 
spirit re-appeared in his character, despite all the prudence and caution of his 
Austrian educator. He had already received a regiment from his grand- 
father, and had worn the Austrian uniform. But his heart was with the 
French ; and his youthful cheek fired with enthusiasm when he read the ac- 
counts of their glorious achievements when led by his father's genius." * 

The young prince early manifested a decided partiality for military science; 
and it was the judgment of those who knew him best that he developed de- 
cided ability in this line. His constitution was naturally delicate ; and his 
painful musings over the past, the present, and to him, an exiled prince, the 
gloomy future, probably aided in fostering that insidious pulmonary disease 
which shortened his days. 

Early in the year 1831, the symptoms of disease became so manifest as 
greatly to alarm his friends. He was accordingly removed from Vienna to 
the quiet rural retreat of the Palace of Schoenbrunn. The opening spring of 
the year found him sinking; and he became so weak, that he could enjoy the 
fresh air only by being drawn in a garden-chair over the smooth Avalks of the 
pleasure-grounds of the palace. 

The last sad hour which all alike must meet the prince had now reached. 
Tall, graceful, gentle, almost celestial in beauty, he prepared to die. In 
accordance with the custom of the imperial family, he, his mother, and his 
weeping relatives, were dressed in white as for a bridal-day. The sacrament 
of the Lord's Supper was administered to him, and he fell asleep with a smile 
still lingering upon his cheek after it was cold in death. His remains Avere 
interred in the family vault of the house of Hapsburg, in the convent of the 
Capuchins at Vienna. Thus passed away the direct heir of the empire of 
Napoleon. A brief Latin inscription upon a modest tombstone records the 
exalted birth of the prince, his gentle, graceful life, and his untimely end.f 

The decrees of the Senate, enacted on the 18th of May, 1804, conferring 
the crown upon Napoleon I. and his heirs, were as follows: — 

"The imperi.al dignity is hereditary in the descendants, direct, natural, and 
legitimate, of Napoleon Bonaparte, from male to male, by order of primo- 
geniture, and to the perpetual exclusion of females and their descendants. 

"Napoleon Bonaparte may adopt the children or grandchildren of his 
brothers, provided that they shall have attained the age of eighteen years. 

"In default of heirs natural and legitimate, or of an heir adopted by Napo- 
leon Bonaparte, the imperial dignity is devolved and deferred to Joseph 

* Alison's History of Europe, vol. iii. 92. t Moniteur, July 30, 1832. 



ADVENTURES OF THE DUCHESS DE BEERL 91 

Bonnparte and his descendants natural and legitimate, by order of primogeni- 
ture, from male to male, to the perpetual exclusion of women and their 
descendants. 

" In default of Joseph and of his descendants male, the imperial dignity is 
devolved and deferred to Louis Bonaparte and to his descendants natui'al and 
legitimate, by order of primogeniture, and from male to male, to the exclusion 
of women and their descendants." 

These decrees were presented to the people, to be sanctioned or rejected by 
them by the voice of universal suffrage. There were 3,524,254 votes cast. 
Of these, 3,521,675 Avere in the affirmative, and but 2,579 in the negative. 

"History," says Alison, "has recorded no example of so unanimous an 
approbation of the foundation of a dynasty ; no instance of a nation so joy- 
fully taking refuge in the stillness of despotism." * Such is the admission of 
an historian, who, with his strong aristocratic proclivities, regarded the tyranny 
of the Bourbons as liberty ; and the democratic empire, with equal rights for 
all upon its banner, as despotism. 

When the result of this vote was announced by the Senate and the Tribu- 
nate to Napoleon, he replied, " I ascend the throne, where I have been placed 
by the unanimous voice of the people, the Senate, and the army, with a heart 
penetrated with the splendid destinies of a people, whom, in the midst of 
camps, I first saluted with the title of 'great.' From my youth upwards, my 
thoughts have been entirely occupied with their glory; and I now feel no 
pleasure nor pain but in the happiness or misfortune of my people. Mt/ 
descendants will lo7ig sustain this throne. In the camps they will be the first 
soldiers of the army, sacrificing their lives for the defence of their country. 
As its first magistrates, they will never forget that contempt for the laws and 
the overthrow of the social edifice are never occasioDcd but by the weakness 
and the vacillation of princes. You senators, whose counsel and aid have 
never been wanting in the most difficult circumstances, will transmit your 
spirit to your successors. Remain ever, as you now are, the firmest bulwarks 
and the chief counsellors of the throne, so necessary to the hajjpiness of thi* 
vast empire." 

The coronation took place the next day, Dec. 2, 1804, in the Cathedral of 
Notre Dame, with splendor Avhich had never before been surpassed. It wag 
the coronation of the Republican emperor. The assumption was, that France 
in all its interior institutions was a republic^ but with its supreme executive 
invested with imperial dignity and power to protect that republic from foes 
at home and foes abroad. The oath, consequently, which the emperor took, 
was in these words : — 

"I swear to maintain the integrity of the territory of the republic; to 
respect and cause to be respected the laws of the Concordat and the liberty 
of worship ; to respect and cause to be respected equality of rights, political 
and civil liberty, and the irrevocability of the sale of the national domains; 
to iinpose no tax but by legal authority; to maintain the institution of the 
Legion of Honor; and to govern with no other views but to the interest, the 
happiness, and the glory of tlie French people." 

* Alison's Hiotory of Europe, vol. ii. p. 236. 



92 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

The next day, the eagle-surmounted banners which were thenceforth to 
form the standards of the army were presented to the colonels of all the regi- 
ments in Paris, and to deputations from those which were absent. The im- 
posing ceremony took place in the Champ de Mars. The emperor and empress 
sat upon a throne in the middle of the plain. At a signal, the troops closed 
their ranks, and were gathered in dense masses round the throne. The em- 
peror, who was dressed in the uniform of a soldier of the guard, rose and 
said, — 

" Soldiers, there are your standards. These eagles will serve as your rally- 
ing-point. They will ever be seen where your emperor shall deem thera 
necessary for the defence of his throne and of his people." * 

Such were the foundations of the Republican empire of France. The 
death of the Duke of Reichstadt now brought Prince Louis Napoleon one 
step nearer to the throne in the line of succession marked out by the Senate, 
and ratified by the almost unanimous voice of the French people. 

♦ ?r^ci3 des ^fevenements militaires, 1799-1807, par General Mathieu, torn. xi. pp. 77, 78. 




CHAPTER VI. 



LIFE AT ARENEMBERG, AND NAPOLEONIC SYMPATHIES' 

Views of Lafayette; of M. Carrel; of Chateaubriand. — The Poles desire Louis Fapoleon for 
their King. — His Reply. — Retirement at Arenemberg. — Studies. — " Considerations, Po- 
litical and Military, upon Switzerland." — Opinions of the Press. — Extracts. — Letters to 
the Poet Belmontct. — Letter from Queen Hortense. — The Prince offered the Crown of Por- 
tugal. — His Reply. — Mode of Life at Arenemberg. — " Manual of Artillery." — The Lib- 
eral Party look to Louis Napoleon. — French Sympathy for Napoleon I. — Honors conferred 
upon his Memory. — Plan for restoring the Empire. — Colonel Vaudrey. 

ROM the day of the death of the Duke of Reichstadt, the eyes 
of all who desired the restoration of the empire were directed 
to the young Prince Louis Napoleon. He was now the sole 
heir to the imperial sceptre, after his uncle Joseph and his own 
sick and dying fathei". Many of the most prominent of the 
Liberal party were in communication with the prince, and La- 
fayette had held several interviews with him. The hopes Avhich Lafayette, 
as we have seen in his interview with Joseph Bonapaile, reposed on Napo- 
leon's son, he now transferred to the nephew. Bitterly disappointed in Louis 
Philippe, whom he had so signally helped to place upon the throne, Lafayette 
hoped for the establishment of his long-desired republic, under the aegis of the 
heir of the emperor.* 

This distmguished advocate of popular rights had ever avowed himself a 
Eepublican in principle : still he affirmed that France needed monarchical 
forms. Under republican forms, there may exist utter despotism; and, under 
monai-chical institutions, the spirit of liberty and equality may have free scope. 
The Emperor Napoleon L, the unwavering defender of equal rights for all men, 
was ever fond of calling his empire the Imperial Republic. By all dynastic 
Europe, it was regarded as the foe of aristocratic privilege ; and as such, by 
the allied despots it was assailed and destroyed. The regard with which the 
Liberal party began then to contemplate Louis Napoleon may be seen in the 
following sentiments expressed by M. Carrel, the distinguished editor of 
"The Paris National: " — 

"The name borne by Louis Napoleon is the greatest existing in modern 
times : it is the only one capable of strongly exciting the sympathies of the 
French people. If the prince is able to comprehend the true interests of 

* Histoire complete de Napoleon III., par MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 48. 

93 



94 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

France, if he can forget liis rights of imperial legitimacy, aud only remember 
tlie sovereignty of the people, he may one day be called upon to play a great 
part." 

Even the Viscount Chateaubriand, with whom legitimacy was a religious 
principle, but who had visited Louis Napoleon at Arenemberg, and for whom 
he seems to have formed quite a strong attachment, wrote to him, — 

"You know that my young king* is in Scotland; and, so long as he lives, 
there can be for me no other sovereign in France. But if God in liis impen- 
etrable designs should reject the race of St. Louis, and if this election of 
Louis Pliilippe, which the country has never sanctioned, were referred back to 
the people, and if the habits of the nation should render us unfit for a repub- 
lic, then, prince, there is no name which better accords with the glory of 
France than your own." f 

In the year 1831, there was an insurrection in Poland. That unhappy na- 
tion made a frantic endeavor to throw off the yoke which the allies had 
imposed upon it. The leaders in this movement at once turned their eyes 
to Louis Napoleon, as one whose name would invest their cause with dignity; 
and offered him the crown of Poland as the reward of his services. The 
letter which they wrote him was signed by General Cruirewicz, Count Plater, 
and many others of the Polish patriots. It was dated Aug. 28, 1831, and 
contained tlie following sentiments : — 

" To whom could the direction of our enterprise be better confided than 
to the nephew of the greatest captain of not only our own age, but of all 
others? A young Bonaparte, appearing on our plains with the tricolor flag 
in his hand, would produce a moral effect, the consequences of which are 
incalculable. Come then, young hero, hope of our country, confide to the 
crowds to whom your name is known the fortunes of Caesar, or, more precious 
still, the destinies of liberty. You will win the gratitude of your brothers 
in arms, and the admiration of the universe." J 

Louis Napoleon declined the throne thus offered him ; stating as a reason, 
"I belong, first of all, to France. Besides, I should serve the holy cause of 
Poland more efiectually by fighting by your side as a volunteer." 

In accordance with these views, he set out to join the Polish patriots. Ht 
had not advanced far upon his journey, when he received tidings of the cap- 
ture of Warsaw, which destroyed all their hopes of success. He consequently 
returned to the retirement of Arenemberg, and consecrated himself anew to 
those political and military studies which had so long and so intensely 
engrossed his attention.§ Two or three years passed away, — years of compar- 

* The Duke of Bordeaux, Henri V. 

t MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 49. 

t Hist. comp. de Nap. III., p. 30. 

§ " It was then thought that France would make an immediate and powerful intervention in 
favor of Poland. Louis Napoleon feared, that, if he accepted, the cabinet of the Tuileries might 
take umbrage at the eminent position assigned him by the old friends of his uncle, the most 
faithful and fraternal auxiliiries of our country. That he might not compromise their cause by 
furnishing tlie pretext for an abandonment, unfortunately already resolved upon, and perhaps 
also that he might rest at the door of such events as might arise from the great deceptions of 
1830, he responded by a refusal." — Histoire du Prince Napoleon, sur des Documents particuliers et 
authenlitjues, par D. lienault. 



LIFE AT ARENEMBERG. 95 

Qtive solitude and intense int; llcctual toil. He published daring this period 
several pamphlets upon tlie state of Europe, which developed his own political 
views. Among others there was one which attracted much attention, entitled 
'•Considerations, Political and Military, upon Switzerland." 

No one can read this treatise without assenting to the remark of the 
distinguished editor of the "Paris iN'ationale," who says, "The writings of 
Louis Napoleon Bonaparte give evidence of a clear head and a noble character. 
They contain profound views, which denote severe study, and a grand intelli- 
gence of modern times." 

Longfellow has beautifully said, in words which are familiar to every 
reader, — 

"The heights by great men reached and kept 
V/cre not attained by svxdden flight; 
But they, while their companions slept, 
Were toiling upwards in the night." 

Never was the truth of this maxim more fully verified than in the life 
of Prince Louis Napoleon. His career has not been the sudden blaze of 
the meteor, but the steadily increasing light of the ascending sun. 

" In Louis Napoleon's career," says Alison, " from first to last, literary and 
political, there are decided proofs of that fixity of ideas and moral resolution 
which are the characteristics of greatness, and the heralds either of success or 
ruin in the world." 

Again : speaking of his literary labors during these his early years, Alison 
says, " He persisted in his projects with that determined perseverance which 
so often works out its own destiny, and, by never despairing of fortune, at last 
conquers it. He commenced the composition of works calculated to enlist the 
public sympathies in his favor by uniting the Democratic and Imperial parties 
under the same banner, and holding it out as the only one which could restore 
liberty and glory to France. These works are very remarkable for the reflection 
and thought which they exhibit; and they were singularly calculated to attain 
their object, from the skilful combination which they present of much tliat was 
real with every thing which could be figured that was alluring in the maxims 
of the Imperial Government." * 

A few quotations from the work entitled " Considerations, Military and 
Political, upon Switzerland," will show its general spirit :t — 

"The enemies of popular suffrage will tell you that the elective system has 
always caused trouble : at Rome it divided the republic between Marius and 

* Alison's History of Europe from the Fall of Nap. I. to the Accession of Louis Napoleon, 
iii. 210. 

t The authors of the Biographic des Hommes du Jour, speaking of the Considerations poli- 
tiques et militaires sur la Suisse, say, — 

" This book announced great talent as a thinker and a writer. It caused a great sensation 
both in the diplomatic and military worlds. In one portion of the work, all the constitutions of 
the different cantons were examined, described, and analyzed with a sagacity quite surprising in 
so young an author. It showed the comprehensive glance and the enlightened reason of the 
already ripe statesman. Lofty views abounded in it. Switzerland was particularly struck. She 
applauded it with warmth; for she saw in this little book the elements of a better republican 
organization for the future." 



96 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

Sylla, between Caesar and Pompey ; Gerniany has been in flames, on account 
of the election of her emperors ; Christianity has been troubled in the choice 
of her popes ; we have seen three apostles of St. Peter disputing his heritage; 
Poland has been stained with blood in the choice of her kings; while in 
France the hereditary system has, during a period of three hundred years, 
surmounted all dissensions. 

"Others respond, 'The elective system governed Rome for four hundred 
and fifty years ; and Rome was the queen of the world, the focus of civiliza- 
tion. The hereditary system did not prevent revolutions which once chased 
out the Wasa, twice the Stuarts, and three times the Bourbons. If the hered- 
itary system has prevented wars of elections like those of Poland and those 
of Germany, it has substituted wars of succession like the Red Rose and the 
White Rose, the war for the throne of Spain, that of Maria Theresa; and 
besides, this principle, often oppressive, has given birth to the only legitimate 
wars, that is to say, the wars for independence.'" * 

" The word ' republic ' is not a designation of principles : it is but a form of 
government. It is not a principle, because it does not always guarantee 
liberty and equality. Republic in its general acceptation signifies only the 
government of many. For have we not seen till now, in almost all the 
republics, the people submitting to a tyrannical aristocracy, to revolting privi- 
lege? In Italy the republics were despotisms. The laws of Venice were written 
in blood. And while a republic, wise and democratic, may be the best of gov- 
ernments, a tyrannical republic is the worst of all ; for it is more easy to throw 
off the yoke of one than that of many." f 

The treatise from which we have selected the above extracts was published 
in July, 1833, when Louis Napoleon was twenty-five years of age. In "The 
Project of a Constitution," published a few months earlier, he expresses the 
following views : — 

"The right to utter one's thoughts and opinions, whether through the press 
or in any other way, the right to assemble peaceably, and the free exercise of 
"worship, should never be interdicted. Every act exercised against a man 
without the authority and the forms which the law prescribes is arbitrary and 
tyrannical : it is an act of violence which one has a right to repel by force. 
Public charity is a sacred debt. Society owes subsistence to unfortunate citi- 
zens, either in procuring for them work, or in supplying the means of subsist- 
ence to those who are no longer able to labor." 

To his friend the poet Belmontet, Louis Napoleon wrote in May, 1833, 
"My portrait, then, has given you pleasure. lam touched to hear it. Look 
at it often, and think, in seeing it, that it is that of a man who will enter into 
no transaction with any enemy of France ; who will ever devote himself to 
the cause of liberty, without once looking back ; and who will remain con- 
stantly faithful to the duties of his name, the honor of his country, and the 
affection of his brave friends." f 

Two years later, writing to the same friend, he says, " Still far from my 

* (Euvres de Napoleon III., torn, deuxieme, pp. 330, 331. t Idem, p. 331. 

X Histoire complete dc Napoleon III., p. 32. 



LIFE AT ARENEMBEEG. 97 

country, and deprived of all that can render life dear to a manly heart, I yet 
endeavor to retain ray courage in spite of fate, and find my only consolation 
in hard study. Adieu ! Sometimes think of all the bitter thoughts which must 
fill my mind when I contrast the past glories of France with her present con- 
dition and hopeless future. It needs no little courage to press on alone, as one 
can, towards the goal which one's heart has vowed to reach. Nevertheless, 
I must not despair, the honor of France has so many elements of vitality 
in it."* 

After another year of unremitted toil in his study, he writes to the same 
friend, " My life has been until now marked only by profound griefs and stifled 
wishes. The blood of Napoleon rebels (se revolte) in my veins in not being 
able to flow for the national glory. Until the present time, there has been 
nothing remarkable in my life, exceptijig my birth. The sun of glory shone 
upon my cradle. Alas ! that is all. But who can complain when the emperor 
has suffered so much ? Faith in the future (la confiance dans le sort) — such 
is my only hope ; the sword of the emperor my only stay ; a glorious death 
for France my ambition. Adieu ! Think of the poor exiles whose eyes are 
ever turned towards the beloved shores of France; and believe that my 
heart will never cease to beat at the sound of country, honor, patriotism, and 
devotion." 

The following letter from Ilortense shows how deeply she sympathized ic 
the trials of her son. It was dated "Arenemberg, Dec. 10, 1834:," Jiud was 
also addressed to their friend the poet Belmontet : — 

"The state of my afflnrs obliges me to remain during the winter in my 
mountain-home, exposed to all its winds. But what is this compared with 
the dreadful sufferings which the emperor endured upon the rock of St. 
Helena ? I would not complain, if my son, at his age, did not find himself 
deprived of all society, and completely isolated, without any diversion but the 
laborious pursuits to which he is devoted. His courage and strength of soul 
'equal his sad and painful destiny. What a generous nature ! What a good 
and noble young man ! I am proud to be his mother, and I should admire 
him if I were not so. I rejoice as much in the nobleness of his character as 
I grieve at being unable to render his life more happy. He was born for 
better things : he is worthy of them. We contemplate passing a couple of 
months at Geneva. There he will at least hear the French language spoken. 
That will be an agreeable change for him. The mother-tongue! — is it not 
almost one's country ? " f 

While devoted to' study in the solitudes of Arenemberg, inteiTupted only 
by such visits as he received from the illustrious men who not unfrequently 
became the guests of his mother at the chateau, his cousin — the Duke of Leuch- 
tenberg, son of his uncle Eugene, and husband of Donna Maria, Queen of 
Portugal — died. The plan was then formed by the Liberal party in Portugal 
to marry their young queen to Louis Napoleon, whose name and published 
opinions they considered a guaranty of his devotion to the popular cause. 

* Hi stoire complete do Napoleon III., p. 32. 
t Hjstoire de la Famille Bonaparte, par M. Camille Leynadier. 
13 



98 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

The prince rejected the offer, as he had previously rejected that of the Polish 
chiefs. The following letter he wrote upon this occasion, dated at Arenem- 
berg the 14th of December, 1835 : — 

" Several journals have announced the intelligence of my departure for 
Portugal as a pretender to the hand of Queen Donna Maria. However 
flattering for me may be the idea of a union with a young queen, beautiful 
and virtuous, widow of a cousin whom I tenderly loved, still it is my duty to 
refute such a report, as no step of mine, that I am aware of, could give rise 
to it. 

" I may even add, that, notwithstanding the strong interest attached to the 
destinies of a people who have just recovered their independence, I should 
refuse the honor of sharing tlie throne of Portugal, if by chance any persons 
should direct their eyes to me. 

" The noble conduct of my father, who abdicated in 1810 because he could 
not reconcile the interests of France with those of Holland, has not escaped 
my recollection. My father has proved by his grand example how much 
one's country is to be preferred to. a foreign throne. I feel, indeed, that, 
habituated from childhood to love my country above all things, I can prefer 
nothing to the interests of France. 

" Persuaded that the great name which I bear will not be always a ground 
for exclusion in the eyes of my fellow-countrymen, since it reminds them of 
fifteen years of glory, I wait calmly in a free and hospitable country until 
the nation shall recall into its own bosom those who were exiled in 1815 by 
twelve hundred thousand foreigners. This hope of one day serving France 
as a citizen and a soldier strengthens and consoles me in my retirement, and 
in my eyes is worth all the thrones in the world." 

The young prince still remained in Areneraberg, engaged in studious labors, 
and closely watching all the signs of the times. He manifested great interest 
in the Polish refugees, many of whom visited him ; and he was ever ready to 
assist them generously with his purse. He sent to the Polish committee at 
Berne a valuable casket which had once been owned by Napoleon I., that it 
might be sold by lottery, and the proceeds devoted to relieving the wants of 
the exiles. The grateful reply which was returned to him contained the 
following sentence : — 

" Five hundred Polish refugees, grateful for his generous solicitude, have 
the honor to present their sentiments of the most profound regard to the 
illustrious descendant of the Emperor Napoleon." * 

The castle of Hortense was elegantly furnished with all the appliances of 
enjoyment and luxury; but the prince seems never to have had a taste for 
ease or splendor. All his life long, he has emphatically belonged to the 
" working-party." When seated on the imperial throne, one most intimately 
acquainted with his habits said to the writer, " There are no two men in Paris 
who do as much work each day as does the emperor." 

At Arenemberg he had a rude pavilion erected at a short distance from the 
walls of the chateau, and almost beneath the shadows of the surrounding 
forest, which he used as his study and his laboratory, and where he spent in 

• The Public and Private History of Napoleon III., by Samuel M. Smucker, LL.D., p. 47. 



LIFE AT ARENEMBERG. 99 

retirement most of his hours. There was no carpet upon the floor ; there was 
not even an arm-chair in tlie room. Here he was surrounded with books, 
charts, philosophical instruments, and fire-arms of every description. He 
adopted almost the rigor of a military life ; frequently taking his frugal meals 
in his apartment, and devoting almost unbroken days to laborious study. For 
exercise, he spent an hour each morning upon horseback, exploring the wild 
mountain-paths. As the result of these months of seclusion and toil, he 
published in December, 1835, — he being then twenty-seven years of age, 
— "A Manual of Artillery for the Use of Artillery Officers of the Helvetic 
Republic." 

The author of "Letters from London" gives the following account of the 
mode of life of the young prince at Arenemberg at that time : " From his 
tenderest youth, he despised the habits of an effeminate life. Although his 
mother allowed him a considerable sura for his amusements, these were the 
last things he thought of All his money was spent in acts of beneficence, in 
founding schools or houses of refuge, extending the circle of his studies, in 
printing his military or political works, or in making scientific experiments. 
His mode of life was always frugal, and rather rude. 

"At Arenemberg it was quite military. His room (situated, not in the 
castle, but in a small pavilion beside it) ofiered none of the grandeur or 
elegance so prevalent in Hortense's apartments. It was, in truth, a regular 
soldier's tent. Neither carpet nor arm-chair appeared there ; nothing that 
could indulge the body; nothing but books of science, and arms of all kinds. 
As for himself, he was on horseback at break of day, and, before any one 
had risen in the castle, had ridden several leagues. He then went to work in 
his cabinet. Accustomed to military exercises, as good a rider as could be 
seen, he never let a day pass without devoting some hours to SAVord and lance 
practice, and the use of infantry arms, which he managed with extraordinary 
rapidity 'and address." 

" The Manual of Artillery " added much to his literary and scientific celeb- 
rity. It gave abundant evidence of industry, research, and great intellectual 
ability. It proved, beyond all dispute, that while many other European princes 
were wasting their lives in indolence, folly, and dissipation, Louis Napoleon 
was consecrating his great energies and his commanding intellect to the pur- 
poses of a high and noble ambition. The wide range of his studies may be 
inferred from the following summary of the contents of this volume : The 
introduction contained an historical survey of the invention of cannon, and of 
improvements in their construction. The body of the work consisted of three 
divisions, — field-artillery, siege-artillery, and the construction of cannon. It 
embraced also a treatise upon the management of cannon on the march and in 
action; upon the theory of initial velocities, and the pointing and direction of 
guns; upon the science of fortification, both of attack and defence; the manu- 
facture of gunpowder, and the casting of cannon.* 

* The Spectateur Militaire of 1836, speaking- of this work, says, "In looking over this book, 
it is impossible not to be struck with the laborious industry of which it is the fruit. Of 
this we can get an idea by the list of authors — French, German, and English — that he has con- 
sulted. When we consider how much study and perseverance must have been employed to sue- 



100 LIFE OF NAPOl.EON III. 

His previous political works had excited mucli public sympathy in his 
favor. In thDse treatises, he had very successfully attempted to unite the Re- 
publican and Imperial party under the same banner, representing that united 
party as the one which was essential to the interests of France. Every day, 
the government of Louis Philippe was growing more unpopular. Innumera- 
ble secret societies were organized to endeavor to overthrow his throne. Very 
many of the Liberal or Republican party were turning their eyes to Louis Na- 
poleon as the only hope for France. One of the leading Republicans wroto 
to the prince from Paris as follows : — 

"The life of the king is daily threatened. If one of these attempts should 
succeed, we should be exposed to the most serious convulsions ; for there is no 
longer in France any party which can lead the others, nor any man who can 
inspire general confidence. In this position, prince, we have turned our eyes 
to you. The great name which you bear, your opinions, your character, every 
thing, induces us to see in you a point of rallying for the popular cause. Hold 
yourself ready for action; and, when the time shall come, your friends will 
not fail you." * 

It was not without reason that the Liberal party in France began to repose 
their hopes in Prince Louis Napoleon. In all of his writings he had proved 
himself the able advocate of popular liberty, proclaiming his faith in universal 
suffrage, and declaring the will of the people to be the only true foundation 
of government. He had avowed himself the firm friend of republican princi- 
ples ; while at the same time he had expressed his conviction, that, in the pres- 
ent situation of France, monarchical forms were essential to the welfare of 
the nation. 

It was upon these principles that the empire of the first Napoleon was 
founded, — a government, not, like the old monarchy, conducted for the bene- 
fit of a pampered class of nobles, but for the whole mass of the people. Sev- 
eral important Parisian journals began now to venture to recall to the recol- 
lections of the people the glories of the empire. Louis Philippe found it 
impossible to resist the rising enthusiasm. He therefore endeavored to avail 
himself of its influence by assuming to take the lead as the friend and admirer 
of the great emperor. Not two months after the Bourbon dynasty gave place 
to the Orleans family on the throne, a petition was presented to the Chamber 
of Deputies, requesting that the remains of the Emperor Napoleon might be 
claimed of the British Government, and restored to France. In a speech 
wliich M. Mortigny made upon this occasion, he said, — 

"Napoleon re-established order and tranquillity in our country. He led our 
armies to victory. His sublime genius put an end to anarchy. His military 
glory made the French name respected throughout the whole world, and his 
name will ever be pronounced with emotion and veneration." 

This petition was followed by many others ; and, notwithstanding all the 

ceed in producing only the literary part — for even the illustrations scattered through the work 
arc from the author's own designs — of a book that requires such profound and varied attain- 
ments, and when we remember that this author was born on the steps of a throne, we cannot help 
being seized with ailmiration for the man who thus bravely meets the shocks of adversity." 
* Vic de Louis Napoleon, torn. i. p. 22. 



LIFE AT AEENEMBERG. 101 

secret endeavors of the government to repress it, a flame of enthusiasm was 
enkindled in the hearts of the people in behalf of the memory of the emperor, 
which burned brighter and clearer every day. 

When the all-conquering allies were in subjugated Paris, they insultingly 
dragged from the column in the Place Vendome the statue of Napoleon. 
Apparently with one voice, France now demanded its restoration. In accord- 
ance with a national decree, in the year 1833, the statue of Napoleon was 
replaced upon its magnificent shaft with great pomp, and amidst the universal 
acclamations of France. The following words were at that time inscribed 
upon the column : — 

"Monument reared to the glory of the grand army by Napoleon the Great. 
Commenced the 15th of August, 180G; finished the 15th of August, 1810. 
The 2oth of July, 1833, anniversary of the Revolution of July, and the year 
three of the reign of Louis Philippe I., the statue of Napoleon has been re- 
placed upon the column of the Grand Army." 

On the 1st of August, 1834, a statue of Napoleon was placed in the court- 
yard of the Royal Hotel des Invalides, accompanied by ceremonies so impos- 
ing as to bring nearly all Paris together. Six weeks after this, on the 14th of 
September, the Court of Cassation, the highest court of appeal in France, 
rendered homage to the most j>rofound legislator France has ever known by 
suspending in the Council Chamber a portrait of Napoleon, representing the 
emperor pointing to the immortal Code Napoleon. 

While France was thus honoring the memory of Napoleon with a fervor of 
devotion such as no other monarch ever secured before, there was a law of the 
Bourbons, as yet unrepealed, by which every member of the Bonaparte family 
was expelled from France, and prohibited from crossing her frontiers under 
penalty of death. Louis Napoleon, in his retreat at Arenemberg, watched 
these events, and cherished the full assurance that the hour was drawing nigli 
when the people of France would welcome the return of the heir of the 
emperor. 

The colossal statue of the emperor on the column in the Place Vendome 
seemed to be almost an object of Parisian idolatry. Day after day, for some 
time after its erection, immense crowds gathered in the Place, garlanding the 
railing with wreaths of immortelles^ and manifesting such enthusiasm and 
excitement as greatly to arouse the fears of the government. At last, the 
measure was adopted of dispersing the multitude by showers of water from 
the fire-engines.* 

The completion also of the gigantic Arc de I'fitoile, which stands at the 
head of the superb avenue of the Champs £lysees, was another and a perpet- 
ual reminder to the Parisians of that great man, who, notwithstanding that, 
during nearly the whole period of his reign, all Europe was combined to crush 
him, had accomplished more for Paris and for France than any if not all of 
her preceding sovereigns. 

The empei-or, in his will, had touchingly said, — 

"It is my wish that my ashes may repose on the banks of the Seine, in the 
midst of the French people whom I have loved so well." 

* Alison, chap. xxv. 55. 



102 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

All over France, voices began to be heard, responding earnestly, affection- 
ately, enthusiastically, to this request, and calling for the removal of hig 
remains from St. Helena to Paris. The situation of Louis Philippe was per- 
plexing in the extreme. Any attempt to resist this flood of popular senti- 
ment would surely cause him to be overwhelmed. By yielding to it, he would 
certainly swell that tide of excitement and enthusiasm in favoi-'of the restora- 
tion of the empire before which his unstable throne was already tottering. 

In the mean time, the government of Louis Philippe had but few support- 
ers, save in the army. He had often deemed it necessary to resort to very 
despotic measures, as a defence from the assaults which were made upon him. 
He had ever incurred the reproach of being an exceedingly avaricious man, 
ignobly devoted to the enriching of himself and fomily. He also manifested 
the utmost solicitude to strengthen his throne by marrying his sons and 
daughters to the members of the surrounding dynasties. But the people of 
France regarded these dynasties with hatred, as the banded despots who had 
robbed them of the empire, and of Napoleon, their elected sovereign ; who 
had forced upon them the Bourbons; and who had bound them, hand and foot, 
by the infamous treaties of 1815.* 

The Republicans had already made their effort — which we have described 
— to overthrow the throne of Louis Philippe, and had met with a bloody and 
a crushing repulse. The Legitimists, under the Duchess de Berri, had made 
their attempt. This enterprise, so heroically commenced, also passed away in 
a shout of derision. It was represented to Louis Napoleon by his own judg- 
ment, and by the voice of his numerous friends in France, that the hour had 
come in which it was wise for him to attempt to rescue France from the sway 
of the Orleans branch of the Bourbon dynasty, and, restoring to the nation 
the right of universal suffrage, to re-establish the 'popular principles^ if not 
the precise fonns, of the first emjDire. 

Among the devoted friends who had rallied around Louis Napoleon was 
Colonel Vaudrey, who was in command of the fourth regiment of artillery, 
which was in garrison at Sti'asburg. It so happened that this was the same 
regiment in command of which Napoleon I. so brilliantly commenced his 
career at the siege of Toulon, and the same which received him with so much 
enthusiasm at Grenoble, on his return from Elba, and escorted him on his 
triumphant march to Paris. Vaudrey was an eloquent, fascinating man, who 
had great influence over his ti'oops. It was not doubted that these troops 

* The popular feeling in reference to the government of Louis Philippe may be inferred from 
the following extract from " The Public and Private History of Jilapoleon III.," by Samuel 
Smucker, LL.D. : — 

"From 1830 till 1848, the whole reign of Louis Philippe was a continued attempt on his part, 
by intriguing, evading, manoeuvring, and lying, to perform as little as was possible of all the 
solemn promises and sonorous professions with which he ascended the throne. The most sordid, 
grovelling, perfidious, and disgraceful reign which has ever occurred during the whole progress 
of French history, taking all things calmly into consideration, was the reign of Louis Philippe. 
Its symbol should hai 3 been, and should forever continue to be, a full money-bag surrounded by 
a chain." 

This is too severe; but it truly represents the feelings with which large multitudes in France 
were animated. 



LIFE AT AEENEMBEEG. 103 

would enthusiastically rally around the heir of the emperor, bearing his 
name, and j^resajting to them that banner of the empire beneath Avhich 
they had marched to so many victories. In one of the interviews which 
Louis Napoleon held with Colonel Yaudrey at Baden, the prince said to 
him, — 

"The days of prejudice are past. The prestige of divine right has van- 
ished from France with the old feudal institutions. A new era has com- 
menced. Henceforth the people are called to the free development of their 
faculties. But in this general impulse, impressed by modern civilization, what 
can regulate the movement? What can preserve the nation from the dangers 
of its own activity? What government will be suflSciently strong to assure 
to the country the enjoyment of public liberty without agitations, without 
disorders? It is necessary for a free people that they should have a govern- 
ment of immense moral force. And this moral foi'ce — where can it be found, 
if not in the right and the will of all (le droit et la volonte de tous) ? So long 
as a general vote has not sanctioned a government, no matter what that gov- 
ernment may be, it is not built upon a solid foundation : adverse factions will 
constantly agitate society; while institutions ratified by the voJce of the 
nation wnll lead to the abolition of parties, and will annihilate individual 
resistances. 

"A revolution is neither legitimate nor excusable, except when it is made 
in the interests of the majority of the nation. One may be sure that this is 
the motive which influences him when he makes use of moral influences only 
to attain his ends. If the government have committed so many faults as to 
render a revolution desirable for the nation, if the Napoleonic cause have left 
sufliciently deep remembrances in French hearts, it will be enough for me 
merely to present myself before the soldiers and the people, recalling to their 
memory their recent griefs and past glory, for them to flock around my 
standard. 

" If I succeed in winning over a regiment, if the soldiers to whom I am 
unknown are roused by the sight of the imperial eagle, then all the chances 
will be mine: my cause will be morally gained, even if secondary obstacles 
rise to prevent its success. It is my aim to present a popular flag, — the most 
popular, the most glorious, of all, — which shall serve as a rallying-point for 
the generous and the patriotic of all parties ; to restore to France her dignity 
without universal war, her liberty without license, her stability without 
despotism. To arrive at such a result, what must be done? One must receive 
from the people alone all his power and all his rights." * 

Colonel Vaudrey had a high reputation for bravery. He had almost un- 
limited influence over his soldiers, and was exceedingly popular with the 
citizens of Strasburg, in consequence of the cordiality of his manners and 
his devotion to the memory of the Emperor Napoleon.f At this time he was 

* Histoire complete de Napoleon III., par MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 31. 

t Colonel Vaudrey graduated at the rolytechnie School at Metz, as lieutenant of artillery, in 
the yci:r 1806. He took part in nearly all the campaigns of the empire. At the battle of Water- 
loo, J - ng then twenty-eight years of age, he commanded a battery of twenty-eight pieces of 



104 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

not only colonel of the fourth regiment, but was also in command of all the 
artillery garrisoned at Strasburg. It was not doubted that his example and 
influence would secure the co-operation, not only of the troops, but of the 
population of the city generally. 

Another efficient co-operator in the movement, who has since attained much 
distinction, was M. Fialin, Viscount of Persigny. He was of the same age 
with Louis Napoleon, and had enjoyed both a collegiate and a military educa- 
tion. Upon the overthrow of the throne of Charles X., he desired the estab- 
lishment of a republic, and was exceedingly dissatisfied that Louis Philippe 
should have been j^laced upon the throne by a small clique in Paris. He 
established a journal, — "L'Occident Fran9ais," — which advocated the resto- 
ration of the empire ; but it failed from want of funds. Having read the 
political pamphlets which Louis Napoleon had issued, he became deeply im- 
pressed with the genius and the liberal opinions of their author, and repaired 
to Arenemberg to seek an interview with the prince. Fortified with two 
letters of introduction, — one from a veteran general of the empire, and 
another from the distinguished poet M. Belmontet, — he presented himself at 
the chateau of Hortense, and became at once one of the most efficient and 
active agents in the scenes which soon were opened. 

The plan finally adopted was for Louis Napoleon suddenly to make his 
appearance in Strasburg, with the object of rallying the garrison and the 
citizens by the prestige of his name and the ascendency of his daring, and 
then to advance upon Paris. It was believed that the troops, — the National 
Guard, which it was well known could be relied on, — the citizens, and the 
peasants of the surrounding country, roused by the sight of the eagle- 
surmounted banners of the empire borne by the heir of Napoleon, would 
rally around him, and that thus the marvel of Napoleon's march from Cannes 
to Paris would be repeated. If the plan succeeded, it would prove a moral 
revolution, as in the case of Napoleon's return from Elba, without the necessity 
of exercising violence, and without the shedding of blood. 

"Authentic evidence exists," says Alison, "that this conspiracy had such 
extensive ramifications in France, that it was very near succeeding; and that 
the throne of the citizen-king depended on the fidelity of a few companies in 
the garrison at Strasburg." * 

The garrison in the city consisted of between eight and ten thousand men. 

artillery. The following anecdote is related, as characteristic of his enthusiastic and chivalric 
character : — 

Two evenings before Prince Napoleon set out on his hazardous expedition, he said in an inter- 
view with the colonel, " We are about to engage in a perilous enterprise. Both of us may be 
killed. You are not rich. I do not wish that your children should have occasion to reproach 
me, if you are lost, not only with the death of their father, but with the condition of poverty 
into which that death may plunge them. Here are two contracts for ten thousand francs of rent 
each, which will secure the future of your family. Take them : my motlier will honor these 
drafts which I draw upon her." 

Colonel Vaudrey took the contracts, and immediately tore them in pieces, saying proudly, 
"Prince, 1 give you my blood; my life belongs to you: but I can neither sell the one nor the 
other." — Histoire complite de Napoleon III., par MM. Gallixet Guy, p. 53. 

* Alison, vol. iii. p. 210. 



LIFE AT ARENEMBKRG. 105 

There was also an immense arsenal in the place, from which Napoleon's followers 
could be armed, should a show of power be deemed advisable. The citizens 
of Strasburg had ever been the warm friends of the empire. These consider- 
ations rendered this stronghold peculiarly appropriate as the base of operations 
for such a movement as Louis Napoleon contemplated. In addition to this, 
the march to Paris, by the way of Alsace, Lorraine, and Champagne, led 
through those provinces in which the people retained the most lively remem- 
brance of the glories of the empire, and where they were most exasperated 
against the Bourbons in consequence of the outrages those provinces had 
suffered from the march of the allies. Four times, in going and returning, 
these locust legions of despotism had swept over their iields. 
14 



CHAPTER Vn. 



BTKASBURG. 




Letter to his Moihei, — Leaves Arenembcrg. — Incidents at Strasbnrg. — Speeches and Procla- 
mations. — Succeb •;. — Reverses. — The Capture. — His Expression of his Feelings. — Anxiety 
for his Companions. — Disregard of Himself. — Taken to Paris.. — Condemned Untried. — 
Fears of the Government. — Transported to America. — Scenes on the Voyage. 

OUIS NAPOLEON, in a letter to his mother, has given a 
minute account of the attempt at Strasburg. The accuracy 
of that account is fully substantiated by the facts which were 
elicited at the subsequent trials. In the introduction to his 
carefully-written narrative, he says, — 

" My Mother, — To give you a detailed recital of my misfortunes is to 
renew your sorrows and mine j and yet it is a consolation to us both that 
you should be informed of all the impressions which I have experienced and 
of all the emotions which have agitated me since the end of October. You 
know under what ])retext I left Arenemberg; but you do not know what was 
then passing in ray heart. Strong in ray conviction, which made me regard 
the Napoleon cause as the only national cause in France, as the only civilizing 
cause in Europe; proud of the nobleness and purity of my intentions, — I was 
fully determined to r lise the iyiperial eagle, or to fall a victim to my political 
fiitii. 

" I set out, travelling in my carriage on the same road which I had taken 
three months before when going from Urkirch to Baden : every thing around 
me was the same; but what a difference in the emotions with which I was 
animated! I w;is then cheerful and serene as the day which shone upon me: 
now, sad and reflective, ray s])irit takes the hue of the cold and dreary weather 
we are experiencing. I shall be asked, what could induce me to abandon a 
lu'.ppy existence in order to incur the risks of a hazardous enterprise. I shall 
reply, that a secret voice drew me on, and that for notliing in the world should 
I have been willing to postpone to another period an attempt which seemed 
to me to present so many chances of success. 

"And that which is most painful of all for me to think of is, that, now thnt 
reality has taken the place of supposition, I am firm in the belief, that, if I had 
followed the plan which I at first traced out, instead of being now under the 
equator, I should have been in my own country. Of what importance to me 



STRASBUKG. 107 

are those vulgar cries which call me insane because I have not succeeded, and 
which would have exaggerated my merit if I had triumphed ? I take upon 
myself all the responsibility of the event; for I have acted from my own con- 
viction, and not from impulse. Alas ! were I the only victim, I should have 
nothing to deplore. I have found in my friends boundless devotion, and I 
have not a single reproach to make to any one." Y 

On the 25th of October, the prince bade his mother adieu. She probably 
had some suspicions that he was embarking in an important enterprise ; for she 
embraced him with much emotion, urged him to be prudent, and slipped upon 
his finger the marriage-ring which the Emperor Napoleon had given to her 
mother Josephine, saying, "If you incur any danger, let that' be your talis- 
man." * 

He travelled in his private carriage ; and on the 27th reached Lahr, a small 
village in the duchy of Baden, within about twenty miles of Strasburg. In 
consequence of the breakage of one of the axles of his cari-iage, he was 
detained here for several hours. The next morning, the 28th, he left Lahr, 
and by a circuitous route, which led through Friburg, Neubrisach, and Colmar, 
reached Strasburg at eleven o'clock in the evening. He took a small chamber 
which his friends had engaged for him in the Rue de la Fontaine, but sent his 
carnage to the Hotel de la Fleur. 

The next morning, Colonel Vaudrey called ; and Louis Napoleon submitted 
to him the plan of operation which he had drawn up. What that j^lan was, we 
are not informed. It appears from Louis Napoleon's letter to his mother that 
he afterwards regretted that he had not followed it. It seems, however, that 
Colonel Vaudrey did not just approve of it. He said, — 

" There is no occasion here for a conflict of arms. Your cause is too French 
and too pure to sully it by spilling the blood of Frenchmen. There is but one 
mode of action worthy of you, because it will avoid all collision. When you 
are at the head of my regiment, we will march together to General Voirol's, 
an old soldier who will not be able to resist the siglit of you and of the impe- 
rial eagle when he knows that the garrison follows you." 

The prince fell in Avith the views of Colonel Vaudrey, and all things were 
arranged for the next morning. A house had been engaged in the Rue des 
Orphelins, one of the streets near the Barracks of Austerlitz, where all Avere to 
meet, and proceed to the barrack-yard as soon as the regiment of artillery 
should be assembled. 

At eleven o'clock in the evening of the 29th, one of the friends of Louis 
Napoleon called at his room in the Rue de la Fontaine to conduct him to the 
general rendezvous. It was necessary to traverse nearly the whole length of 
the town. It was a beautiful night; and the streets were almost as light as 
day, illumined by the rays of a cloudless moon. 

"The silence," said Louis Napoleon in his letter to his mother, " reigning 
around, made a deep impression upon me. By what would this calm be 
replaced on the morrow? And yet, I remarked to my companion, there will 
be no disturbance if I am successful ; since it is, above all, to avoid the disorder 

* Histoire complete de Napoleon III., p. 54 



108 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

BO often accompanying popular raovements that I wisli to commence tliis 
enterprise with the army. But what confidence, what jjrofound conviction of 
the nobleness of a cause, must be felt, to confront the danger we are about to 
brave, as well as the public opinion which will reproach us if we fail ! Never- 
theless, I take God to witness that it is not to gratify a personal ambition, but 
because I believe that I have a mission to fulfil, that I risk what is dearer to 
me than life, — the esteem of my fellow-citizens." 

On arriving at the appointed rendezvous in the Rue des Orphelins, quite a 
collection of Louis Napoleon's friends were found in two apartments on the 
ground-floor of a house. The prince expressed his gratitude to his friends for 
the devotion which they were manifesting in his cause, and assured them that 
hereafter they should share together in good as well as in ill fortune. 

The following brief address which he made to his friends on this occasion, 
several of whom he now probably met for the first time, very distinctly un- 
folds his views : — 

"Gentlemen, you know all the griefs of the nation in reference to the gov- 
ernment of the 9th of August: but you know, also, that there is no party now 
existing sufiiciently strong to overthrow that government; no one sufiiciently 
powerful to unite the French people, even should it succeed in grasping the 
sceptre. This feebleness of the government, as also this feebleness of parties, 
results from the fact that each represents the interests of but a single class in 
society. Some rely upon the clergy and the nobility, others upon the Avealthy 
aristocracy, and others upon the common people {proletaires) alone. 

"In this state of things, there is but one flag which can rally all parties, 
because it is the flag of France, and not that of a faction : it is the eagle of 
the empire. Under that banner, which recalls so many glorious memories, 
there is no class expelled. It represents the interests and the lights of all 
The Emperor Napoleon held his power from the French people. Four times 
his authority received the sanction of a popular vote. In the year 1804, 
hereditary succession in the family of the emperor was established by four 
millions of votes. Since then, the people have not been consulted. 

"As the eldest of the nephews of Napoleon, I can consider myself as the 
representative of popular election : I will not say of the empire, because, 
during the lapse of twenty years, the ideas and the necessities of France may 
have changed. But a principle can never be annulled by facts: it can only be 
by another principle. But it is not the twelve hundred thousand foreigners 
of 1815, it is not the Chamber of two hundred and twenty-one individuals of 
1830, which can render null the principle of election of 1804. 

"The Na])oleonic system consists in advancing civilization without discord 
and without excess; in giving impulse to ideas; in developing all material 
interests; in consolidating power, and making it respectable; in instructing the 
masses in the cultivation of all their intellectual faculties; in fine, in re-uniting 
around the altar of the country Frenchmen of all parties, and in inspiring 
them with motives of honor and of glory. 

"Let us restore their rights to the people, the eagb to our flag,. stability to 
our institutions. The princes of divine rights find many who are willing to 
die for them in the endeavor to re-establish abuses and privileges; and shall 



STRASBXJRG. 109 

I — wliose name represents the glory, honor, and rights of the people — shall I 
die, then, alone in exile? 'No!' ray brave companions in misfortune have 
repUed to me : ' you shall not die alone ; we will die with you, or we will con- 
quer together in the cause of the people of France.' " * 

Frequent reference is made in these pages to the eagles of France. The 
Gallic cock, in the days of the Bourbons, crowned the French banners. In 
the year 1804, ISTapoleon was chosen Emperor of France. Out of 3,574,898 
votes, but 2,569 were in the negative. The coronation took place in the Ca- 
thedral of Notre Dame on the 2d of December. The next day, there was a 
very magnificent military display in the Champ de Mars. The colonels of all 
the regiments in Paris, and deputations from all the absent regiments, were 
there to receive the eagles, which were thenceforward to constitute the stand- 
ards of the army. 

In the middle of that magnificent parade-ground, in front of the ficole 
MiUtaire, a throne was erected. Napoleon, with the Empress Josephine by 
his side, sat upon it. He had laid aside the imperial robes with which he had 
been invested the day before, and appeared in the simple uniform of a colonel 
of the guard. The troops, many thousands in number, closed their ranks, until 
they were grouped in dense masses around the throne. The emperor, rising 
from his seat, and pointing to the banners which were ready to be distiibuted, 
said in a loud voice, which reached almost every ear, — 

"Soldiers, these are your standards. Those eagles will serve as your 
rallying-point. They will ever be seen where your emperor shall deem them 
necessary for the defence of his throne and of his people."! 

Upon the downfall of Napoleon, the Bourbons discarded the eagle, and 
restored the Gallic cock. Among the group of officers who surrounded Louis 
Napoleon at Strasburg, one bore a flag surmounted with the eagle. It was 
the flag, which; under the empire, had belonged to the seventh regiment of 
the line. "The eagle of Labedoyere!" some one cried out; and each one 
pressed the banner to his heart with deep emotion. It has been denied that 
this was the identical eagle which had become so memorable in the history 
of the empire. 

Colonel Labedoyere was a young man of fine figure and elegant manners, 
descended from a respectable family, and whose heart ever throbbed warmly 
in remembrance of the glories of the empire. Upon the abdication of Napo- 
leon, and his retirement to Elba, he was in command of the seventh regiment 
of the line, stationed at Grenoble. He fraternized with his troops in the enthu- 
siasm with which one and all were swept away at the sight of the returning 
emperor. Drawing an eagle from his pocket, he placed it upon the banner, 
and embraced it in the presence of all his soldiers, who, in a state of the wild- 
est excitement, with shouts of joy gathered around Napoleon, crying, " Vive 
r JEmpereur ! '''' Napoleon honored the young soldier with his most flattering 
regard. 

After Waterloo and the exile to St. Helena, Labedoyere was arrested, tried, 

* L'Histoire du nouveau Cosar, Strashurg et Boulogne, par M. Vesinicr, pp. 49, 50. 

t Precis des E\e'nements militaires, 179S-1807, par Ge'neral Mathieu Dumas, vol. xi. p. 77. 



no LIFE OF NAPOLEON lU. 

and condemned to death for treason. In the toucL'uig speech which he made 
to his judges, he said, — 

" If my Hfe only were at stake, I would not detain you a moment. It is my 
ju'ofession to be ready to die. But a wife the model of «very virtue, a son as 
yet in the cradle, will one day demand of me an account of my actions. The 
name I leave them is their inheritance : I am bound to leave it to them unfor- 
tunate, but not disgraced. I may have deceived myself as to the real interests 
of France. Misled by the recollections of camps, or the illusions of honor, I 
may have mistaken my own chimeras for the voice of my country ; but the 
greatness of the sacrifices which I made in breaking all the strongest bonds 
of rank and family, prove, at least, that no unworthy or personal motive has 
ijifluenced my actions. I deny nothing: I plead only guiltless to having con- 
spired. When I received the command of my regiment, I had not a thought 
that the emperor could ever return to France." * 

It is said that the judges shed tears when they condemned the noble young 
man to death. His young wife threw herself at the feet of Louis XVIII. 
as he was descending the great stair of the Tuileries to enter his carriage. 
In a voice broken and frantic with grief, she cried out, "Pardon, sire! 
pardon ! " 

The king was not a hard-hearted man. With deep emotion he replied, 
"Madam, I know your sentiments, and those of your family, for my house. 
I deeply regret being obliged to refuse such faithful servants. If your hus- 
band had offended me alone, his pardon would have been already given ; but 
I owe satisfaction to France, on which he has induced the scourge of rebellion 
and war. My duty as a king ties my hands. I can only pray for the soul of 
him whom justice has condemned, and assure you of my protection to your- 
self and child." 

The suppliant fell in a swoon at his feet, and was conveyed away, appar- 
ently lifeless, by her friends. The king entered his carriage, and proceeded 
on his pleasure-drive. The mother of Colonel Labedoyere, dressed in the 
deepest mourning, was waiting for his return ; but the attendants of the pal- 
ace had received the strictest injunctions not to allow her to enter the royal 
presence. When tlie king alighted from his carriage, returning from his 
drive, he only heard the shrieks of the poor mother as the officials tore her 
away. 

When led out to execution, Labedoyere found upon the spot a faithful 
friend and companion-in-arms, M. Cesar de Nervaux, who had come to sustain 
him with sympathy in his last moments. Silently they pressed each other's 
hands. The soldiers took their station opposite a wall. Labedoyere, after 
whispering a few words to the accompanying priest, — probably the last mes- 
sage of love to his wife, — calmly took his place in the middle of the inter- 
vening space between the soldiers and the wall. Refusing to have his eyes 
bandaged, he looked steadfastly at the muskets levelled at his breast, and in a 
distinct voice said, "Fire, my friends!" He instantly fell dead, pierced by 
nine balls. As the smoke passed away, the priest approached, steeped lis 

* Le Moniteur, Aug. 20, 1815. 



STEASBUEG. Ill 

handkerchief in the blood flowing from his breast, and bore it to his wife, — 
the last sad relic of a husband's love.* 

Such was the significance of the phrase, " The eagle of Labedoyere." As 
we have before motioned, Colonel Vaudrey was in command of the same 
regiment which Labedoyere had commanded, which had received the emperor 
with so much enthusiasm at Grenoble, and in command of which regiment the 
emperor had commenced his brilliant career at Toulon.f 

All the friends of the prince who were assembled in the house of the Ruo 
des Orphelins were in full uniform. Louis Napoleon wore the uniform of an 
artillery-officer, — a blue coat, with collar and trimmings of red. He wore the 
epaulets of a colonel, the badges of the Legion of Honor. His chapeau was 
of the model then established in the army, and he was armed with a sabre of 
the heavy cavalry.| 

The hours of the October night, as they waited for the dawn of the morning, 
seemed very long. The prince i:)assed the time in writing the proclamations, 
which were to be distributed, and which he had not been willing to have 
printed for fear of some indiscretion. The first proclamation to the French 
people contained the following appeals: "Frenchmen, you are betrayed: your 
political interests, your commercial interests, your glory, are sold to the for- 
eigner. In 1830, a new government was imposed on France without consulting 
either the people of Paris, the inhabitants of the provinces, or the French 
army. All that has been done without your concurrence is unlawful. A 
national congress, elected by the whole of the citizens, has alone the right of 
choosing what is best for France. Proud of my popular origin, strong in the 
four millions of votes which decreed me an heir to the throne, I present myself 
before you as a representative of the sovereignty of the people. 

" It is time, that, amidst this chaos of contending parties, a national voice 
should make itself heard. Can you not see that the men who now rule our 
destinies are still the traitors of 1814 and 1815, the executioners of Marshal 
Ney ? All their aim is to please the Holy Alhance. For this they have aban- 
doned the people who were our allies. Frenchmen, let the remembrance of 
the great man who did so much for the glory and prosperity of your country 
arouse you. 

" Confiding in the justice of my cause, I present myself before you, — the 
testament of the Emperor Napoleon in one hand, his sword of Austerlitz in 

* Alison. History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon I. to the Accession of Louis Napo- 
leon, vol. i. p. 78. 

t " The first of the persons who were arrested and forced upon the government for trial 
was Colonel Labedoyere. This ardent and galhmt young man, whose defection at Grenoble 
first opened the gates of France, and whose subsequent fate has made his name imperishable 
in history, was connected with several of the first families of the court, but had been involved in 
the meshes of the Napolconist conspiracy by the influence of Queen Hortense, whose saloons 
in Paris, under the name of the Duchess of St. Leu, were the chief rendezvous of the imperial 
party. Being in command of the seventh regiment at Grenoble, the first fortified town between 
Cannes and Paris, his defection was of the highest importance to Napoleon ; and it was mainly 
from knowing that he might be relied on that the emperor had chosen the mountain-road 
which lay tln-ough that town." — History of Europe since the Fall of Napoleon I. Alison, vol. i. p. 77. 

t Histoire du Prince Louis Napole'on, par B. Re'nault, p. 83. 



112 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

the other. Fnithful to the mnxims of the emperor, I know no other interests 
than yours, no other glory than that of being useful to France and humanity. 
Without hatred, without malice, free from the spirit of party, I invite to the 
eagles of the emperor all those who feel that a Frencli> heart beats in their 
bosoms. 

" I have devoted my existence to the accomplishment of a grand mission. 
From the rock of St. Helena, a ray of the setting sun has passed into my soul. 
I shall know how to guard this sacred flame ; I shall know how to conquer, or 
to die for the cause of the people. Men of 1789, men of the 20th of March, 
1815, men of 1830, arouse yourselves! Behold by whom you are governed I 
behold the eagle, emblem of glory, symbol of liberty, and choose ! 

" Vive la France ! " Napoleox." * 

"It was arranged," writes Louis Napoleon in his letter to his mother, "that 
we should remain in that house until the colonel gave me notice to repair to 
the barrack-yard. We counted the hours, the minutes, the seconds. Six o'clock 
in the morning was the moment indicated. How difficult it is to express what 
one feels under such circumstances ! In one second, one lives more than ordi- 
narily in ten years. To live is to make use of our organs, our senses, our 
faculties ; of all those parts of ourselves which give us the sentiment of our ex- 
istence. And in these critical moments our faculties, our sentiments, our 
organs, exalted to the highest degree, are concentrated on one idea. It is the 
hour which is to decide our whole future destiny. One is strong when he is 
able to say, 'To-morrow I shall be the liberator of my country, or I shall be 
dead ; ' and greatly is he to be pitied when circumstances have been such that 
he can be neither one nor the other." 

Notwithstanding all the precautions which had been taken to maintain 
silence, the noise unavoidably made by so large a gathering awoke the occu- 
pants of the chambers immediately above. They were heard to rise, and open 
their windows. It was then about five o'clock in the morning. The adven- 
turers redoubled their prudence ; and those who had been alarmed, seeing no 
movement in the street below, retired again to their beds. 

At last, the clock on the tower of the great cathedral struck the hour of six. 
The moon had gone down, and it was dark in the streets. "Never before," 
writes the prince, " did the striking of a clock make my heart beat so violently. 
But a moment after, the trumpet fi-om the barracks made it throb moi'e wildly. 
The great moment drew near. Somewhat of a tumult began to make itself 
heard in the streets. Soldiers passed, shouting; and horsemen galloped at full 
speed before our windows, I sent an officer to ascertain the cause of the dis- 
turbance. Were the authorities of the place informed of our projects? Were 
we discovered ? He soon returned to inform me that the noise proceeded from 
the soldiers, whom the colonel had despatched to fetch their horses, which 
were outside of the barracks," 

A few more minutes passed, when a messenger came and informed the 

* Histoire complete de Napoleon III., p. 56. Also Histoire de la Prdsidence du Prince Louis 
Napoleon Bonaparte, par Lespes, i. 24, 27. 



STEASBUKG. 113 

prince that Colonel Vaudrey was ready for liim. He hastened into the street. 
M. Parquin, in the uniform of a brigadier-general, and a chief of a battalion 
bearing the eagle-surmounted banner, were by his side. A dozen officers fol- 
lowed behind. 

General Parquin was one of the most intimate friends of Louis Napoleon. 
He had married Mademoiselle Cochelet, the reader of Queen Ilortcnse at 
Arenemberg ; and had purchased the Chateau of Wolfberg, but a few minutes' 
walk from the one inhabited by Hortense and her son. He had been appointed 
an officer in the municipal guard under Louis Philippe, but for some reason 
decided not to wear the uniform or fulfil the functions of that office. Being 
rich, he retired to his chateau in Switzerland, where he became one of the 
most intimate friends and devoted followers of the present Emperor of France. 
Upon his trial, when reproached with having broken his oath to Louis Philippe, 
he replied, — 

" Thirty-three years ago, as a citizen and a soldier, I took the oath of fidelity 
to Napoleon and his dynasty. I am not like that grand diplomatist Talley- 
rand, who has taken thirteen oaths. The day in which the nephew of Na- 
poleon came to remind me of the oath which I had given to his uncle, I 
considered myself pledged ; and I devoted myself to him, body and soul. It 
was on the 4th of December, 1804, that I took the oath of fidelity to the em- 
peror and his dynasty; and I feel bound to keep it." * 

Such, in general, were the feelings of the little enthusiastic band now 
assembled around the prince. They did not consider that they were con- 
spirators, endeavoring to overthrow a legitimate government in the interests 
of a pretender, but that they were patriots, heroically struggling to rescue 
France from a government imposed upon it by fraud, and to restore to the 
French people the right to choose a government for themselves. 

It was but a short distance from the house in the Rue des Orphelins to the 
Barracks of Austerlitz. The route was soon traversed ; and the prince, with 
his companions, entered the barracks. The regiment was drawn up in line 
of battle in the court-yard, within the railing. On the lawn, there were forty 
artillerymen upon horseback. 

" My mother," exclaims Louis Napoleon in his letter, " imagine the happi- 
ness which I experienced at that moment ! After twenty years of exile, again 
I touched the sacred soil of my country, and found myself with Frenchmen 
whom the recollection of the emperor was again to electrify." 

Colonel Vaudrey stood alone in the middle of the court. He was a man 
of majestic figure; and there was something truly sublime in his aspect at 
this hour fraught with such momentous issues. As the prince approached 
him, he drew his sword, and, turning to his soldiers, presented to them the 
heir of Napoleon, saying, — 

" Soldiers of the fourth regiment of artillery, a great revolution has this mo- 
ment begun. You see here before you the nephew of the Emperor Napoleon. 
He has come to reconquer the rights of the people. The people can rely 
upon him. It is around him that all who love the glory and the liberty of 

* L'Histoire du nouveau Cesar, par P. Vesinier, p. 27. 
15 



lU LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

France should group themselves. Soldiers, you will feel, as does your chiefs 
all the grandeur of the enterprise which you are about to attempt, all t!ie 
sacredness of the cause which you are about to defend. Soldiers, can the 
nephew of the Emperor Napoleon rely upon your fidelity?" 

These words were followed by a general and apparently unanimous shout 
fi'ora the troops of " Vive Napoleon ! " " Vive I'Empereur ! " The princ'j then 
stepped forward, and with a motion of his hand indicated that he wished to 
speak. There was immediate and profound silence. Then in a clear voice, 
and with every word distinctly pronounced, he said, — 

" Soldiers, resolved to conquer or to die for the glory and the liberty of the 
French people, it is to you first that I have wished to present myself, because 
between you and me exist grand recollections. It is in your regiment that 
the emperor, my uncle, served as captain ; it is with you that he became illus- 
trious at the siege of Toulon ; and it is your brave regiment again that opened 
the gates of Grenoble for him on his return from Elba. Soldiers, new desti- 
nies are in store for you. To you is accorded the glory of commencing a 
grand enterprise ; to you the honor of being the first to salute the eagle of 
Austerlitz and of AVagram." 

Then, taking the eagle from the hands of one of the ofiicers standing by, 
he presented the banner to the troops, saying, — 

" Soldiers, behold the symbol of the glory of France, destined also to be- 
come the emblem of liberty ! For fifteen years, it led our fathers to victory. 
It has glittered on every field of battle ; it has traversed all the capitals of 
Europe. Soldiers, will you not rally around this standard, which I confide to 
your honor and to your courage ? Will you not march with me against the 
traitors and oppressors of our country, to the cry of 'Vive la France!' 'Vive 
laLiberte!'?" 

No language can describe the prodigious effect produced by this short 
harangue. The troops were roused to the wildest excitement. They waved 
their sabres in the air; and shout followed shout for a long time, without inter- 
mission. "It was," says a French historian, "a sublime scene, — sublime in its 
self-sacrifice and courage. Oh wonderful power of generous emotions and 
glorious memories ! A veteran soldier of the empire presents to his troops 
the nephew of Napoleon, and that alone is sufficient to make these soldiers 
at that moment more than men; to elevate them to the race of heroes. 
Magnificent spectacle ! which moved the prince even to tears, and which is 
worthy of being perpetuated upon canvas by the greatest of artists."* 

Colonel Vaudrey, the hero of many battles, and whose face had never 
giown pale before the fire of the enemy, stood by, his eyes dimmed with 
tears of joy. As soon as the excitement had somewhat subsided, each man 
set out on his appointed mission ; while the troops commenced their march, 
with a band of music at their head. Count Persigny went to arrest the 
prefet or governor of Strasburg. M. Lombard, surgeon of the military hos- 
pitals, was sent to have the proclamations printed. Andre de Schaller, one 
of the lieutenants of the garrison, hastened to secure the persons of the gen- 

* Histo] e complete dc Napole'on III., Empcreur des Franoais, par MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 60. 



STRASBURG. 115 

ernl of the brigade and the colonel of the third regiment of artillery. Lieu- 
tenant Petri took possession of the telegraph. M. Laity Armand, a young 
lieutenant, twent}-seven years of age, proceeded to the barracks of the pon- 
toniers to announce the tidings to them and to enlist their co-operation. 
He subsequently attained considerable distinction. At his trial he said, — 

" On the 25th of July, I was informed of the projects of the prince. I 
inquired if his intentions were democratic and republican ; for I am a Demo- 
crat and a Republican. Upon receiving an affirmative response, I took the 
oath to follow him ; and I have never failed to keep my oath." * 

And now the regiment, with the prince at its head, accompanied by Colonel 
Vaudrey and the chief of the squadron of artillery, commenced its march 
towards the headquarters of General Voirol, who was in command at that 
station. It was necessary to traverse several streets ; and, notwithstanding 
the early hour, a large number of the inhabitants of Strasburg, attracted by 
the unusual movement, had joined the cortege^ and, as they began to learn the 
object of the enterprise, manifested the most lively sympathy in its success. 
Crowds gathered around the prince. Many reverentially kissed the eagle, 
which was borne by Lieutenant Querelles. All seemed to yield to an irre- 
sistible charm. Wlien the column passed the barracks of the gendarmes, 
all the troops at the post presented arms, shouting "Vive I'Empereur!" When 
it reached tlie mansion of General Voirol, the guard presented arms, opened 
the doors of the hotel, and united their voices with the shouts of the accom- 
panying troops. t 

"All along the route," says Louis Napoleon, "I received the most unequivo- 
cal signs of the sympathy of the population. I had only to contend against 
the vehemence of the marks of interest which were showered upon me. The 
variety of the cries which welcomed me showed that there was no party 
which did not sympathize with my heart." % 

The prince entered and ascended the stairs, followed by Colonel Vaudrey, 
M. Parquin, and two other officers. General Voirol was in bed ; but, hastily 
summoned by one of his servants, he had barely time to rise, and partially 
dress himself, when the prince and his followers entered his apartment. As 
he had been an ancient officer of the empire, and had ever proudly cherished 
the memory of Napoleon, it was hoped, that, when he saw the enthusiasm with 
which the troops were inspired, he, like Marshal Ney and Colonel Labedoyere, 
would renounce his new masters, and turn back to his old allegiance; but per- 
haps he had too vivid a recollection of the fate of these men to be willing to 
follow in their footsteps. § 

Louis Napoleon advanced towards General Voirol, and presented him his 
hand, saying, — 

" General, I come to you as a friend. I should be grieved to raise our 
ancient tricolor without the assistance of a brave soldier like you. The gar- 
rison is in my favor : decide, and follow me." 

* L'Histoirc du nouveau Cesar, par ^M. Ve'sinior, p. 30. 
t Histoire complete de Napoleon III., p. 60. 
, } CEuvres de Napole'on III., p. 74. 
§ See Histoire complete de Napole'on, p. 61 ; and L'Histoirc du nouveau Ce'sar, p. 67. 



lie LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

General Voirol replied, "Prince, you have been deceived. The army knows 
its duty, as I will immediately prove to you." Then, tm-ning to Colonel Van- 
drey, he directed him to give certain orders to the garrison. "The garrison 
is no longer under your command," replied the colonel. "You are our prisoner." 

The prince and his friends then withdrew, giving orders that a file of men 
should be left to guard the general. The captive officer endeavored to recall 
the soldiers around him to obedience. They responded only with incessant 
cries of "Vive FEmpereur! " As the party left the hotel, it was greeted with 
renewed acclamations from the soldiers and the populace in the street. Still 
it was a bitter disappointment to the prince that General Voirol had turned 
so coldly from the eagle. 

"This first check," he writes to his mother, "greatly afiected me. I was 
not prepared for it, convinced as I had been that the first sight of the eagle 
would awake, in the general, recollections of ancient glory, and lead him to 
join us." 

Resuming their march, they directed their steps to the barracks of Finck- 
matt, which were occupied by the forty-sixth regiment of infantry of the line. 
It was thought that this regiment would eagerly join in the movement. In 
approaching the barracks, they left the main street, and marched through a 
narrow passage-way which led to it through the Faubourg de Pierre. These 
barracks consist of a large building, erected in a place from which there is no 
outlet save the narrow entrance. The space in front of the building is too 
contracted for even a regiment to be drawn up in line of battle : indeed, the 
street, or rather lane, by which it was approached, was so narrow, that only 
four men could march abreast. Alison thus testifies to the success of the 
enterprise thus far: — 

"Everything seemed to smile upon the audacious conspirators. All the 
authorities had been surprised by them, and were either in custody, or shut 
up in their houses. One entire regiment, and detachments of others, had 
already declared in their favor; and the inhabitants, roused from their slum- 
bers by the loud shouts at that early hour, looked fearfully out of their houses, 
and, when they saw what was going on, offered up ardent prayers for the suc- 
cess of the enterprise. The third regiment of artillery joined the insurgents. 
The entire pontoon-corps followed the example. Cries of 'Vive I'Empereur!' 
were heard on all sides. The throne of Louis Philippe hung by a thread. It 
requii-ed only one other regiment to declare in his favor, and the whole garri- 
son of Strasburg would have followed the example ; and Louis Napoleon's 
march to Paris would have been as bloodless and triumphant as that of his 
immortal predecessor from Cannes had been." * 

By some misunderstanding, a portion of the regiment had not followed the 
assigned direction : the prince, consequently, found himself in front of the 
barracks with only four hundred men for an escort. The soldiers of the forty- 
sixth regiment were in their rooms, engaged in their morning work. The 

* History of Europe since the Fall of Napoleon I., vol. iii. pp. 211, 212. In proof jf the cor- 
rectness of these statements, Alison refers to Annual History, xix. 245; Louis Blanc, ■» 133, 134; 
Capefig'r, Histoire de la Eestauration, ix. 150-154. 



STEASBURG. 117 

commotion attending the approach of the cortege caused them all to crowd 
to the windows. A few rushed out and gathered around the prince, who 
briefly addressed them. The ardor which animated his companions immedi- 
ately ?pread to all the rest. There were fraternization and shouts of "Vive 
I'Empereur!" All seemed to be swept along by one general flood of sym- 
pathy and enthusiasm. But suddenly the scene was changed. The colonel 
of the regiment, M. Taillandier, who had great influence with his men, hear- 
ing Avhat was passing, hastened into the yard, and assailed the prince in the 
most violent language of abuse, declaring him to be an impostor. He was 
joined by Lieutenant Plegnier, both of whom assured the bewildered troops 
that they were shamefully imposed upon. In loud and angry tones they 
said, — 

"The man before you is not the nephew of the emperor. He is a base 
deceiver. He is the nephew of Colonel Vaudrey. We know him well. This 
is a plot in favor of Charles X." 

A scene of great confusion ensued. Other officers arrived. The impres- 
sion spread that they had been deceived ; that they were being betrayed by 
a mere adventurer. In the midst of the noise and tumult, no one could be 
heard. The prince gave orders for his party to witljdraw from the nai-row 
enclosure where they were so unfortunately hemmed in ; but suddenly the 
iron gate of the court-yard was closed, and escape became impossible. 

Louis Napoleon ordered the arrest of the officers. Their soldiers rescued 
them. Then came a scene of indescribable tumult. The space was so con- 
tracted, that each one was lost in the crowd. The people who had scaled 
the walls threw stones at the military. The cannoneers wished to open a 
passage out with their guns; but the prince prevented them, for he saw 
that it would cause the death of many. The colonel was by turns captured 
by the infontry, and rescued by his own men. Louis Napoleon was himself 
on the point of being slain by a number of men who turned their bayonets 
against him. He was parrying their thrusts with his sabre, trying to calm 
them at the same time, when the cannoneers rescued him, and placed him 
in the middle of themselves. He then endeavored to make his way, accom- 
panied by several under-oflicers, towards the mounted artilleiy, in order to 
gain possession of a horse. All the influitry followed. He found himself 
hemmed in between the horses and the wall, without being able to move. 
Then the soldiers, coming up on all sides, seized him, and conducted him 
to the guard-house.* 

Here the prince found his friend. General Parquin, also a prisoner. The 
two captives pressed each other's hands; and the general said with a calm and 
resigned air, "Prince, we shall be shot; but it will be a noble death." — "Yes," 
Louis Napoleon rei)lied : " we have fallen in a grand and noble enterprise.'^: 
Soon after that. General Voirol entered, and said, " Prince, you have found 

* CEuvret de Napoleon III., torn. ii. p. 77. Le Moniteur of Nov. 2, 1836, contains a despatch 
from General Voh-ol, containing the statement, "In one minute, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and 
those who hat taken part with him were arrested ; and the decorations which they wore were torn 
from thcra by .he soldiers of the forty-sixth." 



118 LIFE OF NAPOLEOX III. 

but one traitor in the French army." — "Say ratlier, general," was the reply, 
"that I have found a Labedoyere." * 

In the testimony rendered by Colonel Taillandier in the subsequent trial, 
he gives the following account of the arrest of Colonel Vaudrey : " It was 
found very difficult to arrest the colonel, as he was defended by his soldiers 
with the utmost determination. 'Surrender!' I said to him, seizing him by 
the collar; 'surrender, or you are dead!' — 'I will not surrender,' he replied. 
Then an idea occurred to me. I called for silence, and said to the colonel 
' It is not possible for you to escape. It is believed throughout the city that 
this movement has been made in favor of Charles X. ; and everybody is furi- 
ous against you.' Whether the colonel believed me or not, he at once sur- 
rendered, and sent away his soldiers." f 

Carriages soon came and conveyed the captives to the new prison of Stras- 
burg. In the minute account of these events which Louis Napoleon subse- 
quently wrote to his mother, he says, in reference to the emotions which he 
then experienced, — 

"Behold me, then, between four walls with barred windows, in the abode 
of criminals. Ah! those who know what it is to pass in a moment from the 
excess of happiness caused by the noblest illusions to the excess of misery, 
where there is no longer any room for hope, and to leap this immense gulf 
without an instant's preparation, — those alone can comprehend what was 
passing in my heart." t 

The reader may be interested in seeing the account given by Sir Archibald 
Alison of this memorable scene, since it is well known that he is not at all in 
sympathy with the Napoleonic cause : — 

"A cry got up that the prince was not the real nephew of the emperor, but 
a nephew of Colonel Vaudrey, who had been dressed up to personate him ; 
and a lieutenant named Plegnier rushed out of the ranks to arrest him. A 
pistol-shot would probably then have decided the struggle, and placed the 
prince on the throne of France; but it was not discharged, and the enter- 
prise proved abortive. Plegnier was seized by the few artillery-men who had 
accompanied the prince into the barrack-yard, and he had the generosity 
to order his release. The former no sooner recovered his freedom than he 
returned to the charge, and some of his company ran forward to support him. 

" A scuffle ensued, in which the artillery-men, few in number, were over- 
powered by the troops of the line ; and both the prince and Colonel Vaudrey 
were made prisoners, and shut up in separate apartments in the barracks. 
The arrest of the chiefs, as is usual in such cases, proved fatal to the enter- 
prise. The other troops which had revolted, deprived of their leaders, and 
without orders, knew not what to do or whom to obey. Distrust soon suc- 
ceeded to uncertainty : and, when the news spread that the prince and Colonel 
Vaudrey had been arrested, they became desperate ; and, dispersing, every one 

* When Louis Napoleon, by the almost unanimous vote of France, was placed in power, ha 
appointed Colonel Vaudrey governor of the Hotel des Invalides. 
t Le Moniteur du 15 Janvier, 1837. 
$ CEuvres de Napoleon III., torn. ii. p. 77. 



STEASBUEG. 119 

souglit to conceal his defection by regaining his quarters as speedily as possi- 
ble. By nine o'clock, all was over. An empire had been all b^it lost and A^on 
during a scuiSe in a barrack-yard of Strasburg."* 

In tlie prison, all the captives were brought together. M. Querelles, press- 
ing the hand of Louis Napoleon, said in a loud voice, " Prince, notwithstand- 
ing our defeat, I am still proud of what we have done." The first thought 
of Louis Napoleon Avas of his mother. He immediately wrote to her the 
following letter : — 

"My dear MoxnER, — You must have been very anxious in receiving no 
tidings from me, — you who believed me to be with my cousin. But your 
inquietude will be redoubled when you learn that I have made an attempt at 
Strasburg, which has failed. I am in prison with several other officers. It is 
for them only that I suffer. As for myself, in commencing such an enterprise, 
I was prepared for every thing. Do not weep, my mother. I am the victim 
of a noble cause, — of a cause entirely French. Hereafter, justice will be 
rendered me, and I shall be commiserated. 

"Yesterday morning I presented myself before the fourth artillery, and was 

received with cries of ' Vive I'Empereur ! ' For a time, all went well. The 

forty-sixth resisted. We were captured in the court-yard of their barracks. 

Happily no French blood was shed. This consoles me in my calamity. 

Courage, my mother! I shall know how to support, even to the end, the 

honor of the name I bear. Adieu! Do not uselessly mourn my lot. Life is 

but a little thing. Honor and France are every thing to me. I embrace you 

with my whole heart. Your tender and respectful son, 

"Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. 
"Stbasburg, Nov. 1, 1836." 

The prince was soon subjected to an examination. He appeared calm and 
resigned. To the question, what had induced him to act as he had done, he 
replied, — 

" My political opinions, and my desire to return to my country, from which 
I had been exiled by an invasion of foreigners. In 1830, I asked to be treated 
as a simple citizen. They treated me as a pretender. Well, I have acted as 
a pretender." t 

"Did you wish," it was asked, "to establish a military government?" 

"I wished," the prince replied, "to establish a government founded on 
popular election." 

"What would you have done had you been victorious?" was the next 
question. 

"I would have assembled a national congress," was the reply. He then 

* History of Europe since the Fall of Napoleon I., vol. iii. p. 212. 

t By a decree of the Bourbons enacted the 14th of January, 1816, all members of the Bona- 
parte family were forever banished from France. Louis Philippe re-affirmed this decree in an 
ordinance of the 11th of April, 1832. According to this, "Lc territoire de la France etait inter- 
dit a perpe'tuitc' aux ascendants et descendants de Napoleon, a ses oncles et tantes, u ses neuveux 
3t nieces, a ses freres et sceurs, ct a leurs maris." —Z'ZTw^oire du muveau Cesar, p. 78. 



120 LIFE OF NAPOI EON III. 

(leclaved that he had been the sole organizer of the expedition, that he had 
influenced others to join him, and that upon his head alone should all the 
consequences fall. 

"Upon being conducted back to prison," Louis Napoleon wrote, "I flung 
myself on the bed prepared for me ; and, in spite of my griefs, slumber, which 
softens the pains and soothes the sorrows of th^ soul, came to calm my senses. 
It is not the couch of misfortune that Sleep shuns : it is only from that of 
remorse she flies. But frightful was the awakening. I seemed to have been 
suffering from a horrible niglitmare. It was the fate of my companions which 
gave me the most anxiety and grief." 

He wrote to General Voirol, saying that a sense of honor should constrain 
the general to intercede in behalf of Colonel Vaudrey, as it was Colonel Vau- 
drey's attachment for General Voirol, and his desire to shield him from harm, 
which had caused plans to be relinquished which would probably have led to 
success. He closed the letter by saying, that as he himself was responsible for 
the enterprise, and he alone was to be feared by the government, he prayed 
that the rigor of the law, whatever it might be, might fall upon his head alone, 
and that his companions might be spared. 

General Voirol immediately came to see the prince in his prison, and ap- 
peared not only very friendly, but even affectionate. He took the hand of 
his captive, and said to him almost tenderly, — 

" Prince, when I was your prisoner, I could find only words of severity to 
speak to you : now that you are mine, I have only words of consolation to 
offer." 

At length some military ofiicers came and took Louis Napoleon and Colonel 
Vaudrey from the prison of Strasburg, and conveyed them to the citadel, 
where they found much more comfortable imprisonment. Did this act imply 
sympathy on the part of the ofiicers in their behalf? or did it imply that the 
government, not willing to submit them to the jurisdiction of the civil tribu- 
nals, designed to bring them under the harsher rigor of military law? It 
seems that the sympathies of the inhabitants of Strasburg, both of the citi- 
zens and the soldiers, were in favor of the prince. It was only by deceiving 
the soldiers with the false assertion, that he was an impostor acting in the 
interests of Charles X., that his victorious career was arrested. It was gener- 
ally supposed that it would be impossible to get a judgment against him from 
the civil tribunals. Infiuenced by friendly feelings, the civil ])ower immedi- 
ately reclaimed the captives. In twenty-four hours, they were taken back to 
the prison. 

Both the jailer and the governor of the prison, while faithful to their duties 
as government ofiicers, did every thing in their power to alleviate the condi- 
tion of the captives ; but there was a certain M. Lebel, who had been sent 
from Paris to watch over them. This man, wishing to show his authority, 
took from the prince his watch, forbade him to open the windows to get fresh 
air, and even ordered the shutters to be closed to shut out the light of day. 

On the evening of the 9th of November, some ofiicers called, and informed 
the prince that he was to be transferred to another prison. They led him down 
into the court-yard, and there he found General Voirol and the governor of 



STEASBURG. 121 

Strasburg Awaiting for him. They hurried him into a carriage and drove off, 
without informing him where they were going. The prince implored that he 
might be left with his companions in misfcu-tune; but his entreaties Avere dis- 
regarded. When they arrived at the mansion of the prefect or governor, two 
post-carriages were found in waiting. Louis Napoleon was placed in o)ie, 
with two officers by his side : in the other, four armed officers were placed as 
a guard. 

They then set out for Paris. The prince in his letter expresses the poig'^ant 
grief he felt in being thus separated from his fellow-prisoners. The two offi- 
cers, however, who accompanied him in the carriage, — M. Cuynat, command- 
ant of the gendarmery of the Seine, and Lieutenant Thibaulet, — had been 
officers of the empire, and were intimate friends of M. Parquin. They treated 
their prisoner with the utmost respect and kindness; so that the prince could 
almost cherish the illusion that he was on a pleasure-jaunt with friends. 
Driving post, without any delay, they arrived in Paris at two o'clock in the 
morning of the 11th, and drove directly to the hotel of the prefecture of 
police. The prince was received by the prefect, M. Delessert, with great 
kindness, and was informed that his mother had been to Paris to intercede 
Avith the king in his behalf; that the government had decided to send him in 
a French frigate to the United States ; and that in two hours he would set 
out for the seaport Lorient, where he was to be erabai'ked. 

The prince renewed his remonstrances, declaring that he had a right to a 
trial, and to be judged by the laws of the country; that he wished to share 
the fate of his companions in misfortune; that, in thus expelling him from the 
country without a trial, he was deprived of the opportunity of testifying in 
favor of his associates, and could have no opportunity of frankly expressing 
to France his intentions and his political views. He declared that his pres- 
ence at the trial of his friends was indispensable, since his testimony alone 
could enlighten the conscience of the jury, and enable them to form a just 
judgment. 

To all this M. Delessert responded, that, in sending him out of the country 
without judgment or trial, the government was only treating liim as it had 
previously treated the Duchess de Berri. The prince replied, "Whatever 
may have been your treatment of the Duchess de Berri, justice is for all 
alike, for princes as well as for other citizens. I am either innocent or guilty. 
If guilty, it is for a jury to condemn me : if innocent, it is for a jury to 
acquit rae." 

But all these pleas were in vain. The course of the government T.is 
decided upon. Louis Philippe well knew that the prince would make the 
prisoner's stand a tribune from which he would speak to all France. That 
announcement of the claims of the empire the government wished, above all 
things else, to avoid. It was in his own interest that Louis Philippe sus- 
pended the action of the law, and not in that of the prince. 

The prince, however, wrote an earnest letter to the king in behalf of his 
associates, and another to the eminent counsellor, M. Odillon Barrot, solicit- 
j ?.g him to undertake the defence of the accused, and indicating the line of 

16 



122 LIFE OF NAPOLEON HI. 

argument to be used.* Alison, siDcaking of this banishment of the jDrince 
without trial, says, — 

" The course of events soon demonstrated that the governm tnt had acted 
not less wisely than humanely in adopting this course towards Inis formidable 
competitor; and that any attempt to bring him to trial would have produced 
such a convulsion as would, in all probability, have overturned the throne." f 

After a delay in Paris of but two hours (for it would have been dangerous 
to let the people of Paris know that the heir of the emperor was in the city) 
the prince was again placed in his carriage at four o'clock in the morning, and, 
accompanied by the same guard, set out for Lorient. J 

On the 6th of January, the parties implicated with the prince in the revolt 
at Strasburg wei-e brought to trial. In all, there were seven. The evidence 
Avas perfectly clear; for they had been taken in open rebellion against the 
government. So strong, however, was the popular feeling in favor of Louis 
Napoleon, that it was evident from the commencement of the trial that a 
conviction would be impossible. During the trial, the popular excitement 
increased every hour; and finally they were all acquitted, amidst universal 
applause. § 

The prince was hurried along without any delay, until, on the 14th, he 
reached Lorient. Here he was confined in the citadel for ten days, waiting 
for the frigate to be ready to sail. The authorities of the place called upon 
him daily, and treated him with the utmost consideration; and spoke con- 
tinually of their attachment to the memory of the emperor. His travelling 
companions, Cuynat and Thibaulet, who still continued with him, lavished 

* OEuvres de Napoleon III., torn, deuxiemc, p. 82 ; Histoire complete de Napole'on III., par 
MxM. Gallix et Guy, p. 67. 

t History of Europe since the Fall of Napoleon I., vol. iii. p. 212. 

J Prince Louis Napoleon, who acted most generously and honorably in this whole affair, was 
extremely desirous to have shared the trial and fate of the other conspirators at Strasburg, in- 
stead of being sent to America. He composed, during the few days he was in prison at Stras- 
burg, a speech in his own defence, intended for the jury, which concluded with these remarkable 
words : — 

" I wished to effect the revolution through the army, because that offered more chances of suc- 
cess ; and also to avoid those disorders so frequent in social changes. I was greatly deceived in 
the execution of my project ; but that conferred less honor upon some old soldiers, who, in again 
seeing the eagle, have not felt their hearts to beat in their bosoms. They have spoken of new 
oaths, forgetting that it was the presence of twelve hundred thousand foreigners which released 
them from tliat which they had already taken. But a principle destroyed by force can be re- 
established by force. I believe that I have a mission to fulfil : I shall know how to attend to my 
part till the end (je saurais garder mon role jusqu'a la Jin)." — Alison: History of Europe since tlte 
Fall of Napoleon I., p. 213. 

§ " The government were extremely disconcerted by this acquittal, the more especially as the 
evidence, especially against the military, was so decisive ; and their conviction befoi-e a court- 
martial would have been certain." — Alison's History of Europe, vol. iii. p. 213. 

" The attempt at Strasburg was productive of important results. France knew little of the 
prince. Since the death of the Duke of Rcichstadt, there were few, excepting thos3 specially 
occupied with politics, who were aware that there still remained an heir of the emperor. Stras- 
bur"- made him known to all the world. Everybody learned that there remained a legitimate 
claimant to the imperial succession, and that that claimant had perilled his life to restore to his 
country its sovereignty." — Histoire complete de Napoleon III., p. 69. 



STEASBUEG. 123 

kindnesses upon him, "so that," writes the prince, "I could almost have be- 
lieved myself in the midst of my own friends ; and the thought that they 
were in nn antagonistic position to mine gave me much pain." 

After a long delay from unfavorable winds, a steamer, on the 21st of No- 
vember, towed the frigate out into the roadstead. The drawbridge of the 
citadel was lowered ; and tlie prince, accompanied by a number of officers, and 
passing through a fde of soldiers who kept back the crowd which had gathered 
to gaze upon the illustrious captive, was conducted to a boat, and rowed out 
to the ship. There he took a courteous leave of his friends, ascended the 
ladder, and soon, with a saddened heart, saw the shores of France disappear 
beneath the horizon. 

The cnptain, Henri de Villeneuve, an excellent man, treated his distin- 
guished passenger with every attention. The best stateroom was assigned to 
him. The captain's son was on board, and two other passengers, — one a 
young man of twenty-six years, of eccentric character, but of no inconsidera- 
ble scientific attainments, who was going to the New World to make some 
experiments in electricity; and the other an ancient librarian of Don Pedro, 
who retained the stately manners of the old court. 

The captain had received sealed orders, which he did not open until he had 
been out nearly a fortniglit. It was then ascertained that he was to sail 
directly for Rio Janeiro, in South America, where he was to remain long 
enough to lay in the necessary store of provisions; and then he was to pro- 
ceed to New York. The prince was not to be allowed to land at Rio. On 
the 14th of December, when in sight of the Canary Isles, he wrote as follows 
to his mother : — 

" Every man carries within him a world composed of all that which he has 
seen and loved, and to which he continually returns, even when wandering in 
a strange land. I do not know which is the more painful, — the memory of 
misfortunes winch have assailed us, or of happy days which are goije for- 
ever. We have passed through winter, and are again in summer. The trail e 
winds have succeeded the tempests, which allows me to pass the greater j)ari 
of the time on deck. Seated upon the poop, I reflect upon that which has 
happened to me, and think of you and of Areneniberg. 

" The charm of places consists in the affections of which they have been 
the home. Two months ago, I had no wish but never to return to Switzer- 
land again ; but now, if I yielded to my imjtressions, I should have no other 
desire than to find myself again in my little chamber in that beautiful country, 
where it seems to me that I ought to have been so happy. Do not accuse me 
of weakness in thus expressing to you all my feelings. One can regret that 
which he has lost without repenting of that which he has done." 

On the 1st of January, 1837, he wrote the following tender letter to his 
mother : — 

"My dear Mamma (Ma chere 3Iaman), — It is the first day of the year. 
I am fifteen hundred leagues from you, in another hemisphere. Happily, 
thought can ti-averse all this space in less than a second. I fancy myself be- 
side you, expressing my rtgi-et for all the uneasiness which I have caused you, 



124 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

find repeating my assurances of love and gratitude. This morning, the offi- 
cers came in a body to wish me a happy new year; nor was I insensible to 
the attention. At half-past four, we were seated at the dinner-table. As we 
are in seventeen degrees of longitude west of Constance, it was then seven 
o'clock at Arenemberg, and you were probably also dining. I drank, in 
thought, to your health and happiness : you, perhajis, did the same for rae ; 
at least, I pleased myself by fancying so. I thouglit, also, of my companions 
in misfortune. Alas ! I think of them coutinually. I have thought that 
they were more unhappy than I ; and that idea makes me more unhappy 
than they. Present my affectionate regards to good Madame Salvage, to the 
young ladies, to that poor little Claire, to M. Cottrau, and to Arsene." 

On the 10th of January he wrote as follows : — 

" We hove just arri\ed at Rio Janeiro. The coup cTceil of the harbor is 
magnificent. To-morrow I will make a sketch of it. I hope this letter will 
reach you soon. Do not think of coming to join me. I do not yet know 
where I shall take up my abode. Perhaps I shall find more inducements to 
live in South America. Labor, to which the uncertainty of my circumstances 
will now s abject me to obtain for myself a position, will be the only consola- 
tion I shal enjoy. Adieu, my mother! Remember rae to our old servants, 
and to our riends of Thurgovia and of Constance. 

" Your affectionate and respectful son, 

" Louis Napoleon Bonapakte." 




CHAPTER VIII 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 

Life in America. — Return to Europe. — False Report. — Return, to Arenemberg. — Death of 
Queen Hortense. — Studious Habits of the Prince. — Politics,'. Reveries. — The Dynasties 
demand his Expulsion. — Heroism of the Swiss Government. — Retirement to England. — 
Noble Conduct. — Studious Life in London. — " Ide'es Napole'oniennes." — Extracts from the 
AVork. 

FTER a short tarry at Rio Janeiro, the ship again set sail ; and 
on the 30th of March, 1837, the prince Avas hxnclecl at Norfolk, 
Va. He was now free; and he soon proceeded to New York. 
Here he devoted himself with great energy to the study of 
American institutions; for it wAs still his almost unswerving 
belief that he was destined to be the sovereign of France. He 
was especially interested in the actual state of the arts and sciences, in the 
progress of inventions, in our system of education and our penitentiary 
institutions. There were at that time some very curious experiments being 
made in the development of electro-magnetism. He visited the rooms where 
these experiments were going on, in company with several of our most dis- 
tinguished citizens. The importance which these experiments assumed in 
his mind may be inferred from the fact, that immediately after his accession 
to power in France, as one of the first acts of his government, he offered a 
magnificent premium for any improvement, in any part of the world, in the 
electro-magnet.* 

There have been conflicting accounts with regard to the conduct of the 
prince while in the United States. He has been described as dissipated, fre- 
quenting disreputable society, and as involving himself in debts which are left 
yet unpaid. No one can read the foregoing narrative, and believe that the 
prince — a thoughtful, sorrowing man, who was conscious that imperial blood 
flowed in his veins, and who felt that an unseen, resistless power was leading 
him, through clouds and darkness, to the throne of France — could possibly 
take pleasure in the companionship of low and vulgar men.f 

* The Napoleon Dynasty, by the Berkeley Men, p. 557. 

t " Louis Napoleon was not at that time poor : Hortense, like the rest of the Bonaparte family, 
had well provided for a reverse of fortune. Besides, it was not Louis Napoleon's habit to seek 
low associates ; nor was he fond of low, noisy dissipation. More especially, he was in no way 
addicted to intemperance. Rumor, therefore, in spreading these reports, has probably mistaken 
one cousin for another, and attributed to the emperor the freaks of his cousin Pierre Bonaparte, 
who was twice in the United States." — Zto/y and the War of 1859, ht/ Julie de Marguerittes, p. 76. 

125 



126 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

An article publislied in "The Home Journal" a, few years ago, from a 
writer whose reliability was indorsed by the editors, gives a very pleasing 
account of the habits of the prince while here : — 

"So much mere scandal," says "The Home Journal," "concerning the char- 
acter of Louis Napoleon during his brief residence in this city in the year 
1837, has been presented through the press to the public, that we are glad 
of an opportunity to give it, from authentic sources, distinct and emphatic 
refutation. 

"The fact is, that few enjoyed the acquaintance of Prince Louis when 
among us at the period referred to, and but a small number of those remain 
to speak of him. A naturally reserved disposition, enhanced by the circum- 
stances of his exile, made him averse to general society. He was, however, 
an object of peculiar regard and interest wherever presented. He is remem- 
bered as a quiet, melancholy man, winning esteem rather by the unaffected 
modesty of his demeanor than by eclat of lineage or the romantic incidents 
which had befallen him. Where best known, he was most endeared. His 
personal character was above reproach. In the words of a distinguished 
writer who well kne.w him at that day, ' So unostentatious was his deport- 
ment, so correct, so pure, his life, that even the ripple of scandal cannot plausi- 
bly appear upon its surface.' 

" We have inquired of those who entertained him as their guest, of those 
who tended at his sick-bed, of the artist who painted his miniature, of his 
lady friends (and he was known to some who yet adorn society), of poli- 
ticians, clergymen, editors, gentlemen of leisure, — in fact, of every source 
whence reliable information could be obtained, — and we have gathered but 
accumulated testimonials to his intrinsic worth and fair fame. 

" His career was unobtrusive, and affords scarce any incident wherewith to 
illustrate it. Firm faith in destiny — a ruling star that would some day lead 
him to the throne of France — was his striking peculiarity. He often avowed 
it, and always with confidence. Allusion to his attempt at Strasburg evidently 
annoyed him. It was at that time the great event of his life : it was the 
cause of his then unfortunate exile, and had been the source to him of much 
misrepresentation and injustice. 

" To-day he is, by the voice of millions, Emperor of the French. The same 
man who quietly drove a pair of horses up Broadway every afternoon was 
seen by me, surrounded by a brilliant staff, reviewing thousands of troops in 
the Champ de Mars in Paris. 

" I remember well a dinner-party was given to him at Delmonico's by a set 
of young men, some of whom were then figures in the political world, and 
have since become conspicuous. At the dinner, Louis Napoleon was seated 
next to a prominent Democrat, when the conversation turned on the subject 
of politics. In reply to a remark, made in badinage, that the Democratic 
party in every country was made up of the uneducated and restless spirits of 
the nation, this gentleman answei'cd, that, from the time of Caesar to the 
present day, the most accomp'ished men, and men of the highest intellect, 
were, in every country, the leaders of the popular party. 

"This observation attracted the attention of Louis Napoleon, who instantly 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 127 

turned to the speaker, and inquired if he had ever seen the remark that Caesar 
was tlie head of the Democratic party of Rome. The gentleman said that he 
had not. 

" ' My uncle, the emperor,' added Louis Napoleon, * made the same remark 
which you have made. With your permission, I will send you a book, in which 
you may take some interest, relating to Cjesar.' That book was sent, with this 
written in the prince's own hand writing on one of the pages: ^ A. Monsieur: 
o-ouvenir de la2Mrt de Pe. NapoUon Louis Bonaparte^ The book is entitled 
'Precis des Guerres de Cesar, par Napoleon, ecrit par M. Marchand, a I'lle 
Sainte Helene, sous la Dictee de I'Empereur.' " 

Professor Samuel F. B. Morse has kindly furnished me with the following 
narrative of an interview he chanced to have with the prince at that time : — 

"In the year 1837, I was one of a club of gentlemen in New York who 
were associated for social and informal intellectual converse, which held 
weekly meetings at each other's houses in rotation. Most of these distin- 
guished men are now deceased. The club consisted of such men as Chan- 
cellor Kent, Albert Gallatin, Peter Augustus Jay, Dr. (afterwards Bishop) 
"Wainwright, the president and professors of Columbia College, the chancellor 
and professors of the New-York City University, &c. 

"Among the rules of the club was one permitting any member to introduce 
to the meeting distinguished strangers visiting the city. At one of the re- 
unions of the club, the place of meeting was at Chancellor Kent's. On assem- 
bling, the chancellor introduced us to Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, a young 
man, pale, contemplative, and somewhat reserved. This reserve we generally 
attributed to a supposed imperfect acquaintance with our language. 

"At supper, he sat on the right of the chancellor, at the head of the table. 
Mr. Gallatin was opposite the chancellor, at the foot of the table ; and I was 
on his right. In the course of the evening, when the conversation was gen- 
eral, I drew the attention of Mr. Gallatin to the stranger; observing that I did 
not trace any resemblance in his features to his world-renowned uncle, yet 
that his forehead indicated great intellect. 

"'Yes,' replied Mr. Gallatin, touching his own forehead with his finger: 
♦there is a great deal in that head of his; but he has a strange fancy. Can 
you believe it ? he has the impression that he will one day be Emperor of the 
French ! Can you conceive of any thing more absurd ? ' 

" Certainly at that period, even to the sagacious mind of Mr. Gallatin, such 
an idea would naturally seem too improbable to be entertained for a moment; 
but in the light of later events, and the actual state of things at present, does 
not the fact show, that, even in his darkest hour, there was in this extraordi- 
nary man that unabated faith in his future which was a harbinger of success, 
— a faith which pierced the dark clouds that enshrouded him, and realized to 
Lim in marvellous, prophetic vision that which we see at this day and hour 
fully accompHshed ? " 

Louis Napoleon had been in New York less than a month when he received 
til') following sad letter from his mother, whom he loved with tenderness 
rarely surpassed, and whose health was rapidly failing under her accumulated 
sorrows. The letter was dated at Arenemberg, April 3, 1837 : — 



128 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"My deak Son, — I am about to submit to an operation which has become 
absolutely necessary. If it is not successful, I send you by this letter my 
benediction. We shall meet again — shall we not ? — in a better world, where 
may you come to join me as late as possible. In leaving this world, I have 
but one regret: it is to leave you and your affectionate tenderness, — the 
greatest charm of my existence here. It will be a consolation to you, my 
dear child, to reflect that by your attentions you have rendered your mother 
as happy as it was possible for her, in her circumstances, to be. Think that 
a loving and a watchful eye still rests on the dear ones we leave behind, and 
that we shall surely meet again. Cling to this sweet idea: it is too neces- 
sary not to be true. I press you to my heart, my dear son. I am very calm 
and resigned, and I hope still that we shall again meet in this world. The 
will of God be done. 

" Your affectionate mother, 

" HORTENSE." 

This letter induced the prince to make arrangements immediately to set 
out for Europe, that he might hasten to the bedside of his dying mother. 
The writer of the article in "The Home Journal," from which we have quoted, 
says, — 

"I have before me the card which he left before he departed: Le Prince 
NapoUon Louis Bonaparte, P. P. C. On a bright sunny day I met him on 
the Battery, a short time before leaving. We walked together up and down 
the Battery, looking out upon the beautiful day. We were waiting for the hour 
of departure of the little steain-tug which was to convey passengers to the 
packet. In this interview, I remarked that I feared he would not be permitted 
to pass into Switzerland; that he would be compelled to return to the United 
States. 

"He remarked that he never expected to return here ; that he would never 
be satisfied until he was at the head of the French nation ; that the emperor 
always looked upon him as his flavorite nephew, — as the one likely to fill his 
place upon the throne of France; that the place was his of right; and he 
spoke of it as his destiny. When I saw him in the Elysee, I reminded him 
of his prophecy. He merely smiled; but it was the smile of conscious power. 
Little did I dream that I should see it fulfilled. I looked upon him as a taci- 
turn, unhappy man, of moderate abilities. Thiers called him 'the man that 
never speaks.' Time has shown him quick in invention, full of courage, ener- 
getic to a wonderful degree, and of the highest intellect. 

"I have been told that he is a fatalist; that he does not believe that he 
shall die a quiet death, but that he will be cut off suddenly, but that his hour 
has not yet come. 

"The true secret of Louis Napoleon's success is not understood in this 
country. France has been rent asunder by factions. That most dreaded is 
the one which wars against property and against religion. Napoleon presents 
himself as the champion of order and of religion. He sends troops to Rome 
to support the Pope as the head of a religion sacred in the eyes of the French 
people. He banishes the men engaged in spreading doctrines calculated to 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 129 

unhingG society. He presents himself to the people as the representative of 
popular sovereignty. A throne sustained by the voice of the people contrasts 
powerfully with the divine right claimed by the Emperors of Austria and 
Russia, or even by the Queen of England." 

It has been so confidently asserted that Prince Louis Napoleon, while in 
this country, was a man of dissipated habits, and it is so important that the 
truth should be ascertained upon this question, that we invite the attention 
of the reader to the following letter from the Rev. Charles S. Stewart, chap- 
lain in the United-States navy, — a gentleman whose name is honored in two 
hemispheres. The letter was written in 1856, and was addressed to the edi- 
tors of "The National Intelligencer," in "Washington, D.C. 

" Gentlemejt, — My attention has been called to an article in your journal 
of the 23d ultimo, in which my name is introduced in connection with the 
sojourn in this city, in 1837, of the present Emperor of the French ; and 
statements and opinions of mine in regard to the character he sustained here 
placed in antagonism to a prevailing impression on the subject. The publicity 
thus given to me, as a defender of the reputation of this gentleman at that 
period, must be my apology for this communication, and for the request, that, 
in justice to the personage most concerned, 'The National Intelligencer' may 
become the channel of a brief rehearsal of the opportunities I had of correct 
knowledge in the case, and of the belief, based upon them, which I entertain. 

'•Louis Napoleon, after having been a prisoner of state for some months on 
board a French man-of-war, was set at liberty on the shores of Norfolk in 
the early spring of 1837. He came immediately to New York, as the point 
at which he could be put most speedily in communication M'ith his friends in 
Europe. Either on the day, or the day but one, after his arrival, I was led to 
call upon him, not as the bearer of an illustrious name, or the inheritor of an 
imperial title, but as a stranger and an exile, without a personal friend in the 
country, or a letter of introduction. I was the more readily induced to this 
from representations made to me by a near relative — in whose family he had 
already passed an evening — of the deep interest his appearance and whole 
manner had excited in those who then met him. 

"The call was reciprocated with a promptness and cordiality I had not 
anticipated, and, in a very brief period, led to an intercourse which was 
almost daily for some two months, and which ended only when we parted 
from each other off Sandy Hook en board the packet which returned him to 
Europe. The association was not that of hours only, but of days, and on 
one occasion, at least, of days in succession ; and was characterized by a free- 
dom of conversation on a gi*eat variety of topics, that could scarce fail, under 
the ingenuousness and frankness of his manner, to put me in possession 
of his views, principles, and feelings upon most points that give insight to 
character. 

"I never heard a sentiment from him, and never witnessed a feeling, that 
could detract from his honor and purity as a man, or his dignity as a prince. 
On the contrary, I often had occasion to admire the lofty thought and exalted' 
conceptions which seemed most to occupy his mind. His favorite topics when 



130 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

we were alone were his uncle the emiDeror, his mother, and others of his im- 
mediate family in whom he had been deejjly interested ; his own flations to 
France by birtli and imperial registry; the inducements which led to the 
attempted revolution at Strasburg, the causes of its failure, and his chief sup- 
port under the mortification of the result, — 'the will of God,' to use his OAvn 
words, ' through a direct interposition of his providence. The time had not 
yet come.' 

" He seemed ever to feel that his personal destiny w\as indissolubly linked 
with France, or, as his mother Hortense expressed it in her will, 'to know 
his position;' and the enthusiasm with Avliich at times he gave utterance to 
his aspirations for the prosperity, the happiness, and the honor of his country, 
and to tlie high purposes which he designed to accomplish for her as a ruler, 
amounted, in words, voice, and manner, to positive eloquence. Had I taken 
notes of some of these conversations, they would be considered now, when 
his visions of power and earthly glory are realized, scarcely less epigrammatic 
and elevated in thought, or, as related to himself, less prophetic, than many 
which have been recorded from the lips of the exile of St. Helena. 

"He was winning in the invariableness of his amiability, often playful in 
spirits and manner, and warm in his affections. He was a most fondly-attached 
son, and seemed to idolize his mother. When speaking of her, the intona- 
tions of his voice and his whole manner were often as gentle and feminine as 
those of a woman. It had been his purpose to spend a year in making the 
tour of the United States, that he might have a better knowledge of our 
institutions, and observe for himself the practical workings of our political 
system. With this expectation, he consulted me and others as to the arrange- 
ment of the route of travel, so as to visit the different sections- of the Union 
at tlie most desirable seasons ; but his plans were suddenly changed by intel- 
ligence of the serious illness of Queen Hortense, or, as then styled, the Duchess 
of St. Leu, at her castle in Switzerland. 

"I was dining with him the day the letter conveying this information was 
received. Recognizing the writing on the envelope as it was handed to him 
at the table, he hastily broke the seal, and had scarce glanced over half a page 
before he exclaimed, ' My mother is ill! I must see her! Instead of a tour 
of the States, I shall take the next packet for England. I will apply for pass- 
ports for the Continent at every embassy in London, and, if unsuccessful, will 
make my way to her without them.' This he did, and reached Arenemberg 
iu time to console by his presence the dying hours of the ex-queen, and to 
r(!ceive in his bosom her last sigh. 

"After such opportunities of knowing much of the mind and heart and 
general character of Louis Napoleon, it was with great surprise that I for the 
first time read in a distant part of the world, when he had become an empe- 
ror, representations in the juiblic journals of his life in New York, and in 
New Orleans too, though he was never there, which would induce a belief 
that he had been while here little better than a vagabond, — low in his asso- 
ciations, intemperate in his indulgences, and dissipated in his habits. In both 
eating and drinking, he was, as far as I observed, abstemious rather than self- 
indulgent. I repeatedly breakfasted, dined, an I supped in his company ; and 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 131 

never knew hira to partake of any thing stronger in drink than the light wines 
of France and Germany, and of these in great moderation. 

" I have been with him early and late, unexpectedly as well as by appoint- 
ment, and never saw reason for the slightest suspicion of any irregularity in 
his habits. It has been said, notwithstanding, that his character was so noto- 
rious, that he was not received in society, and made no respectable acquaint- 
ances. If, during his brief stay in the city at a period of the year when 
general entertainments are not usual, he was not met in the self-constituted 
beaic monde of the metropolis, it was from his own choice. Within the week 
of his arrival, cards and invitations were left for him at his hotel. As a reason 
for declining to accept the last, he told me he had no wish to appear in what 
is called society, but added, ' There are, however, individual residents in 'New 
York, whose acquaintance I should be happy to make. Mr. Washington Irving 
is one. I have read his works, and admire him both as a writer and a man ; 
and would take great pleasure in meeting him. Chancellor Kent is another. 
I have studied his " Commentaries," think highly of them, and regard him as 
the first of your jurists. I would be happy to know him personally.' 

"He did make the acquaintance both of Mr. Irving and the chancellor, and 
enjoyed the hospitality of one at Sunnyside, and the other at his residence in 
town. He saw some of the best French society of the city ; and, familiar 
with the historic names of New York, he availed himself of the proifered 
civilities of such families as the Hamiltons, the Clintons, the Livingstons, and 
others of that position. It is not true, therefore, that he was not received in 
society, and had no acquaintances of respectability. He visited in some of 
our first fomilies in social position, and was entertained by some of our most 
distinguislied citizens. 

"It is said that he was without means, and lived on loans which he never 
repaid. This is simply absurd. I am under the impression that his private 
fortune was then unimpaired, and beyond tlie reach of the French Govern- 
ment : but, if this were not the case, his mother's wealth was ample ; and his 
drafts upon her for any amount would have been promptly honored. I doubt 
not that funds were waiting his arrival, or, if not, were readily at his command. 

"Louis Napoleon may have had some associations in New York of which I 
am ignorant ; and he, like Dickens and other distinguished foreigners, may 
have carried his observations, under the protection of the police, to scenes in 
which I would not have accompanied him. If he did, I never heard of it, 
and have now no reason to suppose such was the fact; but that he was an 
habitue, as has been publicly reported, of drinking-saloons and oyster-cellars, 
gambling-houses and places of worse repute, I do not believe. I can recall 
to my recollection no young man of the world whom I have ever met, who, 
in what seemed an habitual elevation of mind and an invariable dignity of 
bearing, would have been less at home than he in such associations. 

"There was, however, in New York, at the same time and for about the 
same period, a Prince Bonaparte, who was, I have reason to think, of a very 
difierent character. His antecedents in Europe had not been favorable, and 
his reputation here was not good. He, too, was in exile, but not for a politi- 
cal offence. He may not have been received in society, and may have had 



13!i LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

low associations. I met him, but, from this impression, formed no acquaint- 
ance with him. For the same reason, the intercourse between him and his 
cousin was infrequent and formal. All that has been said and published of 
the one may be true of the other ; and in the search for reminiscences of the 
■sojourn in New York of Louis Napoleon, on his elevation to a throne fifteen 
years afterwards, it is not difficult to believe that those ignorant of the pres- 
ence here at the same time of two persons of the same name and same title 
may have confounded the acts and character of the one with the other. This, 
I doubt not, is the fact ; and that, however general and firmly established the 
impression to the contrary may be, the reproach of a disreputable life here 
docs not justly attach itself to him who is now confessedly the most able, the 
most fortunate, and the most remarkable sovereign in Europe. 

"C.S.Stewart, U.S. K" 

Louis Napoleon took ship for London : there he learned, to his great indig- 
nation, that the French Govei'nment had announced, or had permitted it to be 
diplomatically announced, — and that without contradiction, — that the prince 
had pledged himself not to return to Europe for ten years.* Could the gov- 
ernment thus hold him up to the world as a perjured man, who had violated 
his parole, the taint upon his honor would blight all his future hopes. Ener- 
getically, Louis Napoleon denounced the falsehood of this declaration. 

As France was prohibited to him, and as most of the dynasties of Europe 
were in deadly hostility to his endeavors to revive the empire, it was through 
great difficulties that he succeeded at last in reaching Areneniberg. He 
arrived there just in time to receive the dying benediction of his beloved 
mother, and to close her eyes in death. 

Hortense was the worthy child of Josephine. She won the love of all who 
approached her. A few moments before she died, she assembled all the mem- 
bers of the family in her chamber. They gathered around her bed, bathed in 
tears. She took each one by the hand, and uttered a few Avords of affectionate 
adieu. Her son, her devoted physician, Dr. Conneau, and the ladies of her 
household, were kneeling by the bedside. Her mind had previously been 
wandering ; and' in delirious dreams her spirit was again with the emperor, 
sympathizing with him in the terrible disasters of his fall. But now that lucid 
interval which so often precedes the moment of death had come. " I have 
never," she said, " done a wrong to any one. God will have mercy upon me." 
Then, making a last effort to embrace her son, her spirit gently passed away 
into eternity.f 

Her son, with his own hand, closed her eyes. Then, crushed with anguish, 
lie sank almost insensible upon his knees by her bedside, burying his face in 
his hands. He was indeed left alone in the world, without mother, brother, or 
sister. His father, a victim of the deepest dejection, the consequence of 
bodily diseases which preyed upon the mind, could afford but little solace to 
his heart-broken child. 

* Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, sur des Documents particuliers et authentiques, par 
B. Re'niiult, p. 102. 

t Histoire du Prince Louis Napoldon, par B. Renault, p. 103. 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 133 

It was the dying wish of Queen Hortense that she might be buried by the 
side of Josephine, in the church of Paiel, near Mahnaison, in France. Tliis 
dying wish her grateful son w^as enabled to gratify. Poor victim of re-actions 
and of civil discords! — the gates of France, like those of heaven, could only 
be opened to her after she was dead.* The church at Ruel, which Louis Na- 
poleon has renovated, and the beautiful mausoleum which he has reared to 
the memory of Hortense, alike testify to the virtues of the mother and the son.f 

Weary of the desolating storms which, one after another, the prince seemed 
doomed to encounter, he now fixed himself at Arenemberg in almost entire 
solitude, seeking solace in his grief by intense devotion to study. Ever since 
the affair at Strasburg, the government of France and all the enemies of the 
Napoleonic empire had endeavored to cast ridicule and infamy upon the name 
of the prince. They had caricatured the enterprise by the most false and 
distorted accounts. These narratives were generally received as true, and 
thus the reputation of the pi'ince was sadly discredited. 

Count Persigny, who, it will be remembered, was one of the prominent act- 
ors in the movement, and who had retired to London, published a pamphlet 
there in refutation of these slanders, and giving a plain statement of the whole 
matter. Through the vigilance of the government, but few copies of this work 
found their way into France. Under these circumstances, M. Laity, the inti- 
mate friend of Louis Napoleon, and who was also a co-operator in the enter- 
prise, ventured to publish an edition of the pamphlet in Paris, in May, 18,38, 
under the title of " Prince Napoleon at Strasburg." The government was so 
alarmed by the appearance of this pamphlet, that the author was immediately 
arrested, and brought before the Court of Peers, on accusation of an attempt 
against the safety of the state. 

The trial excited great interest. It was known that Lieutenant Laity was 
an intimate friend of the prince. It was not doubted that he had been favored 
with the assistance of the prince in preparing the pamphlet. Ten thousand 
copies had been struck off, and distributed gratuitously. Still, the zeal of the 
friends of the heir of the emperor was such, that the police, with all its vigi- 
lance, was able to seize but four hundred and six copies. Just before the trial 
came on, Louis Napoleon wrote to his friend the following letter, evidently 
intended for the public eye : — 

"My dear Laity, — You are, then, to appear before the Court of Peers 
because you have had the generous devotion to reproduce the details of my 
enterpi'ise in order to justify my intentions, and to repel the accusations of 

* Histoirc du Prince Louis Napoleon, par B. Renavilt, p. 103. 

t " Louis Napoleon's love for his mother had in it a tenderness and devotion even beyond that 
cf a son. She had been his instructor and companion ; and, from the hour of her change of po- 
sition, she had manifested great and noble qualities, which the frivolity and prosperity of a court 
might forever have left unrevealed. Plortense was a woman to be loved and revered ; and, even 
at this distance of years. Napoleon's love for his mother has suffered no change. He has striven 
in all ways to associate her -with his present high fortune. He has made an air of her composi- 
tion, 'Partant pour la Syric,' the national air ol' France. The ship which bore him from Mar- 
seilles to Genoa on his Italian expedition is called La Rcine Hortense, after his mother." — Itahj 
and the War of 1859, par Julie de MargmriUis, p. 77. 



134 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

which I have been the object. I do not comprehend why the government 
thinks it so important to prevent the pubUcation of your book. You know, 
that, in authorizing you to pubUsh it, my only object was to repel the base 
calumnies with which the organs of the ministry overwhelmed me during the 
five months I was in prison or on the ocean. It concerned my own honor, 
and that of my friends, to prove that it was not a mad impulse that had brought 
me to Strasburg in 1836. 

"If, as I would fain believe, a spirit of justice animates the Court of Peers; 
if it is independent of the executive power, as the Constitution requires it to 
be, — then there is no possibility that it can condemn you ; for — I cannot too 
often repeat it — your pamphlet is not a new instigation to revolt, but only 
the simple and true explanation of a fact which has been distorted. I have 
nothing else in the world to rest upon but public opinion ; nothing to sustain 
me but the esteem of my fellow-citizens. If it is not allowed to me and to 
my friends to defend ourselves against unjust calumnies, I shall consider my 
fate the most cruel that can be conceived. 

" You know my friendship for you well enough to comprehend how I am 
pained at the idea of your being the victim of your devotedness; but I also 
know, that, with your noble character, you suffer with resignation for a popu- 
lar cause. People will ask you, — as already some journals do, — ' Where is 
the Napoleon party ? ' Answer : The 2:)arty is nowhere ; but the cause is every- 
where. The party is nowhere, because my friends are not yet mustered ; but 
the cause has partisans everywhere, — from the artisan's workshop to the king's 
council-chamber, fi-om the soldier's barrack to the palace of the Marshal of 
France. 

" Republicans, Moderates, Legitimists, all who desire a strong government, 
a real liberty, and an imposing attitude on the part of authority, — all these, I 
say, are Napoleonists, whether they acknowledge it or not. For the imperial 
system is not a false imitation of the English or American constitutions, but the 
governmental form of the principles of the Revolution, — order in democracy, 
equality before the law, recompense for merit : in short, it is a colossal pyra- 
mid, with broad basis and exalted summit. 

"You can say, that, in authorizing you to publish this pamphlet, my aim 
has not been to trouble the present tranquilUty of France, nor to excite the 
hardly-extinguished ilames of passions, but to show myself to my fellow-citi- 
zens such as I am, and not such as interested animosity has represented me. 
But if, some day, parties overthrow the present power (the example of the 
last fifty years permits such a supposition), and if, accustomed as they have 
been for twenty-three years to despise authority, they sap all the bases of the 
social edifice, then, jjerhaps, the name of Napoleon would prove an anchor of 
safety for all that is generous and really patriotic in France. 

" Adieu, my dear Laity. I would still have some hopes of justice if tlie 
interests of the moment were not the only principle of parties." 

It was manifest, from the remarkable, almost prophetic statement at the 
close of this letter, that Louis Napoleon still anticipated the overthrow, at 
no distant period, of the Orleans dynasty, and the restoration of the empire. 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 135 

The defence of Lieutenant Laity was conducted with great ability. All 
France listened. If Strasburg could be called the first step of Louis Napo- 
leon towards the throne, the trial of Laity, in proclaiming to France the prin- 
ciples which inspired the heir to the empire, was surely the second. 

M. Laity was condemned to an imprisonment of five years, to a fine of ten 
thousand francs (two thousand dollars), and to be subject to the surveillance 
of the police for the remainder of his life. The devotion of this young man 
to the cause of the empire, and the severity of the punishment, — tearing him 
from his young wife and his beautiful chateau, to be immured in the cell of a 
prison, — excited much sympathy. A rich inhabitant of Lyons, who had for- 
merly been a general of the empire, and who chanced to be then on his dying- 
bed, touched with the heroic character of the young man, bequeathed to him 
his whole estate, consisting of twenty thousand francs a year.* 

So greatly did the government of Louis Philippe dread the influence of 
the prince, that they demanded of the Swiss Government his expulsion fi-om 
their territory. "This demand," says Alison, "was warmly supported by 
Prince Metternich on the part of Austria. The demand was resisted by the 
whole strength of the united Republican and Napoleonist parties in Europe, 
and excited the warmest and most acrimonious debates in the Swiss Assem- 
bly, where the loudest declamations were heard against this 'unheard-of 
stretch of tyrannic power.' "f 

A long negotiation ensued. The Swiss declared that they would sooner 
perish with arms in their hands than submit to such humiliating dictation 
from foreign powers. At a gathering of several of the cantons at Reiden, it 
was resolved unanimously, — 

"That we repel, as an attempt upon the honor, the liberty, and the inde- 
pendence of the Swiss people, all intervention of foreign di^^lomacy in the 
affairs of this country ; and that we are determined to consecrate our proj?- 
erty and our lives to the maintenance of those precious rights which we 
have inherited from our ancestors; and that any other conduct would be 
shameful." f 

At length M. Thiers, the French ministei-, sent a despatch in behalf of his 
government to the Swiss Government, stating that, if the demands of France 
and Austria were not instantly complied with by the expulsion of Louis Na- 
poleon, their ministers would be withdrawn, all friendly intercourse suspended, 
all the avenues to Switzerland should be blockaded to prevent any intercourse 
between Switzerland and the rest of Europe, and the expense of the blockade 
should be levied on the Swiss territories. This demand and threat were pre- 
sented to the president of the Swiss Directory by the Duke de Montebello, 
the French minister, in the night of the 6th of August, 1838, and created, of 
course, a profound sensation. § 

* Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, President de la Re'publiquc, par B. Re'nault, p. 104. 

t History of Europe since the Fall of Napoleon I., vol. iii. p. 232. 

X Declaration des Cantons de la Suisse, Sept. 17, 1836. 

§ Louis Blanc, v. 74-90. 

" It is a matter of public notoriety that Arenemberg is the centre of intrigues which the gov- 
ernment of the king has the right and the duty no longer to tolerate. Vainly does Louis Napo- 
leon deny this. The writings, so many of which he has published in Germany and in France, 



136 LIPE OF NAPOLEON III. 

" The Liberal journals," says Alison, " everywhere exclaimed in the loudest 
manner against what they termed this shameful violation of the law of 
nations; and were particularly vehement against M. Thiers, 'the child of 
Revolution, whose impious hands would strangle his own mother.' " 

But Switzerland had adopted Louis Napoleon as a citizen by conferring 
upon him the honorary title of a citizen of Thurgovia. The pride of the 
little republic was roused : the Diet was convoked ; and, notwithstanding the 
hopelessness of a conflict against such powerful foes, the assembled cantons 
lieroically refused to yield their independence. The Count of Montebello 
then announced that Switzerland would be placed under a strict blockade. 
A corps of the French army was set in motion towards the Jura Mountains. 
The ambassadors of foreign powers advised Switzerland to yield; but, on the 
contrary, the hardy republic assembled a force of twenty thousand men, and 
prepared for a vigorous resistance.* 

"But the man," say MM. Gallix and Guy, "who Avould not allow a single 
drop of French blood to be shed in the streets of Strasburg even to insure 
the triumjjh of his cause, would not suffer himself to be the occasion of a 
conflict between France, his native country, and Switzerland, which had so 
cordially received him into her bosom. Louis Napoleon, therefore, to put an 
end to these debates, decided of his own free will to take his departure, and 
addressed the following letter to the President of the Council of the Canton 
of Thurgovia. It was dated Arenemberg, Sept. 22, 1838 : — 

"Monsieur Le Landamann, — When the note of the Duke of Monte- 
bello was addressed to the Diet, I was by no means disposed to submit to the 
demands of the French Government : for it was important for me to prove, 
by my refusal to leave, that I had returned to Switzerland without violating 
any engagement ; that I had a right to reside there ; and that I could find 
there aid and protection. 

"During the last two months, Switzerland has shown by her energetic 
protests, and now by the decisions of her great councils which are at this 

and the one which the Court of Peers has recently condemned (Laity), to which it is proved that 
he had himself contributed, and which he had distributed, testify suflBciently that his return to 
Arenemberg had not only for its object to render the last duties to his dying mother, but as well 
to renew the projects which it is demonstrated to-day that he has never renounced. Switzerland 
is too loyal and faithful an ally to permit that Louis Bonaparte should call himself at the same 
Lime one of her citizens and also a pretender to the throne of France." -^ Due de Montebello uu 
Gomemement de la Suisse. 

* Histoire complete de Napoleon III., p. 74; also Ilistoire du Prince Louis Napole'on, par 
B. Re'nault, p. 105. 

" The Grand Council of Thurgovia did not show itself more favorable than the Diet to the 
pretensions of the French ambassador. Then the Duke of Montebello announced to Switzer- 
land an hermetic blockade. At the same time, some troops advanced. General Aymar, command- 
ing at Lyons, gave the order to the artillery of his division to hold itself in readiness to march. 
During these warlike preparations, the ambassadors of foreign powers, supporting M'ith their 
influence the demand of the Duke of Montebello, urged the Swiss to submit ; saying, that, if they 
resisted, they would be abandoned to the vengeance of France. In that dire extremity, the Hel- 
vetic Government commenced putting itself in a state for resistance." — Histoire complete de 
Napoleon III., p. 74. 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 137 

time assembled, that she was ready to make the greatest sacrifices in order to 
maintain her dignity and her rights. Slie has known how to do her duty as 
an independent nation. I shall know how to do mine, and to remain faithful 
to the voice of honor. They may persecute, but they can never degrade me. 

"The French Government having declared that the refusal of the Diet to 
comply with its demand would be the signal of a conflagration to which 
Switzerland might fall a victim, nothing remains for me but to quit a country 
where my presence is on the one side the subject of unjust pretensions, aud 
on the other may be the cause of equally great misfortunes. 

"I beg you, therefore, Monsieur Le Landamann, to announce to the Fedeial 
Directory that I shall take my departure as soon as there can be obtained 
from the ambassadors of the different powers the passports which are neces- 
sary to enable me to seek some spot where I shall find a secure asylum. 

" In thus voluntarily leaving the only country in Europe in whieh I have 
found support and protection, in separating myself from places endeared to 
me by so many recollections, I hope to prove to the Swiss people that I was 
worthy of the many marks of esteem and affection which they have lavished 
upon me. 

"I shall never forget the conduct of the cantons which have so courageously 
declared themselves in my favor; and the remembrance of the generous pro- 
tection accorded me by the Canton of Thurgovia will, above all, remain 
engraven on my heart. 

'• I trust that this separation will not prove eternal, and that a day will 
come when I shall be enabled, without compromising the interests of two 
nations which ought to remain friends, to return to the asylum which twenty 
years of sojourn and of acquired rights has made almost a second country 
for me. 

"Have the goodness, M. Landamann, to express my sentiments of gratitude 
to the Councils; and believe me that the thought of saving Switzerland from 
great troubles can alone alleviate the regret which I feel in quitting its soil. 

" Receive, &c., " Louis Napoleox Bonaparte." * 

The French army corps advancing towards Switzerland were making war 
upon this one man, as, fifteen years before, all the allied dynasties of Europe 
made war against his uncle.f Upon the departure of the prince, the French 

* There is, perhaps, nothing which more conclusively shows the dread with which dynastic 
Europe regarded the popular name of Napoleon than the fact that all these monarchies were 
thrown into agitation by the presence of this quiet, reticent young man in his solitary hon-e 
on the shores of Lake Constance. 

"In the course of the deliberations before the Diet of the Swiss Confederacy, it appeared that 
the note of the French ambassador had been followed by a despatch from the French minister 
of foreign affairs. Count Mole', insisting in a formal and menacing manner upon its execution ; 
that the ministers of Austria, of Baden, of Russia, were disposed to support that exorbitant pre- 
tension ; and, in fine, that this note, before having been presented to the Helvetic Government, 
had been presented to all the courts, and had obtained their assent." — Histoire politique et popu- 
laire dii Prince Louis Napoleon, sa Vie, ses Actes, et ses Merits, par Emile Marco de St. Hilaire, 
ton), troisieme, p. 135. 

t " The allied powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon is the sole obstacle to the re- 
18 



138 LIFE OF NAPOLEOX III. 

army also withdrew. The jmnce proceeded to England, the eyes of all Europe 
behig now directed to him as an antagonist of the government of Louis Phi- 
lippe, so dreaded that France and Austria combined their armies to drive him 
from the Continent. This must liave been a proud hour to the prince, 
making it certain that his name was invested with influence in France, whicli 
before this he could only have imagined that it possessed. He could now no 
longer doubt, that, were he but once to get a footing upon his native soil, the 
French people, in vast numbers, would rally around him. 

He took up his residence in London at Carlton Terrace, still with the one 
great idea that he was destined to occupy the throne of France engrossing 
his mind. It was now September, 1838. Louis Napoleon was thirty years 
of age : his character was formed. In the seclusion of Arenemberg, and 
devoted to study, he had acquired the habits of a retiring, earnest, thought- 
ful man. We see the development of that character in his letters and in his 
life in America. His high birth as the son of the King of Holland and pre- 
sumptive heir to the throne of France must have exerted a powerful influ- 
ence in promoting self-respect. His enemies were interested in blasting his 
reputation in every possible way. With their poisoned arrows they have 
daikened the air. 

Two of the ablest of the biographers of Louis Napoleon, M. Gallix and 
M. Guy, in the following terms speak of the life upon which he entered, or 
rather which he still continued to pursue, in England : — 

" Upon his arrival in London, the young prince, for whom the dissipations 
and frivolities of aristocratic life had never possessed any charm, resumed the 
laborious habits which had rendered him remarkable in Switzerland. For a 
long time, lie had been studying and endeavoring to master all those profound 
political views of the imperial period developed by the vast genius of Napo- 
leon, both in his various writings at St, Helena, and in his laws and institu- 
tions, which still remain in vigor. From these assiduous and intense studies 
of the prince upon that grand epoch, there appeared in 1839, in London, a 
book which was a veritable event in Europe." * 

It has been well said that never do you find a truly great man in whose 
nature the element of pensiveness does not predominate. The sublimest and 
saddest of all tragedies is the history of humanity. A pensive strain per- 
vades all the writings of Louis Napoleon. In the preface to his work enti- 
tled "Idees Napoleoniennes," he says, — 

"If the destiny which presaged my birth had not been changed by events, 
nepliew of the emperor, I should have been one of the defenders of his throne, 
one of the propagators of his ideas ; I should have had the glory of being one 
of the pillars of his edifice, or of dying in one of the squares of his guard, 
fighting for France. The emperor is no more ; but his spirit is not dead. 

establishment of peace in Europe, the Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he is 
ready to descend from the throne, to quit France, and even life itself, for the good of the country, 
inseparable fr )m the rights of his son, of the regency of the empress, and of the maintenance 
of the laws of the empire." — Abdication at Fontainebleau, April 4, 1814. 
* Histoire complete de Napok'on III., p. 145. 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 139 

Deprived of the opportunitj' of defending his protecting power with the sword, 
I can at least try to defend his memory with the pen. To enlighten opinion 
by searching for the thought that presided over his lofty conceptions, to recall 
to men's minds the memory of his vast projects, — this is a task which still grati- 
fies my heart, and consoles me for exile." 

The first chapter of this work is upon " Governments in General." In the 
following words, he enters upon his subject: — 

"Are all the revolutions which have agitated the peoples, all the efforts of 
great men, warriors, or legislators, to result in nothing? Are we to be moving 
constantly in a vicious circle, where intelligence succeeds ignorance; and bar- 
barism, civilization ? Far from us be a thought so afilicting. The sacred fire 
which animates us must conduct to a result worthy of the divine power which 
inspires it. The amelioration of society incessantly progresses, notwithstand- 
ing all obstacles. 

"'The human race,' says Pascal, 'is a man who never dies, and who is al- 
ways advancing towards perfection.' Sublime image of truth and of profound- 
ness! — the human race never dies; but yet it experiences all the maladies 
to which man is subject. 

" Governments have been established to aid society to overcome the obstacles 
which impede its progress. Their form necessarily varies, according to the 
nature of the evils which they are called to cure, according to the epoch and 
the people over whom they have to reign. Their task never has been, and 
never will be, easy, because the two contrary elements of which our existence 
is composed demand the employment of different measures. In respect to 
our divine essence, we need only liberty and labor: iu respect to our mortal 
nature, we need, to conduct us, a guide and a stay. 

"In unfolding before our eyes the tableau of history, we see there ever 
these two grand phenomena, — on the one side a constant system, which 
obeys a regular progression, which advances without ever retracing its stei:)S : 
it is progress. Upon the other side, on the contrary, we see only flexibility 
and change : they are forms of government." 

In the following terms, he speaks of the governments of the United States 
and of Russia, — the one a free repubUc, the other an unlimited absolutism, 
and yet each apparently well fulfilling its function : — 

"I say it with regret, that I see to-day but two governments which well 
fulfil their providential mission. These are the two colossi at the ends of the 
world ; the one at the extremity of the new, the other at the extremity of 
the old.* 

"Providence has confided to the United States the duty of peopling, and 
gaining to civilization, all that immense territory which extends from the At- 
lantic to the Pacific, and from the north pole to the equator. The government, 
which is only, thus far, a simple administration, has had, until the present time, 
but to practise the old adage, Let things alone^ to favor this irresistible 
instinct which impels the people of America to the West. 

* In a note, the prince adds, " I do not mean to say by this that all the other governmeats 
of Europe are bad. I wish only to say, that, at the present moment, there is no other which is at 
the height of so grand a mission." 



140 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"In Russia, it is to the imiieiial dynasty that is due all the progi'ess, which, 
for a century and a half, has been drawing that vast empire out of barbarism. 
The imperial power has to struggle against the old prejudices of our old Eu- 
rope. It is necessary that it should centralize as much as possible, in the hands 
of one single man, the forces of the state, that it may destroy all those abuses 
which perpetuate themselves beneath the shelter of communal and feudal 
privileges. The East can only receive from absolute power the ameliorations 
it waits for." 

In the second chapter, the prince treats of the great mission of the emperor ; 
declares that liberty can only follow in the same footsteps with religion ; speaks 
of the re-establishment of Christianity by Napoleon, and of the principles by 
which the emperor should be judged. 

"The birth of liberty," he writes, "is painful. The fabric reared by ages 
cannot be destroyed without terrible convulsions. The year 1793 followed 
closely upon the year 1791 ; and one saw ruins upon ruins, transformations 
iipon transformations, until Napoleon appeared. He disentangled that chaos," 
separated truths from passions, and the elements of success from the germs of 
death. 

"Napoleon, arriving upon the scene of action, became the testamentary 
executor of the Revolution. In dying unvanquished, the Revolution said to 
him, ' Establish upon solid bases the results of my efforts; re-unite divided 
France ; repel feudal Europe leagued against me ; heal my wounds ; enligliten 
the nations; be for Europe what I have been for France; and never aban- 
don the sacred cause of the French people, but make that cause to triumph by 
all the means which genius can create and which humanity can approve.' 

" There are vulgar minds, who, jealous of the superiority of merit, wish to 
revenge themselves by attributing to it their own paltry passions. Thus, in- 
stead of compreliending that a great man can only be influenced by grand 
conceptions, they say, 'Napoleon made himself emperor through personal am- 
bition. He surrounded himself with the illustrious names of the old regime 
to satisfy his vanity. He lavished the treasures of France and her purest 
blood to aggrandize his own power, and to set his brothers on thrones ; and 
at last he married an archduchess of Austria that he might have a true prin- 
cess for his bride.' ' Have I, then,' exclaimed Napoleon at St. Helena, ' reigned 
over pygmies in intelligence, that they have so little understood me?' 

"Let his spirit be consoled. The people long since have rendered him jus- 
tice. Every day that passes by, revealing as it does some misery wliich he 
has cured, some evil which he has extirpated, sufficiently explains his noble 
projects; and his great thoughts are like light-houses, which, in the midst of 
storms and darkness, show us the way to a harbor of security." 

In the third chapter, Louis Napoleon treats of the internal government of 
France which was introduced by the emperor. This chapter briefly yet 
comprehensively details the general principles of the imperial government; 
the fusion of equality, order, and justice; the administrative organization; 
the judiciary ; the finances; the establishment of benevolent institutions; the 
communes, agriculture, industry, commerce, public instruction; the army; 
political organization, fundamental principles, accusations of despotism, and 
the reply to these accusations. 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 141 

"It was because the emperor," writes the prince, " was the representative 
of the true ideas of his age, that he so easily acquired such an immense as- 
cendency. Having always a single object before his eyes, he employed, con- 
forming to 3ircumstances, means the most prompt to attain that end. What 
was that eLd? Liberty, — yes, liberty; and the more one studies the history 
of Napoleon, the more he will become convinced of that truth. 

"For liberty is like a river. If it is to bring abundance, and not desolation, 
we must dig it a wide and deep channel. If in its regular and majestic course 
it remains within its natural limits, the countries which it waters blesses its 
passage; but, if it come like a torrent which bursts its banks, it is regarded as 
the most terrible of evils. Then it excites universal hatred ; and men are 
seen in their infatuation to recoil from liberty, because it destroys, as if they 
would banish fire because it burns, and water because it drowns. 

"'Liberty,' some one says, 'was not assured by the imperial laws.' It is 
true that its name was not placed at the head of all the laws ; but every law 
of the empire was preparing for liberty the reign joeaceable and sure. 

" When in a country there are parties inflamed against each other, and vio- 
lent hatred exists, it is necessary that those parties should disappear, and that 
those hatreds should be appeased, before liberty can be possible. 

"When, in a country democratized as was France, the principle of equal 
rights is not generally recognized, it is necessary that that principle should be 
introduced into all the laws before liberty can be possible, 

" When there is neither public spirit, nor religion, nor political faith, it is 
necessary to recreate at least one of these three before liberty can be possible. 

" When repeated changes of the constitution have destroyed the respect 
due to law, it is necessary to form again respect for law before liberty can be 
possible. 

" When the government, whatever may be its form, has neither force nor 
prestige ; when order exists neither in the administration nor in the state, — 
it is necessary to re-establish order before liberty can be possible. 

"In fine, when a nation is at war with its neighbors, and when it contains 
within its own borders those who are co-operating with the enemy, it is nec<^8- 
sary to conquer those foes, and to make them allies, before liberty can be 
possible." 

In a few graphic words, the prince describes the chaotic condition of France 
when Napoleon returned from Egypt, the eagerness with which he was 
received by the French people, the order and prosperity which he immedi- 
ately established; and then he gives an enumeration of the enactments of the 
emperor by which these results were attained : — 

"He revoked the laws which deprived the relatives of emigrants and of the 
former nobles of the exercise of their political rights; he repealed the law of 
forced loans; he abolished the law of hostages;* he recalled the journalists 

* " The Directory had usurped dictatorial powers, and liad become as despotic a government 
as was ever known. By one decree, a forced loan of twenty-four millions of dollars was levied 
upon the opulent classes. Assuming that the relatives of the emigrants were the cause of all 
disorders, a law was passed the : all known to have been connected with the ancient regime should 



142 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

condemned to exile ; he opened the gates of France to more than one hun- 
dred thousand emigrants; he pacified La Vendee; he declared in the Council 
of State, 'I will not serve any party; I am national; I will avail myself of 
the services of all those, of whatever party, who will advance with me.' The 
clergy were divided into antagonistic parties, — the friends of the Revolution 
and the refractory priests : the emperor restored the clergy to fraternity. The 
republic of letters was divided between the new Institute and the ancient 
Academy : the emperor blended the academiciens with the Institute, and the 
savants were at peace, uniting their efforts to instruct the nation. There were 
old titles to which were attached souvenirs of glory : Napoleon allied ancient 
France with the new in blending hereditary titles with those modern ones 
which were acquired by services. The Jews formed a nation in a nation : 
the emperor convoked the grand sanhedrim ; their laws were reformed ; and 
the barriers which separated them from the rest of the nation disappeared. 
He re-established the Catholic religion, at the same time declaring liberty of 
conscience, and granting equal remuneration to ministers of all forms of wor- 
ship. Under the empire, every idea of caste was destroyed. No person 
thought of boasting of his parchments. The question was asked, What has 
a raan done? never, Of whom was he born?" 

Thus the prince gave a luminous account of the political principles of the 
Napoleonic empire, showing that under that centralization which Napoleon 
regretted, but which the assailment of the empire by all dynastic Europe ren- 
dered necessary, the government consecrated all its energies to promoting 
the prosperity of the masses of the people. The long and glowing catalogue 
which he gives of what Napoleon accomplished for France is a record such as 
no other monai'ch can show. 

Our space will not allow us to transcribe this chapter; but no impartial 
reader can peruse it without the deep conviction that Napoleon I. merits the 
mausoleum which a grateful nation has reared to his memory beneath the 
dome of the Invalides. 

"The government of Napoleon," he writes, "did not commit the fault, so 
common with many others, of separating the interests of the soul from the 
body, rejecting the first as chimeras, and admitting the second only as reali- 
ties. Napoleon, on the contrary, in giving an impulse to all noble sentiments, 
in showing that merit and virtue conduct to opulence and honor, proved to 
the people that the best emotions of the heart are the graceful drapery of 
material interests widely diffused; the same as Christian morals are sublime, 
because, like the civil law, they constitute the safest guide which we can fol- 
low, and the best counsellor of our private interests.* 

" The administrative organization under the empire had, like most of the 
institutions of that epoch, a momentary object to accomplish, and a more 
remote end to attain. Centralization was then the only means of constituting 
France, of establishing a stable regime, and of forming a compact state capa- 

Le seized as hostages ; and that four should be transported for every assassination that was com-^ 
mitted in the district, and that their property should be liable for all acts of robbery." — Alison'* 
History of Europe, vol. iv. p. 567. 
* Ide'es Napoleoniennes, p. 37. 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 143 

hie of resisting Europe, and of supporting afterwards liberty. The excess of 
centralization under the empire should not be considered as a system, definite 
and final, but rather as a means."* 

"The puhlic works which the emperor executed upon so grand a scale were 
not only one of the causes of the interior prosperity of France, but they 
fJTVored even great social progress. These works, in multiplying communica- 
tions, produced three signal advantages: the first was the employment of all 
the idle hands ; and thus it was the solace of the poorer classes : the second 
was the encouragement of agriculture, industry, and commerce ; the creation 
of new roads and canals augmented the value of the lands, and facilitated the 
transportation of all products: the third Avas the destruction of the s[)irit of 
locality, and the removal of the barriers which separate not only the provinces 
of a state, but different nations, by facilitating all the intercourse of men with 
each other, and in strengthening the ties which ought to unite them. The 
system of Napoleon consisted of constructing by the State a great number 
of important works; and, as these were finished, they were sold, and the j^ro- 
ceeds were devoted to the execution of other enterprises. It is important to 
remark, that, notwithstanding war, the emperor expended in twelve years 
over two hundred millions of dollars (one billion five million francs) in public 
works; and the man who had such treasures at his disposal, and who distrib- 
uted one hundred and forty millions of dollars in endowments, never had any 
private property." f 

'■'■Public instruction participated in the impulse given by the chief of the 
State to all the branches of the administration. 'None but those,' said the 
emperor, 'who wish to deceive the people, and to rule for their own profit, can 
wish to retain the people in ignorance; for the more the people are educated, 
the more there will be wdio will be convinced of the necessity of the laws, of 
the need of defending them, and the more society will be established, happy, 
and prosperous.' " % 

" The principles which guided the emperor in the choice of public function- 
aries were far more rational than those which are in vogue at the present day. 
When he appointed the chief of an administration, he did not consult the 
political shades of the man, but his capacity to discharge the duties of that 
office. Thus, instead of searching into the political antecedents of the minis- 
ters whom he employed, he only inquired respecting their special qualifica- 
tions. Chaptal, the celebrated chemist, is charged to open new avenues of 
industry ; the savant Denon is appointed director of the Museum of Arts ; 
Mollien is made minister of the treasury. That the finances were so prosper- 
ous under the empire is greatly owing to the fact that Gaudin, Duke de Gaete, 
entered the ministry of finances under the consulate, and did not leave the 
post until 1814. 

" It can be truly said of the imperial system, that its base was democratic, 
since all its powers came from the people ; while its organization was hierarchi- 
cal, since there were in society different degrees to stimulate all capacities. 
The arena was open to forty millions of people : merit alone distinguished 
them." § 

* Idees Napoleoniennes, p. 38. t Idem, p. 62. X W*im, p. 62. § Idem, p. 90. 



144 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

There are many other passages of this eloquent chapter which we would 
gladly transcribe ; but our limited space forbids. In the next chapter, the 
fourth, the prince takes up the foreign relations of France under the empire. 
There is here unfolded the foreign policy of the emperor, the blessings he 
conferred upon other nations, — Italy, Switzerland, Germany, Westphalia, 
Poland, — and his designs for Spain. 

"The more the secrets of diplomacy are developed, the more one is con- 
vinced of the truth that Napoleon was led step by step, by the force of events, 
to that gigantic power which was created by war, and which war destroyed. 
He was not the aggressor; on the contrary, he was incessantly obliged to 
repel the coalitions of Europe. If at times he appeared to anticipate the 
projects of his enemies, it is because in the initiative lies the guaranty of 
success." * 

"Let us rapidly glance through that grand drama which commenced at 
Areola, and which was terminated at Waterloo, and we shall see that Napo- 
leon appears as one of those extraordinary beings whom Providence creates 
to be the majestic instrument of its impenetrable designs; and whose mission 
is so traced out in advance, that an invisible force seems to compel them to 
accomplish it." f 

In a few pages a very graphic sketch is given of this wonderful career, 
which sketch is closed with the following words : — 

"Waterloo! — here every French voice falters, and there is room only for 
tears, — tears for the conquered, tears for the conqueror, who will regret, 
sooner or later, having overthrown the only man who had become the media- 
tor between two hostile ages. 

"All our wars came from England. England would never listen" to any 
proposition for peace. In the year 1800, the emperor wrote to the King of 
England, 'The war which has now for eight years ravaged the four quarters 
of the globe — must it be eternal? is there no way of putting an end to it? 
How is it that two nations, the most enlightened in Europe, more powerful 
than is necessary for their safety and independence, can sacrifice to ideas of 
vain grandeur the interests of commerce, internal prosperity, and the happi- 
ness of fiTmilies? How is it that they do not perceive that peace is the first 
of necessities as the first of glories?' 

"In the year 1805, the emperor addressed to the same sovereign the follow- 
ing words: 'The world is sufiiciently lai-ge for our two nations to live in it; 
and reason has suflicient power to conciliate all difficulties, if there be on the 
one side and the other but the disposition. Peace is the wish of my heart; 
but war has not been injurious to my glory. I conjure your Majesty not to 
refuse yourself the happiness of giving peace.' 

"In 1808, Napoleon united himself with Alexander in the endeavor to in- 
duce the British cabinet to consent to ideas of conciliation." J 

The sixth chapter speaks of the causes of the foil of the empei'or. " It is a 
consolation," he writes, " for those who feel the blood of the great man flowing 
in their veins, to think of the regrets which accompanied his loss. It is a grand 

* Idees Napoleoniennes, p. 110 t Idnn, p. 111. } Idem. 



EXILE AND STUDIES. 145 

and elevating thought, that it took all the efforts of combined EuroiDe to tear 
Napoleon from this France which he had rendered so great. It was not the 
French people in their wrath who sapped his throne : there were required 
twice twelve hundred thousand foreigners to break the imperial sceptre. It 
is a noble funeral for a sovereign whei-e a weeping country and glory in 
mourning accompany him to his last abode." * 

The seventh and last chapter, entitled the Conclusion, closes with the fol- 
lowing words: — 

" The period of the empire was a mortal war against the old European sys- 
tem. The old system triumphed. But, notwithstanding the fall of Napoleon, 
Napoleonian ideas have germinated in all directions. The conquerors them- 
selves have adopted the ideas of the conquered, and the nations are exhausting 
themselves in efforts to restore what Napoleon had established among them. 

" In France, there is the incessant demand, under other names and other 
forms, for the realization of the ideas of the emperor. If any grand work is 
executed, it is generally but some project of the emperor which is carried out. 
Every act of power, every proposition of the Chambers, must place itself 
under the shield of Napoleon to be popular. 

"Italy, Poland, have sought to recover that national organization which 
Napoleon gave them. 

" Spain sheds freely the blood of her children to re-establish those institu- 
tions which the decrees of Bayonne in 1808 guaranteed to her. 

''In London, also, a re-action has taken place; and one has seen the major- 
general of the French army at Waterloo feted by the English people equally 
with the conqueror. 

"Belgium in 1830 manifested eagerly its desire to become what it was 
under the empire. 

" Many countries in Germany demand the laws which Napoleon had given 
them. 

"The Swiss cantons, with a common accord, prefer, to the compact which 
now binds them, the act of mediation of 1803. 

" In fine, we have seen, even in a democratic republic at Berne, the districts 
which had formerly belonged to France reclaiming in 1838, of the Bernese 
Government, the imperial laws of which the incorpoi'ation with that republic 
has deprived them since 1815. 

" Who, then, we may ask, are the truly great statesmen ? — those who found 
a system which foils, notwithstanding all their power? or those who found a 
system which survives their defeat, and springs anew from their ashes? 

" The Napoleonian ideas have the character of ideas which regulate the 
movement of society, since they advance of their own force, though deprived 
of their author. It is no longer necessary to reconstruct the system of the 
emperor : it reconstructs itself. Sovereigns and people all aid to re-establish 
it, because each sees in it a guaranty of order, of peace, and of prosperity. 

"Where else shall we to-day find the man who places his impress upon the 
world through the respect due to the superiority of his conceptions? 

* Ide'es Napoleoniennes, p. 146. 



146 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

" Let us repeat, then, in conclusion, that the Napoleonian idea is not an idea 
of war, but a social, industrial, commercial, humanitarian idea. If to some 
men it seems always surrounded with tlie thunders of combat, it is because it 
was indeed too long enveloped in the smoke of cannon and the dust of battles; 
but now the clouds are dissipated, and we see through the glory of arms a 
civil glory more grand and more durable. 

"Let the ashes of the emperor repose in peace. His memory becomes 
grander eveiy day. Each wave that breaks upon the rock of St. Helena 
brings with the breeze to Europe a homage to his memory, a regret to his 
remains ; and the echo of Longwood repeats over his tomb, ' The nations, 

FKEE, WILL LABOR EVEKTWHEEE TO RECONSTRUCT THY WORK.' " * 

* " The ' Ide'es Napole'oniennes ' excited the highest degree of interest. At Paris, four editions 
were published. The work was translated into all the languages of Europe. All agreed in 
recognizing in their author a mind of rare speculative ability, a man of good faith, and a states- 
man whose merits and defects had at least the advantage of not belonging to any of the schools 
which had thus far brought misfortune to France. This publication, in directing the general 
attention to the nephew of the emperor, in pointing him out to the consideration of his fellow- 
citizens, produced all the effect which could then be produced; for France was not then ripe for 
any man or for any event; and, in consequence of the grand deception of 1830, it was more than 
ever distrustful of change." — Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, par B. JRenault, p. 144. 




CHAPTER IX. 

PRINCE LOUIS IN LONDON. 

Les Idees Napoleoniennes. — Habits of Louis Napoleon. — Testimony of Acquaiclnnccs. — Views 
of Government. — Severe Studies. — Unpopularity of Louis Philippe. — Attempts at Assas- 
sination. — The Napoleonic Idea. — Fieschi. — Narrow Escape of the Royal Family. — Secret 
Societies. — Virulence of the Press. — Inauguration of the Arc de I'Etoile. — Seclusion of 
the King. — Napoleonic Sympathies. — The Emperor's Statue restored to the Column in the 
Place Vendome. — Letter from Joseph Bonaparte. — The Bourbon Law of Proscription. — 
Justification for the Efforts of the Prince. — Death of Charles X. — Socialist Insurrection. — 
M. Thiers Prime ^Minister. — Demand for the Remains of Napoleon. — Preparation for their 
Removal. 

HE remarkable work entitled " Les Idees Napoleoniennes " could 
not have been written in the leisure hours of an idle man of 
pleasure. Every page indicates extensive reading, profound 
research, and deep meditation. It treats of the highest and 
most difficult themes which can engross human attention. It 
requires that the mind should be disciplined by many years of 
patient study to enable it to present in such lucid order the highest intellect- 
ual achievements of the statesman and the philosopher. 

The French Government was at this time very anxious to propitiate the 
Liberal part}^, and in this endeavor was continually adopting measures which 
gave new life and zeal to those who were in favor of restoring the imperial 
dynasty. An annual j^ension was voted by the Chambers, of twenty-five thou- 
sand dollars, to Caroline Bonaparte, the widow of Murat. Monuments were 
continually being erected in different parts of the kingdom to perpetuate the 
memory of the achievements of Napoleon. 

"The press," says Alison, " cautiously but assiduously inculcated the same 
ideas ; and the very remarkable work of Prince Louis, ' Les Idees Napoleo- 
niennes,' in a skilful manner favored them by representing the incessant wars, 
which were the chief reproach against his memory (the emperor's), as a tem- 
porary and painful effort to secure that general and lasting peace which was 
the grand object of his desire. 

"Napoleon," it was said, "was always the friend of peace; he was the pro- 
tector of commerce and industry: it was for this he waged war with England, 
the eternal oppressor of both. He was the civilizer of the world, the most 
pacific and liberal sovereign that ever reigned. It was for the interests of 
real freedom that he suppressed the Tribunate, its worst enemy, and chased 

147 



148 LIFE OF NAPOLEON UI. 

the deputies who had betrayed it out of the windows of St. Cloud. If he 
went to Moscow, it was that he might conquer the peace of the world in the 
Kremlin. If he sacrificed millions of soldiers, it was because peace could be 
purchased at no lower price." 

"These ideas," says Alison, "were not only sedulously inculcated in 'Le 
Capitole,' a journal specially devoted to the Napoleon interests, but in several 
other publications in France and foreign States. The report was carefully 
circulated in secret, and therefore the more readily believed, that Prince Na- 
poleon was in reality supported by Austria, Russia, and Great Britain : and 
in a pamphlet published at this time, which made considerable sensation, it 
was openly asserted that the existing government was incapable of providing 
for the security, prosperity, and glory of France; and that the Napoleon 
dynasty alone was equal to its requirements." * 

Those who were acquainted with Louis Napoleon, this solitary, reticent 
young man, at this period of his life, when he was residing an exile in Eng- 
land, describe him as an earnest, toilsome student. At the early hour of six 
in the morning, he was almost invariably in his cabinet, where he worked 
uninterruptedly until noon. He then took his breakfast, which seldom occu- 
pied more than ten minutes. After this repast, he read the journals, carefully 
taking notes of Avhatever was most important in the news or politics of the 
day. At two o'clock, his friends understood that he was ready to receive 
visitors. At four o'clock, he devoted an hour to his own private affairs ; and, 
mounting his horse at five, took a ride in the park. At seven o'clock, he 
dined ; and generally found an hour or two in the evening to continue his 
studies. 

"As to his tastes and habits, they are those of a man who appreciates life 
only on its serious side. He does not value luxury for its own sake. In the 
morning, he is dressed for the day. Of all his household he wears the plainest 
clothes, though there is always about his dress a certain military elegance." 

The same writer from whom we have quoted the last sentence, the author 
of the " Letters from London," thus describes the appearance of the prince at 
this time : — 

" He is of middle size, of an agreeable countenance, and has a military air. 
To personal advantages he adds the more seductive distinction of manners 
simple, natural, and full of good taste and ease. At first sight, I was struck 
with his resemblance to Prince Eugene, and the Empress Josephine his grand- 
mother ; but I did not remark a like resemblance to the emperor. But by 
attentively observing the essential features, that is, those not depending on 
more or less fulness or more or less beard, we soon discover that the Napo- 
leonic type is reproduced with astonishing fidelity. 

"It is, in fact, the same lofty forehead, broad and straight; the same nose, 
of fine proportions ; the same gray eyes, though the expression is milder ; it 
is particularly the same contour and inclination of the head. The latter, espe- 
cially when the prince turns, is so full of the Napoleonic air as to make a 
Boldier of the Old Guard thrill at the sight. The distinguishing expression of 

* Alison, vol. iii. p. 240. 



PRINCE LOUIS IN LONDON. 149 

tlie features of the young prince is that of nobleness and gravity ; and yet, far 
from being harsh, his countenance, on the contrary, breathes a sentiment of 
mildness and benevolence. But what excites the greatest interest is that 
indefinable tinge of melancholy and thoughtfulness observable in the slightest 
movement, and revealing the noble sufferings of exile. 

"But from this portrait you must not figure to yourself one of those elegant 
young men, those Adonises of romance, who excite the admiration of the 
drawing-room. There is nothing of effeminacy in the young Napoleon. The 
dark shadows of his countenance indicate an energetic nature. His assured 
look, his glance, at once quick and thoughtful, every thing about him, points 
out one of those exceptional natures, one of those great souls, that live by 
meditating on great things, and that alone are capable of accomplishing them." 

Sir Archibald Alison testifies as follows to the character and habits of the 
prince, while in England, at this time : — 

"The idea of a destiny, and his having amission to perform, was throughout 
a fixed one in Louis Napoleon's mind. No disasters shook his confidence in 
his star, or his belief in the ultimate fulfilment of his destiny. This is well 
known to all who were intimate with him in this country after he returned 
from America in 1837. 

" Among other noble houses the hospitality of which he shared was that 
of the Duke of Montrose, at Buchanan, near Lochlomond, and the Duke of 
Hamilton, at Brodick Castle, in the Island of Arran. His manner in both 
was, in general, grave and taciturn. He was wrapped in the contemplation of 
the future, and indifferent to the present. 

"In 1839, the present Earl of W , then Lord B , came to visit 

the author, after having been some days with Louis Napoleon at Buchanan 
House. One of the first things he said was, — 

"'Only think of that young man Louis Napoleon! Nothing can persuade 
him that he is not to be Emperor of France. The Strasburg affair has not in 
the least shaken him. He is thinking constantly of what he is to do when he 
is on the throne.' 

"The Duke of N also said to the author in 1854, 'Several years ago, 

before the Revolution of 1848, I met Louis Napoleon often at Brodick Castle, 
in Arran. We frequently went out to shoot together. Neither cared much 
for the sport ; and we soon sat down on a heathery brow of Goatfell, and 
began to speak seriously. He always opened these conferences by discoursing 
on what he would do when Emperor of France. Among other things, he 
said he would obtain a grant from the Chambers to drain the marshes of the 
Bries, which, you know, once fully cultivated, became flooded when the in- 
habitants, who were chiefly Protestants, left the country on the Revocation of 
the Edict of Nantes ; and, what is very curious, I see in the newspapers of the 
day that he has got a grant of two millions of francs from the Chambers tc 
begin the draining of those very marshes.' 

"All that belongs to Louis Napoleon is now public property ; and those 
noble persons will forgive the author if he endeavors to rescue from oblivion 
anecdotes so eminently illustrative of the fixity of purpose, which is the most 
remarkable feature in that very emiueut man's character. This idea of i 



150 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

destiny, of a star, or a mission, which are only different words for the same 
thing, will be found to have a fixed belief in most men who attain to ultimate 
greatness. Whether it is that the disposition of mind which leads to such a 
belief works out its own accomplishment by the energy and perseverance 
which it infuses into the character, and which enables its possessor to rise 
superior to all the storms of fate, or that Providence darkly reveals to the 
chosen instruments of great things, 'the vessels of honor' to which the work- 
ing-out of its purposes in human affairs is intrusted, enough of the future to 
secure its accomplishment, will forever remain a mystery in this world." * 

The Countess of Blessington was then in the prime of her sad yet brilliant 
career. Her saloons at Goi-e House were the resort of the most polished and 
intellectual society of England ; and distinguished visitors from all parts of 
the Continent were gathered at her receptions. Lady Blessington had met 
Queen Hortense and Louis Napoleon in Italy, and was exceedingly attached 
to the queen. Louis Napoleon was always a welcome guest at these re-unions. 
Here he became the intimate friend of Count d'Orsay, one of the most attrac- 
tive of men in his warmth of heart and genial address, and one of the most 
conspicuous in genius and varied intellectual accomplishments. Here he also 
frequently met th,e Earl of Eglinton ; and he attended the celebrated tourna- 
ment at Eglinton Castle, where he distinguished himself by his skill in horse- 
manship. 

" The intimacy with Lord Eglinton continued after the marriage of the earl ; 
and Louis Napoleon was frequently invited to stay at the castle. The impres- 
sion that he made on Lady Eglinton and her visitors was that of a quiet, 
gentlemanly, inoffensive young man, who contributed nothing either to the 
conversation or amusement of the company. He was skilful at all physical 
exercises, but very still and silent in a drawing-room ; and certainly left no 
impression of possessing great powers of mind, or extraordinary capacities of 
any kind. When the ladies withdrew from the table, he was in the habit 
of leaving; and usually proceeded to the nursery, where he had impressed 
the three young daughters of the countess by a former marriage with a great 
idea of his talents in all baby plays, such as ball, blind-man's-buff, &c. ; but 
more especially they remembered his extraordinary genius in making rabbits 
and shadows on the wall." f 

At this time, the prince established a journal which he intended to issue 
monthly, as the vehicle through which he could convey to the public, and 
particularly to the French people, his political views. The journal was called 
" The Napoleonist Idea." One number only appeared, in consequence of 



* History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon I., vol. iii. p. 213. 

" To an American gentleman of high character, who conversed with him at this time, he 
undisguisedly made known his intention to seize the first moment of fortune to overthrow the 
government of Louis Philippe, and aid in the establishment of a republic in France. ' That 
time too, sir,' he said, ' is as sure to come as the ashes of Napoleon are one day to repose on the 
banks of the Seine.' In fact, and probably without his knowledge, negotiations were then pend- 
ing between England and France for the removal of the body of the emperor to the Invalides." 
— Napoleon Dynasty, by the Berkeley Men, p. 564. 

t Italy and the War of 1859, by Julie de Marguerittes, p. 79. 



PRINCE LOUIS IIS LONDON. 151 

events soon to be narrated. Tliis Napoleonist idea, which he attempted to 
ehicidate in all his writings, consisted, as we have seen, of a democratic or 
republican administration under monarchical or imperial forms. He contended, 
that, in the present state of Europe, France, surrounded by hostile dynasties, 
could not successfully resist her powerful foes abroad, and at the same time 
control struggling parties of Bourbonists and Orleanists and Socialists at home, 
with a republican forni of government like that so magnificently successful 
in the United States of America. 

On the other hand, he argued that the French people were too enlightened, 
too determined in their love of liberty, long to tolerate the despotism of 
the old feudal regime^ — a government, which, neglecting the interests of the 
masses of the people, seeks only to favor the rich and the noble. He con- 
tended that the imperial republic of Napoleon I., whom his foes had stigma- 
tized as "the child and the champion of democracy," was just the government 
which the French nation needed and desired ; that the French people had estab- 
lished such a government by nearly four millions of votes; that it had proved 
a magnificent success, notwithstanding all despotic Europe was arrayed against 
it; and that at last it was only by the advance of "twice twelve hundred thou- 
sand " foreign bayonets that this government for the people was overthrown, 
and the old feudal despotism re-establislied. 

And he argued, with confidence which exposed him to ridicule, but which 
subsequent facts have proved to the whole world to be true, that, just so soon 
as the question could be submitted to the universal stiff rage of the French peo- 
ple, they would by acclaim re-establish the empire. At all events, and whatever 
might be their choice, he contended that it was the Napoleonist idea that the 
question should be submitted to the decision of the French people by the 
voice of universal suffrage ; that they, and they alone, had a right to choose 
for themselves what form of government they would adopt. It was for them 
to decide Avhether they would have for their sovereign a Bourbon, an Orleans, 
or a Bonaparte, — whether they would have an empire, a kingdom, or a repub- 
lic. There can be no peace in France, was his constant assertion, until the 
people, by universal suffrage, are permitted to select their government for 
themselves. 

While the prince was thus occupied with these severe studies, and finding 
recreation in the most polished and the most illustrious circles of English 
society, France continued to be agitated with tumults and insurrections. The 
billows of popular discontent incessantly dashed against the throne of Louis 
I'hilippe. 

Lafayette had contributed more than any other man in placing Louis Phi- 
lippe upon the throne. As a reward, he had been appointed commander-in- 
chief of the National Guards of France. With his great popularity, this 
placed in his hands a weapon, with which, if he pleased, he could demolish 
the throne which he had so essentially aided in constructing. The general 
discontent with the new government was manifest from the incessant appeals 
with Avhich Lafayette was beset by deputations from the National Guard in 
Paris and from the provinces. He did not repel these deputations, but 
received them in a friendly way. As if consciovis of his power, he said, — 



152 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

"We must let the government go on, appreciate it, judge it. The people, 
in the last resort, always remain sovereign; and nothing is more easy than to 
undo what is done." * 

Louis Philippe was informed of all this, and he trembled. Lafayette re- 
viewed sixty thousand of the National Guard of Paris. It was a magnificent 
spectacle ; but it said to the king, " You are in the power of the man who 
has such an army at his command." Lafayette was dismissed, the king 
" cloaking the dismissal under the pretext of appointing him honorary com- 
mander of the Guard;" but no one was deceived. 

M. de Lafayette, while in command of these troops, taking advantage of 
the influence which his position gave him, and acting as the organ of the 
Liberal party, had made three demands of the king : the first was, that he 
siiould dissolve the Chamber of Deputies, the majority of whom were hostile 
to republican ideas ; secondly, that all persons paying direct taxes should be 
admitted to the suffi-age ; and, thirdly, that the peers should be elected^ and 
that the peerage should be for life only. 

"Thus the dictator," says Alison, "the head of the National, which might 
now be called the Pretorian Guard, demanded what, in France, where 
there were four millions of persons paying direct taxes, was equivalent to 
universal suffrage, and the abolition of the peerage, whether hereditary or for 
life, and the substitution of an elective senate in its room. This was certainly 
the realization of his favorite dream of a ' monarchy surrounded with repub- 
lican institutions.' " f 

The struggles of the various parties to gain the ascendency were daily 
growing more violent, and the position of the king more embarrassing. Gui- 
zot, the prime minister of Louis Philippe, says that force and corruption were 
the means by which the government was maintained ; and he adds that this 
was rendered indispensable by absolute and overbearing necessity, t 

The king deemed it essential to keep sixty thousand regular troops in the 
capital or its immediate vicinity ; and strong bodies of military Avere continu- 
ally patrolling the streets. Large numbers of arrests were made daily. The 
old Jacobinical spirit of the Revolution of 1789 began to manifest itself por- 
tentously in journals established to advocate socialistic principles. The most 
violent appeals were made to the passions of the public. " The Paris Trib- 
une," the organ of this party, in its issue of Aug. 20, 1833, says, — 

" Yesterday evening, twenty-eight persons accused of seditious practices 
were arrested and sent to prison by the agents of the police. Never did 
tyranny advance with such rapid strides as it is doing at the present moment 
in France. It is in vain to say that it was Napoleon, or the Restoration, or 
Louis Philippe, who extinguished freedom in France. It was the overthrow 
of Robespierre which was the fatal stroke. We have never since known what 
liberty was : we have lived only under a succession of tyrants. Impressed 
with these ideas, a band of patriots have commenced the republication of the 
speeches of Robespierre, St. Just, and Marat, which will be rendered accessi- 

* Alison's History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon I., vol. ii. p. 408. 

t Alisoa, vol. vi. p. 422. | Idem, vol. iii. p. 89. 



PRINCE LOUIS IN LONDON. 153 

ble to the very humblest of the people by the moderate price of a sons a 
number, at which it is sold. They will find every thing that philosophy could 
discern, or intelligence reveal, or humanity desire, or learning enforce, in their 
incomparable productions." 

In the next day's issue, we find the following: "Yesterday, eighteen more 
persons accused of seditious practices were sent to prison. How long will 
the citizens of Paris permit a despotism to exist among them to which there 
has been nothing comparable since the days of Napoleon ? The tyranny of 
the rich over the poor is the real plague which infests society, — the eternal 
source of oppression, in comparison with which all others are as dust in the 
balance. What have we gained by the Revolution? Mei-ely the substitution 
of the Chaussee d'Antin for the Faubourg St. Germaine ; an aristocracy of 
bankers for one of nobles. What have the people gained by the change ? 
Are they better fed or clothed or lodged than before ? What is it to them 
that their oppressors are no longer dukes or counts ? Tyranny can come from 
the bureau as well as from the palace. There will be no real regeneration to 
France till a more equal distribution of property strikes at the root of all the 
caL-imities of the time." 

The Napoleonist idea was as antagonistic to this agrarianism of the Social- 
ists as it was to the despotism of the old regime. In July of 1835 there was 
a very magnificent celebration of the Revolution which had driven the Bour- 
bons from the throne, and placed the crown upon the brow of Louis Philippe. 
The National Guards were drawn up upon the Boulevards, extending from 
the Madeleine to the Place of the Bastille. The king, accompanied by his 
three sons, the Dukes of Orleans, Nemours, and Joinville, and attended by a 
splendid staff, rode along the line, receiving frequent acclamations from the 
troops and the immense crowd of spectators. 

Just as the royal cortege arrived opposite the gate of the Jardin Turc, there 
was heard a loud report, like that of a number of petards exploding simulta- 
neously; and in an instant a large void appeared in the street, as if the 
thunderbolts of battle had suddenly burst in the midst of the throng. The 
pavements were strewn with wounded men and horses, the dying and the 
dead, A puff of smoke from a neighboring chamber-window guided the 
police to the haunt of the assassin. The "infernal machine," which had killed 
outright eleven persons, and grievously wounded twenty-nine, consisted of 
twenty-four musket-barrels, so arranged as to go off all at once, and to enfilade 
the royal cortege as it passed along the street at the distance of but a few 
feet from the muzzles of this murderous weapon. The miserable assassin was 
reckless of the lives of others thronging the streets, could he but effect the 
death of all the members of the royal household. 

The barrels were heavily loaded, — each one filled with bullets, — the train 
laid; and the assassin sat at his post, watching the arrival of the king. As 
soon as the party was directly in front of the muzzles, he fired the train. The 
explosion instantly followed, causing the awful massacre to Avhich we have 
referred ; and yet by an jipparent miracle, while the street was all around 
instantly strewn with the mutilated and the dead, the king and his sons, in 
the very middle of the carnage, scarcely received harm. 



154 LIFE OF NAPOLEON UL 

The wretch had so heavily loaded the machine., that six of the barrels burst 
fi-om the violence of the explosion ; and it so happened that those six barrels 
were the ones which most directlj' ranged the royal group. But for that 
occurrence, it would seem impossible that the king could have escaped : as it 
Avas, one ball grazed his forehead; another Avounded the horse he rode, on the 
shoulder; and the horses of both the Duke of Nemours and the Prince de 
Joinville Avei'e struck. Thus miraculously the royal family were preserved. 
Among the eleven killed there were Marshal Mortier, General Lachasse de 
Verigny, and Colonel RafFe, Five generals, two colonels, nine officers and 
grenadiers of the National Gunrd, and thirteen spectators, were among the 
wounded. Several of the wounded afterwards died. 

The assassin, Joseph Fieschi, a vagabond of all crimes, was severely wounded 
himself by the explosion : still he succeeded, though covered Avith blood, in 
letting himself down by a rope from his chamber- AvindoAV in the rear. He 
was pursued and captured. It did not appear that he had many accomplices. 
Two others, belonging, like himself, to the most degraded class in Paris, Avere 
arrested; and the three were guillotined the 19th of Febi'uary, 1836.* 

This frightful crime for a time greatly diminished the unpopularity of the 
king. He, with his sons, behaved Avith great coolness on the occasion, con- 
tinuing the reA'iew ; and they were received with enthusiastic applause. Fu- 
neral services were held in the churches of all France in memory of the dead; 
and Te Deums were offered for those who had been so wonderfully preserved. 

The burial-scene was attended with great magnificence, presenting one of 
the most imposing exhibitions of funeral-pomp Paris had CA^er Avitnessed. 
The procession, forming at the Church of St. Paul in the Rue St. Antoine, 
traversed the whole circuit of the Boulevards, and, crossing the Place and 
Bridge de la Concorde, consigned the dead to their last resting-place at the 
Church of the Invalides. Troops in dense array lined the streets for the 
whole distance. All Paris was assembled -to witness the pageant. Fourteen 
hearses conveyed the dead. A young girl of sixteen was among the slain. 
The hearse which bore her body came first, surrounded by a grouj? of maidens 
in white. Next came the body of a married woman, who was also among 
the slain. A train of matrons, also in white, accompanied her hearse. Then 
came six coffins of soldiers, Avith the epaulet of the National Guai*d upon 
each. The war-horse of each officer was led behind his hearse. The funeral- 
car of Marshal Mortier came last. It Avas a magnificent structure, decorated 
in the highest style of art. The procession was closed by the most illustrious 
dignitaries of France, not only of those residing in Paris, but by deputations 
from the provinces. 

The solemnity of the occasion, the grandeur of the funeral-cars, the waAang 
plumes, the requiems breathed from so many bands upon the still air, the mili- 
tary display, and the throng of spectators, Avhich, silent and motionless, gazed 
upon the spectacle, presented a scene never to be forgotten by those who 
witnessed it. At the Church of the Invalides, the king and his sons, with the 
Archbishop of Paris and the clergy, awaited the procession. The exercises 
there were conducted with the most imposing ceremonies of the church.f 

* M;,:iteur, Feb. 20, 1836. t Ibid., Aug. 6, 1835. 



PRINCE LOUIS IN LONDON. 155 

This terrible event impressed the government with the importance of adopt- 
ing some more vigorous measures against secret political societies and the 
licentiousness of the press. M. de Broylie, then the prime minister of Louis 
Philippe, made the following remarks in the debate which ensued, forcibly 
showing the demoralized social condition of France at that time: — 

"Men have been found who knew the king only by the execrable falsehoods 
of the press, and who, on the faith of that press, have come to regard the 
king as so execrable, that they deemed it a meritorious work to destroy him, 
even though, in doing so, they might annihilate at the same time hundreds 
of men, women, and children. Read the revolutionary journals since that 
event; see what intensity of hatred they reveal in their bosoms; with what 
complacency do they calculate that a few feet, a few inches, more, and a whole 
dynasty was destroyed ! 

"Every party, every interest, loses by the unbridled license of the press 
which now prevails. Is it not a fact, imprinted in characters of blood in our 
streets, that under the fire of a hostile press, under the ceaseless action of 
barbarous theories and atrocious calumnies, there has been formed in the 
lower strata of society — there where meet gross passions with violent intel- 
ligences, neither of which can endure restraint — a militia of men capable 
of undertaking any thing, at once fanatical and perverse, ready at any mo- 
ment for revolt, and, where political parricide finds arras, with weapons in 
their hands, at all times ready for insurrection ? 

" Revolt is the enemy which the glorious Revolution of July bore in its 
bosom. "We have combated it under all forms, in all fields. It began by 
raising in front of the ti'ibune rival tribunes, from whence it might dictate its 
insolent determinations and sanguinary caprices. We have demolished these 
factious tribunes ; we have shut up the clubs : for the first time, we have muz- 
zled the monster. 

" Upon this it descended into the streets. You have seen it hurtle against 
the gates of the king's palace with bared arms, shouting, vociferating, and 
hoping to domineer over all by fear. We have met it face to face, with the 
law in our hand; we have dispersed its assemblages; we have made it re-enter 
its den. 

"Next it organized itself in secret societies, in permanent conspiracies, in 
living plots. With the law in our hands, we have dissolved the anarchical 
societies, arrested their chiefs, scattered their bravoes. After having repeat- 
edly given us battle, it has been as often defeated; dragged by the heels 
through the streets, despite its clamor, to receive due chastisement at the 
hands of justice. 

" Now it has fled to its last refuge. It has sought an asylum in the factious 
press. It has sought to intrench itself behind the sacred right of discussion, 
which the charter has guaranteed to all Frenchmen. It is there, that, like the 
wretch who poisoned the waters of a populous city, it poisons every day the 
fountains of hum in intelligence, the channels through which truth should cir- 
culate; and pours ts venom into all niinds. We propose to attack it in its lust 
asylum, to tear from its visage its last mask." * 

* Monitcur, Aug. 18, 1835. 



156 LIFE OI^ NAPOLEON IIL 

The other party, however, replied by a furious denunciation of the acts of 
the government, as creating universal discontent. " The people have gained 
nothing," said they, "but a change of masters. The Orleans throne is as 
despotic as that of the Bourbon. We have seen Paris in a state of siege, 
political writers incarcerated, private correspondence seized and published, 
and association, by which alone the weak can protect themselves against the 
strong, denounced as a crime. We have been stripped of all our liberties : 
we can neither act, write, or think freely, without being denounced as crimi- 
nals. The licentiousness of the press cannot be remedied by attempts to 
annihilate its freedom. It must be put in the wrong by having the measures 
of government so salutary as to defy its assaults. Without a free press, lib- 
erty is impossible. We must patiently bear its excesses, and conquer them 
by doing right." * 

Louis Philippe seems to have been pursued by assassins during the whole 
of his reign. Not many months after the attempt of Fieschi, as the king was 
going in state to the legislative body, accompanied by his two sons, two assas- 
sins — Boirier and Meunier — discharged their pistols into his carriage, but, 
fortunately, without effect. These desperate men were apparently willing to 
sacrifice their own lives if they could but take that of the king. They were 
arrested, and sentenced to imprisonment for life ; which sentence was subse- 
quently commuted to ten years' banishment. It was hoped that this extraor- 
dinary leniency would mitigate in some degree the ferocity with which the 
king was assailed.f 

At six o'clock in the evening of the 25th of June, the king, with the queen 
and his sister Madame Adelaide, was driving out of the courtyard of the 
Tuileries, when a man, reckless of the guard, rushed to the open window of 
the carriage, and discharged his pistol apparently directly in the face of the 
king. The ball passed just over his head, and lodged in the roof of the vehi- 
cle. The wretch was instantly seized, with the pistol still smoking in his hand. 
As be was being led to the Conciergerie, he replied to the question why he 
had attempted the crime, — 

"I wished to kill the king because he is the enemy of the people. My only 
regret is that I did not succeed in doing so." 

In a few days, he was brought to trial before the Court of Peers. The 
wretch, whose name was Alibaud, assumed the heroic attitude of a martyr 
who was dying in a holy cause. Defiantly he avowed his crime, and gloried 
in it. 

" Since the king," said he, "put Paris in a state of siege, since he massacred 
the citizens in the streets and at the cloister of St. Meri, I have determined 
to kill him. His reign is infamous, — a reign of blood : I was resolved to put 
an end to it." 

The same malignity and stoicism he manifested on the scaffold. He had 
but just uttered the words, "I die for liberty, for the people, and for the ex- 
tinction of the monarchy," when the axe fell, and he passed into the great 
mystery of death. } 

* Moniteur, Aug. 13, 14, 15, 1835. t Royale Ordonnance, Moniteur, May 8, 18*7. 

J Ann. Hist., xix. 201, 202, as quoted by Alison. 



PRINCE LOUIS IN LONDON. 157 

It would require a volume to describe the insuri-ections against the throne 
of Louis Philippe, the conspiracies which were organized, and the assassina- 
tions which were attempted. The king could scarcely step out of his palace 
without the danger of being shot at. On the 23d of July, 1836, the extraor- 
dinary announcement appeared in "The Moniteur," the government organ, 
that it was no longer safe for the king to leave the Tuileries, his life was so 
endangered by assassins ; and that, consequently, the king would not review 
the troops the next day, as he had contemplated doing, in commemoration of 
the last of the glorious days of July, 1830, which had placed the king upon 
his throne. 

There had been arranged for this day a celebration of very unusual magni- 
ficence. The king, in his endeavor to associate with his own name the fame 
of Napoleon and the glories of the empire (which fame and glory the people 
would never allow to be forgotten), had appointed the same day for the un- 
veiling and the inauguration of Napoleon's Arc de Triomphe de I'fitoile, which 
bad just been completed at an expense of ten millions of francs (two million 
dollars). 

One of the innumerable works which Napoleon I. constructed or commenced 
for the glory of Paris was the Arc de I'fitoile, which now rises in such colossal 
splendor at the entrance of the most superb avenue in the world, — that of the 
Champs £lysees. The foundation of this magnificent structure was laid by 
Napoleon in the year 1806, in commemoration of the victories which the 
armies of the empire had gained over the allied powers of Europe. But 
finally the allies succeeded. They trampled down their great foe. Leading 
back the Bourbons to France in the rear of their batteries, they reconstructed 
the throne of the old regime^ and replaced the Bourbons upon it, protecting 
them there by one hundred and fifty thousand foreign bayonets. The Bour- 
bons, of course, felt no disposition to complete that Arc de Triomphe de 
I'fitoile which only immortalized the name and the achievements of their 
great democratic adversary, who was still the idol of France. 

But the Revolution of July, in driving again the elder branch of the 
Bourbons from the throne, had unloosed the tongues of the people. They 
demanded the completion of the monument. The only safety for Louis 
Philippe was to appear to take the lead in the movement. He did so. But 
it is difficult to deceive popular instincts. The monument was completed. 
The day of its unveiling to the admiring million and a half of people who 
thronged the streets of Paris had arrived. And yet the king did not dare to 
have any celebration. A prisoner in his palace, he scarcely ventured to show 
himself at one of its windows, lest a pistol should be discharged at him. 

" The most sinister rumors," says Alison, " were immediately in circulation : 
one, that the ceremony had been remonstrated against by the diplomatic body 
as likely to awaken dangerous recollections; another, that a hostile demon- 
stration against the government, from the National Guard, was apprehended. 
The government hastened, by articles in 'The Moniteur,' to put a negative 
upon these surmises, by confessing, what was the simple truth, that this meas- 
ure was dictated solely by a necessary regard for the king's safety, and a 
knowledge of the numerous conspiracies on foot against liim. 



158 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"Thenceforward the monarch remained a prisoner of state in his own 
palace. No review took place on the 29th. The Arc de Triomphe was un- 
veiled without any ceremony, and the celebration of the Revolution of July 
sank into an unmeaning ceremonial that excited no attention. This change 
produced a most melancholy impression. It was at once a confession, in the 
face of Europe, of the exti-eme unpopularity of the reigning dynasty, and of 
the inability of its mighty army and vast police to defend the life of its chief. 
'The soil,' says the French annalist, 'was so sown with assassins, that there 
was no safety for the monarch but within the walls of his palace.'" * 

Never was a monarch placed in a more embai-rassing situation than was 
Louis Philippe. He was a Bourbon, an emigrant, and a foe of the empire. 
He had returned to France with the Bourbons, in the rear of the batteries of 
the allies. A few shrewd gentlemen in Paris had very adroitly placed him 
upon the throne, without consulting the voice. of the people. They had done 
this by proclaiming, first, that he was not a Bourbon ; f and, secondly, that 
he was the representative of the political principle of "a monarchy surrounded 
by republican institutions." Both of these statements were false. Still, many 
of those who were most influential in placing Louis Philippe upon the throne 
cherished the hope that he would adopt this Napoleonist idea of government ; 
and that, reigning in the interests of the masses of the people, he would 
secure popular support. 

But it was immediately manifest to Louis Philippe, that should he, like 
Napoleon, espouse the cause of the people, he would rouse anew the hostility 
of the dynasties, — those dynasties which had already deluged Europe in 
blood in their efforts to drive the "child and the champion of democracy" 
from the throne. Should he, on the other hand, to secure dynastic favor, 
continue the principles of the old regime^ and rule in the interests o^ exclusive 
privilege^ he would rouse the same popular antagonism which had already 
three times driven the Bourbons from the throne. 

In this dilemma, it was impossible to please both of these antagonistic par- 
ties. The king's sympathies, from his birth, education, and all his associations, 
were with the dynasties rather than with the people. He leaned, consequently, 
towards them. He attempted to unite his children with them in matrimonial 
alliances. % He sent confidential deputations to their courts, " who gave the 

* History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon I. to the Accession of Louis Napoleon, by 
Sir Archibald Alison, vol. iii. p. 206. 

t That ancestor of Louis Philippe who was the founder of the house of Orleans was the only 
brother of Louis XIV. — See Encyc. Am., art. " Orleans." 

" There remained the difficult task of reconciling the people to any government in which a 
Bourbon bore a part. To obviate the unfavorable impression thus produced, the Orleans com- 
mittee prepared and placarded all over Paris a proclamation, — not a little surprising, considering 
that M. Mignet and M. Thiers were members of it, — ' Le Due d'Orleans n'est pas un Bourbon ; 
c'est un Valois,' — a memorable assertion to be made by historians of a lineal descendant of 
Henry IV. and of the brother of Louis XIV." — Alison, vol. ii. p. 406. 

J Several eflforts were made to obtain a royal bride for Louis Philippe's eldest son, the Duke 
of Orleans, a very attractive and a very noble young man ; but these haughty courts turned con- 
temptuously from such an alliance. " It was deemed," says Alison, " a fortunate move when the 
son of the citizen-king obtained the daughter of a third-rate German prince. The vision of a 



PKINCE LOUIS IN LONDON. 159 

most favorable account of the conservative disposition and determined acts of 
Louis Philippe, the last barrier against the flood of democracy which threat- 
ened to deluge Europe."* 

While he thus represented himself abroad as the friend of those dynasties 
which had crushed Napoleon, he was compelled to represent himself at home 
as the friend of the emperor, as the admirer of his political principles, and as 
the supporter of all those popular rights which Napoleon had so magnificently 
maintained. But this part was performed so faintly, with so many misgivings, 
that he never gained popular confidence. The dynasties were much less 
dissatisfied with his teachings than were the people.! 

It was a great source of embarrassment to Louis Philippe that the people 
were continually clamoring for honors to be paid to the memory of Napoleon, 
And yet the universally acknowledged heir of the emperor was an exile, within 
a few hours of France, and not permitted to touch its soil with his foot. lie 
was demanding, in tones to which all Europe was compelled to listen, that 
the French people should enjoy the privilege of choosing their own rulers. It 
was morally certain, that, should that right be conferred, the people would 
re-establish the empire, and choose its heir for their sovereign. Every thing 
which was done in recognition of the splendor of the imperial reign fanned 
the flames of this enthusiasm. Any attempt to repress the popular movement 
in this direction increased the unpopularity of a reign which was never one 
of the people's choice, t 

In the early part of Louis Philippe's reign, sevei'al journals were established 
Avhich more or less openly advocated the claims of Napoleon IL, the Duke of 
Reichstadt, who was then living. Among these journals were the " Courier 
des Electeurs," "The Tribune," and "The Revolution of 1830." 

"This public feeling," say Gallix and Guy, "was further shown by numerous 

Prussian or an Austrian princess, the daughter of the Archduke Charles, or of the royal house 
of Brandenburg, had melted into thin air; and thcyoungprince, with every amiable and attractive 
quality, underwent the penalty of his father's doubtful title to the throne." — Alison, vol. iii. p. 215. 

* Alison, vol. ii. p. 405. 

t " Two unities faced each other, — Napoleon Bonaparte and Europe Absolutist. The one 
represented human right; the other, what was called divine right. 

" The principle represented by the first is a social renovation in men and things : it is a new 
world, with liberty, equality, an equal share of sunshine, for all. Upon its banner it bears the 
device, ' Every thing by the people and for the people.' 

"The principle represented by the other is the old world, with its old abuses, its odious privi- 
leges, its arbitrary exactions, its sanguinary atrocities ; and for a device it bears this iniquitous 
adage, ' Our fathers have been wolves, and we wish to remain what our fathers were.' 

" A deadly struggle arose between these two unities. Napoleon and Europe Absolutist. Napo- 
leon fell, and with him the principle of which he was the emblem." — Histoire politique et popu- 
laire du Prince Louis Napoleon, par ^inile Marco de St. Hilaire, tom. troisieme, p. 82. 

X "Louis Philippe had a very difficult game to play, and he long played it with success; but 
no human ability could, with the disposition of the people, permanently maintain the government 
of the country. He owed his elevation to revolution. Hardly was he seated on his throne, when 
he felt the necessity, in deeds, if not in words, of disclaiming his origin. His whole reign was a 
continued and perilous conflict with the power which had created him ; and at length he sank in 
the struggle. Political influence — in other words, corruption — was tlie only means left of carry- 
ing on the government; and that state engine was worked with great industry, and, for a time, 
with great success." — History of Europe from the Full of Napoleon I. Alison, vol. i. p. 5. 



160 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IlL 

conspiracies, in one of which General Lafayette, the founder of the Orleans 
dynasty, but already cruelly disenchanted of his dreams of July, was himself 
engaged. We allude to the conspiracy of Juba and Miranboli. Juba was a 
Pole, and Miranboli an Italian, behind whom high political personages con 
coaled themselves. Many members of the two Chambers were mixed up in 
this affair, and several garrisons had also been won over. The intention was 
to proclaim the Duke of Reichstadt emperor in one of the fortified towns on 
the northern frontier, and to carry him off from Austria, and conduct him to 
France." * 

It was on the 28th of July, 1833, as we have before mentioned, that the 
government restored to the Cohimn Vendome the statue of Napoleon. This 
was a reluctant concession to public sentiment, under the guise of cordial 
approval; but the people were not deceived. They gave Louis Philippe no 
thanks. They knew that it was a right which they had wrested from him, 
and one which he never would have granted had he not been compelled to do 
so ; and as the statue was j^laced upon its magnificent pedestal, and the mil- 
lions of Paris greeted it with that voice of acclaim which fell heavily upon 
the ear of every court in Europe, the people smiled bitterly, to think, that, by 
a law of relentless proscription, every man, woman, or child, in the remotest 
degree related to that emperor, was exiled from France, and thus exiled 
simply because these individuals were the connections of that illustrious man 
upon whom France was lavishing her .highest honors.f 

The inauguration took place with great pomp on the 28th of July. " The 
Tribune" journal having manifested its surprise in not "seeing a single mem- 
ber of the Bonaparte family shaking the dust of exile from his feet, and 
coming in the broad light of July, claiming a just reparation," Joseph Bona- 
parte wrote from London to the editor a letter containing the following sen- 
timents: — 

" I have read in your journal of July 29 the article in which you give an 
account of the solemnity wliich took place on the 28th, at the foot of the 
Column of Austerlitz, upon the inauguration of the statue of the Emperor 
Napoleon. You attribute the absence of his brothers to very strange senti- 
ments. Are you ignorant, then, that an iniquitous law, dictated by the ene- 
mies of France to the elder branch of the Bourbons, excluded these brothers, 
out of hatred to the name of Napoleon ? Would you wish, that, in defiance 
of a law which the national majesty has not yet repealed, we should bear the 
brands of discord into our country at the moment when it re-erects the statue 
of our brother? Ought we to despair of national justice? '■Every thing for 
the 7iation^ was tlie motto of our brother: it shall be ours also. 

"Instead of speaking as a hostile journal would have done, in casting the 
blame upon patriots proscribed, who wander over the world the victims of 
the enemies of their country, would it not have exhibited more of courage and 
of justice on your part, sir, to recall to the electors of France that Napoleon 
has a mother who languishes upon a foreign soil, without it being possible for 
her children to speak to her a last adieu ? She shares with three generations 

* Histoire de Napoleon III., par MM. Gallix ct Guy, p. 47. t Idem, p. 57. 



PEINCE LOUIS IN LONDON. 161 

of her kindred, including sixty French, the rigors of an exile of twenty 
yeg,rs. They are guilty of no other crime than that of being the relatives of 
a man whose statue is re-erected by the national decree. The name of Napo- 
leon will never be the banner of civil discord. Twice he withdrew from 
France, that he might not be the pretext for the infliction of calamities upon 
his country. Such are the doctrines which Napoleon has bequeathed to his 
family. It is because the French jDeople know well that his pretended despot- 
ism was but a dictatorship rendered necessary by the war which his enemies 
waged against him, that his memory remains popular. Foreigners dragged 
down his statue : the French have re-erected it. Is it just, is it honorable, for 
France, that his family should still be condemned to endure the anguish of 
exile, and to hear even his ancient enemies reproach the French with the 
injustice of their proscription ? " * 

This law of proscription to which Joseph Bonaparte refers was enacted by 
the elder branch of the Bourbons, under the dictation of the allies, the 12th 
of January, 1816. It was confirmed by the government of Louis Philippe 
the 24th of August, 1830, and re-affirmed on the 10th of April, 1832.t It was 
definitely abolished on the 10th of October, 1848, as we shall hereafter see. 

This law, to which we have before referred, was as follows : " The ascend- 
ants and descendants of Napoleon Bonaparte, his uncles and his aunts, his 
nephews and his nieces, his brothers, their wives and their descendants, his 
sisters and their husbands, are excluded from the realm forever (a perpetuite)^ 
and are required to depart without the delay of a month, under the penalty 
imposed by Article 91 of the penal code, — death. 

"They shall not be permitted to enjoy in France any civil right; to possess 
here any property, title, pensions granted to them by gratuitous titles ; and 
they shall be obliged to sell, without the delay of six months, all the prop- 
erty, of every kind, which they possess by title for services rendered (a titre 
onereux)? 

This law, enacted by the elder branch of the Bourbons, was the penalty 
with which they wished to proscribe the Bonaparte family as the representa- 
tive of that national sovereignty, which, reigning with Napoleon, had been 
dethroned with him; and when the younger branch of the family of Bourbon^ 
the House of Orleans, re-enacted this decree, it was a warning to all coming 
time of the penalty under which any one could accept of a crown from the 
hands of the sovereign people. 

Louis Napoleon found himself thus expelled from his native land, not by 
the voice of the people, who revered and loved his name, but by the Bour- 
bons, who, in antagonism to the popular will in the first enthronement, and 
without its consent in the second, had grasped the reins of power. He had 

* Histoire politique et populaire du Prince Louis Napoleon, sa Vie, ses Actes, et ses Ecrits, 
par fimile Marco de Saint-Hilaire, torn, troisieme, p. 104. 

t " The original crime which had made the Bonapartes the pariahs of Europe absolutiste -was 
the having been the choice of a free people. They had expiated in exile the elevation of a great 
man, sprung from the people, to a throne erected by the people. It vv^as the rancor of legitimacy 
by divine right pursuing legitimacy by human right in each member of a family whose elevatioa 
had been the brilliaa*. expression of that human right." — Idem, p. 161 
21 



162 LIFE OF KAPOLEON III. 

written to Louis Pliilippe, imploring permission to return to jis native country 
as a good citizen, and to enlist as a soldier in her armies. Ife was denied the 
privilege. He then endeavored at Strasburg to make an appeal to his country- 
men. Who shall severely blame him? He was seized, and, untried and un- 
condemned, with piratic violence, without any semblance of law, was shipped 
across the ocean to Rio Janeiro, and thence to New York. He returned to 
Arenemberg to close the eyes of his dying mother; and there, when he was 
weeping over her grave, a heart-crushed man, Louis Philippe sent a corps jf 
his army to drive him from the continent of Europe. And who can censure 
him for a war of aggression to defend himself against such assailment? 
Strasburg and Boulogne — they are the battle-fields of a single man against 
a dynasty. That man was defeated, simply because he could not bi'ing for- 
ward his cor2ys de reserve, — the sovereignty of the people. The time came 
when he could bring forward that reserve : then he triumi^hed. 

In November of 1836, Charles X. died. Since his dethronement, he had 
lived as a wealthy, private gentleman, in much retirement. After the attempt 
of the Duchesse de Berri in favor of her son the Duke of Bordeaux, of which 
we have spoken, the British Government, at the solicitation of Louis Philippe, 
requested the king and his family to withdraw from the British Lslands.* He 
accordingly withdrew, with his numerous household, to Prague in Bohemia. 
Here he passed several years of a very harmless and quiet life, until he died, 
in the seventy-ninth year of his age.f 

Among the many secret societies formed by parties antagonistic to the 
government, there was one, organized by the Socialists, very menacing in its 
character, styled " La Societe des Families." Its members took an oath of 
eternal hatred to all kings, all aristocrats, and all oppressors of humanity. 
The fundamental principles of this society were the abolition of every distinc- 
tion of wealth or rank: all possessions were to be equally divided; and no 
one was' to be permitted to hold more property than another. 

The police had obtained some clew to this dangerous association. It had 
enrolled in its ranks, in preparation for revolt, more than a thousand intrepid 
and desperate men. They were thoroughly drilled for action, with established 
depots of ammunition, and arrangements for arming. To baffle the police, 

* Alison's History of Europe since the Fall of Napoleon I., vol. iii. p. 209. 

t Alison, referring to Lamartine's Histoiy of the Restauration as his authority, says of Charles 
X., " No captain in liis guards managed his charger with more skill and address, or exhibited in 
greater perfection the noble art of horsemanship; no courtier in his saloons was more perfect in 
all the graces which dignify manners, and cause the inequalities of rank to be forgotten in the 
courtesy with which their distinctions are thrown aside. He had little reflection ; and had never 
thought seriously on any subject save religion, with the truths of which he was deeply impressed. 

" He was princely courtesy personified. None could withstand the fascinations of his manner. 
His bitterest enemies yielded to its influence, or were drawn by its seductions into at least a tem- 
pory acquiescence in his designs. He was exceedingly fond of the chase, and rivalled any of his 
royal ancestors in the passion for hunting ; but with him it was not a recreation to amuse his 
mind amidst more serious cares, but, as with the Spanish and Neapolitan princes of the house of 
Bourbon, a serious occupation, which absorbed both the time and strength that should have 
been devoted to affairs of state. A still more dangerous weakness was the blind submission, 
which increased with his advancing years, that he yielded to the Roman-Catholic priesthood." — 
History of Europe, vol. iii. p. 209. 



PRINCE LOUIS IN LONDON. 16:3 

the name of the society was changed to the "Societe des Saisons." Arraand 
Barbes, a young man of good fomily, utterly fearless, and possessed of great 
energy of body and of mind, led this band. At any moment he could sum- 
mon a thousand armed men to his side, each one of whom was minutely 
instructed in the part which he was to enact in constituting himself one of 
the nuclei of a socialistic insurrection.* 

On the 12th of May, 1839, the long-prepared-for struggle commenced. The 
insurgents, at a preconcerted signal, grasped their arms, and rapidly traversing 
the streets, singing the Marseillaise, and shouting, "Vive la Republique!" 
seized the Palace of Justice, where they established a portion of their band 
as in an impregnable citadel ; and then, by a sudden rush, crossed the river, 
and took possession of the Hotel. de Ville. The band, gathering strength and 
numbers with success, pressed forward in search of new conquests, throwing 
up barricades at several points. At length the National Guard came down 
upon them in all its strength, surrounded them, and shot them down merci- 
essly. The multitude fled in dismay; but many of these desperate men 
fought to the last, singing, even with their dying breath, the Marseillaise. 

Barbes, blackened with powder, and crimsoned with blood from his wounds, 
was captured, tried, and condemned to death. This sentence, through the 
intercession of his powerful friends, was finally commuted to imprisonment 
for life. He was eventually liberated from prison ; and we shall hear of him 
again, plunging anew into those stormy scenes so congenial to his reckless 
and impassioned nature. Though nothing could be more foreign from the 
political views proclaimed by Louis Napoleon than those avowed by these 
adventurers, he was accused of being implicated in the insurrection. He 
repelled the charge in the following brief letter to the editor of "The London 
Times:" — 

" Sir, — I observe in your Paris correspondence that an attempt is made to 
cast upon me the responsibility of the late insurrection. I rely on your kind- 
ness to refute the accusation in the most formal manner. The news of the 
sanguinary scenes which have just taken place have equally surprised and 
afflicted me. If I were the soul of a conspiracy, I should also be the leader 
of it in the day of danger. I should not deny it after a defeat." 

When M. Thiers became prime minister of Louis Philippe,! he desired to 
rescue the government from the extreme unpopularity into Avhich it Ivad fallen, 
by throwing around it some of the splendor of Napoleon's fame. His statue 
had already been replaced upon the column in the Place Vendome. The 
magnificent Arc de Triomphe de I'fitoile had been completed, awakening anew 
the love and admiration of the people for the extraordinary man whose genius 
it commemorated. And now M. Thiers counselled Louis Philippe to take 
another step in the same direction, and to demand of the British Government 
the mortal remains of Napoleon, that they might be removed from beneath . 
the weei)ing-willow of St. Helena, and be consigned to gloiious burial be- 
neath the dome of the Invalides, in the midst of the people " whom he had 
loved so well." 

* Histoire des Societes secretes, pp. 36-4L 

t President of the Council, and Minister of Foreign Affairs. 



164 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

At iirst, Louis Philippe feebly resisted ; but soon he yielded, hoping that 
the measure might reflect upon him some of the splendor of a great name.* 
The announcement of this intention sent an indescribable thrill of enthusiasm 
throughout France. We are told that the entire people of France, from one 
extremity of the country to the other, clapped their hands, and raised a shout 
of joy. It would seem as though the emperor himself were about to burst 
from his tomb again to return to his beloved France. In the following official 
note, England acceded to the request of the P>ench Government. The note 
was from Lord Palmerston, and was addressed to the British minister in 
Paris : — 

"My Lord, — The government of her Majesty, having taken into considera- 
tion the authorization demanded of it by the French Government to transfer 
the ashes of the Emperor Napoleon from St. Helena to France, you can say 
to M. Thiers, that the government of her Majesty will do itself a pleasure in 
acceding to that demand, 

"The government of her Majesty hopes that the readiness with which it 
responds to this demand will be considered in France as a pi-oof of the desire 
of her Majesty to eflace even the last trace of those animosities, which, during 
the life of the emperor, had impelled the two nations to war. The govern- 
ment of her Majesty loves to believe that such sentiments, if they still con- 
tinue, will be buried forever in the tomb destined to receive the mortal remains 
of Napoleon. The government of her Majesty will co-operate with that of 
France in the measures necessary to effect the translation." f 

On the 12th of May, the French ministry made the following communication 
to the Chamber of Deputies : — 

" Gentlemen, — The king has ordered his Royal Highness the Prince de 
Joinville to proceed with his frigate to the Island of St. Helena to receive 
the mortal remains of the Emperor Napoleon. We come to ask of you the 
means to receive them worthily upon the soil of France, and to erect for 
Napoleon his last tomb. The government, anxious to accomplish a great 
national duty, has addressed itself to England. It has demanded of her the 
precious deposit which fortune had surrendered into her hands. The frigate, 
charged with the mortal remains of Napoleon, will present itself on its return 
at the mouth of the Seine. Another vessel will convey them to Paris. They 
will be deposited in the Invalides. A solemn ceremony, a grand religious 
and military pomp, will inaugurate the tomb which is to receive them forever. 

" It is important, gentlemen, to the majesty of such a commemoration, that 
this august sepulture should not be in a public place, in the midst of a noisy 
and inattentive crowd. It is proper that it should be in a silent and sacred 
spot, which can be visited with awe by those who respect glory and genius, 
grandeur and misfortune. He was emperor and king. He was the legitimate 
sovereign of our country. With such a title he could be interred at St. Denis, 
But Napoleon must not have the ordinary sepulture of kings. He must still 
reign and command in th€ building in which the soldiers of the country 
repose, and to which all who may be called upon to defend it will go to draw 

* MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 83. t Moniteur, Aug. 12, 1840. 



PEINCE LOUIS IN LONDON. 165 

their inspirations. His sword will be placed upon his tomb. Under the dome, 
in the midst of the temple consecrated by religion to the God of armies, art 
will raise a tomb worthy, if possible, of the name which is to be engraven 
upon it. This monument must be of simple beauty, but of noble form, and 
have that aspect of solidity and firmness which appears to defy the action of 
time. The monument of Napoleon must be as imperishable as his fame. 
Henceforward, France, and France alone, will possess all that remains of 
Napoleon. His tomb, like his renown, will belong only to his country." 

This appeal was received with bursts of applause. The sum necessary to 
meet the expenses of the occasion was immediately voted, and two armed 
ships were despatched to St. Helena. General Gourgaud, General Bertrand, 
and Count Las Casas, who had been companions of the emperor's captivity, 
accompanied the expedition. 




CHAPTER X. 

BOULOGNE. 

'The City of Edinburgh " steams to Boulogne. — The Landing and the Struggle. — Narrow 
Escape of the Prince from Death. — The Capture. — Letter from the Father of Louis Napo- 
leon. — Confinement in the Conciergerie. — Visit from Chateaubriand. — Habits of Study. — 
The Trial. — The Defence of the Prince. — Interesting Incident. — Sentenced to Perpetual 
Captivity. — Fortitude of the Prince. 

HE little squadron was now on its way to St. Helena. All the 
popular sympathies in France were aroused, and the love and 
enthusiasm with which the masses regarded Napoleon were 
awakened in the most extraordinary degree. In this state of 
affairs, it seemed to Louis Napoleon and to his friends that 
could he but get a foothold in France, where he could proclaim 
himself the heir of the emperor, and unfurl the banners of the empire, the 
whole nation, from its known attachment to the principles of the Napoleonic 
government, would rally around him, and thus a bloodless and peaceable revo- 
lution would be effected. 

It so happened, that, at this time, the same regiments which had been so 
fixvorably disposed towards Louis Napoleon at Strasburg were stationed at 
Boulogne, on the French coast, but a few hours' sail from London. In that 
city, where Napoleon I. had gathered his majestic army in preparation for the 
invasion of England, the memory of the emperor was enthusiastically cher- 
ished. Louis Napoleon therefore decided to make another attempt by simply 
throwing himself upon the protection of the troops and the people of Bou- 
logne. As he placed all his reliance upon the sympathies of the community, 
and wished to avoid the horrors of a civil war, he took with him only friends 
enough, as Napoleon I. expressed it, to save himself, when landing, from being 
taken by the collar by the police. He accordingly chartered a small steamer, 
"The City of Edinburgh," and with about sixty companions, few if any of 
whom, as it appeared in the subsequent trial, were aware of the enterprise in 
which they had embarked, steamed down the Thames. Most of them had 
supposed that they were on a pleasure-excursion ; and they were out at sea 
before they were informed of the destination of the steamer. The prince had 
placed on board arms, uniforms, and several horses. The discontent which i>ve- 
vailed in France had surrounded him with followers who were ready to devote 
their lives to his service.* 

* MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 86. 



BOULOGNE. 167 

Among those on board were Count Persigny, one of the actors in the 
attempt at Strasburg; Count Montholon, the renowned companion of Napo- 
leon I. at St. Helena ; Dr. Conneau, the physician of Queen Hortense ; and 
several others of distinction. When the prince assembled them upon deck, 
and informed them of tlie enterprise upon which he had invited them to 
accompany him, they all responded to his appeal with the utmost enthusiasm. 

The time was not lost on board the steamer : it was employed in bringing 
out, and apportioning to each man, according to his rank, the uniform which 
had been provided ; in distributing arms ; and in reading the proclamations, 
ordinances, and decrees which the prince had prepared. Among the effects 
embarked were about four hundred thousand francs, in notes of the Bank of 
England, and in gold and silver, belonging to Louis Napoleon, and obtained, 
according to his declaration, from the sale of a part of the property which he 
had received in inheritance from his mother.* 

About one o'clock on the morning of Thursday, Aug. 6, the little steamer 
came to anchor a short distance from Boulogne, a mile from the shore. An 
officer of the custom-house, named Audinet, observed the steamer as it cast 
anchor, and, seeing a boat full of passengers' soon leave the ship, hastened to 
the spot where it was evidently to land. As the boat approached the shore, 
he hailed the crew, and was informed in reply that they were soldiers of the 
fortieth of the Hue; that they were proceeding from Dunkirk to Cherbourg, 
but were compelled to land in consequence of the breaking of one of their 
Avheels. As they were all dressed in the uniform of the fortieth, no suspicion 
was excited. 

There were fifteen persons in the boat. As soon as they had landed, they 
seized the custom-house officer and two assistants who were with him, and 
held them as captives, that they might not give the alarm. The boat then 
returned to the steamer, and in three successive trips landed all the passen- 
gers. In the mean time, five other custom-house officers, who were going their 
rounds, were arrrested. The place of landing was on the beach, about a mile 
from Boulogne. While these scenes were transpiring, four men came from 
the city who had evidently been in the secret of the movement. They were 
very cordially greeted, and, receiving the uniform of officers, immediately 
invested themselves with it. 

The detachment now consisted of about thirty men, dressed as pi-ivates in 
the uniform of the fortieth of the line, and thirty wearing the insignia of 
officers of various ranks. They formed in military order, and commenced 
their march towards Boulogne, taking with them the custom-house officers. 
Count Montholon had informed these officers that Prince Louis Na|)oleon 
Bonaparte was at the head of the party; that Boulogne would receive him 
enthusiastically; and that he would soon be proclaimed empeior by the 
nation. As they entered the gate of the city by the Grande litie^ Count 
Montholon and Lieutenant Parquin accompanied the prince at the head of 
the column. They now all commenced shouting, "Vive FEmpereur!" direct- 
ing their steps towards the barracks occupied by a portion of the forty -second 

* Cour des Pairs, Rapport fait a la Cour, par M. Persil P. Vesinier, p. 213. 



168 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

regiment of the line. Lieutenant Aladenize, one of the officers of the regi- 
ment, who was devoted to the cause of Louis Napoleon, was waiting for him 
at the barracks. Immediately upon the arrival of the prince, the rappel was 
beaten, the officers and soldiers crowded down from their chambers into the 
courtyard, and a scene of the wildest enthusiasm ensued. The prince stood 
by the side of the tricolor standard, which was surmounted by the imperial 
eagle, and, as soon as he could command silence, read in the light of the early 
morning, to the little band gathered around him, the following proclamation : — 

" Soldiers, France is made to command, and yet she obeys. You are the 
elite of the people, and you are treated like a vile herd. You are made to 
protect the national honor, and it is against your brothers that they turn your 
arms. Those who rule you wish to degrade the noble profession of the sol- 
dier. You are indignant; and you have asked, 'What have become of the 
eagles of Areola, of Austerlitz, and of Jena ? ' Those eagles ? — here they are. 
I restore them to you. Take them again. With them you shall have glory, 
honor, fortune, and that which is more than all the rest, — the gratitude and 
esteem of your fellow-citizens. ' 

" Soldiers, your acclamations, when I presented myself to you at Strasburg, 
have not left my memory. I have not forgotten the regrets which you mani- 
fested at my defeat. Between you and me there are indissoluble ties. We 
have the same hatreds and the same loves, the same interests and the same 
enemies. 

" Soldiers, the grand shade of the Emperor Napoleon speaks to you by ray 
voice. Hasten, while it traverses the ocean, to send away traitors and oppress- 
ors. Show him \xpon his arrival that you are the worthy sons of the Grand 
Army, and that you have resumed those sacred emblems which for forty years 
have made the enemies of France tremble, among whom are those who are 
governing you to-day." 

The reading of this proclamation caused another outburst of acclaim. The 
soldiers, in the heat of their enthusiasm, took the prince upon their shoulders, 
and bore him in triumph around the yard. The beating of the rappel and the 
cheers of the soldiery drew a large crowd to the barracks; and the civil popu- 
lation re-echoed the acclaim which burst from the lips of the troops. The 
following proclamation, which had previously been printed, was distributed in 
great profusion among the crowd : — 

"Inhabitants of the departments of Pas de Calais and of Boulogne, fol- 
lowed by a little band of brave men, I have landed on French soil, from which 
an unjust law had banished me. Do not apprehend any temerity. I come to 
assure the destinies of France, not to compromise them. I have powerful 
friends abroad as well as here, who have piomised me their support. The 
signal is given : and soon all France, and Paris especially, shall rise en manse 
to trample under foot ten years of falsehood and ignominy; for all the cities 
and villages are to bring the government to an account for the private inter- 
ests it has abandoned, the general interests it has betrayed. 

" See your ports almost deserted, your ships rotting on the shore ! Look at 
your industrious artisans, without food to nourish their children, because gov- 
ernment has not had the courage to protect your commerce ! Look at this. 



BOULOGNE. 169 

and cry out with me, 'Traitors, disappear! the Napoleonic spirit, which thinks 
only of the happiness of the people, is advancing to confound you!' 

" Inhabitants of the Pas de Calais, do not fear that the ties which attach 
you to your neighbors beyond the sea shall be broken. The mortal remains 
of the emperor and the imperial eagle return from exile only with sentiments 
of love and reconciliation. Two great nations should understand each other; 
and the glorious pillar which boldly advances into the sea shall become an 
atoning monument of all our past hatreds. 

"City of Boulogne, which Napoleon loved so much, ycu are about to be the 
first link in a chain that is to unite all civilized nations. Your glory shall be 
imperishable ; and France will decree offerings of thanks to those generoua 
men who were the first to salute with their acclamations the standard of 
Austeilitz. 

"Inhabitants of Boulogne, come to me, and have confidence in the provi- 
dential mission bequeathed to me by the martyr of St. Helena. From the top 
of the pillar of the great army,* the genius of the emperor watches us, and 
favors our efibrts, because they have but one object, — the happiness of 
France." 

There was a third proclamation prepared for the inhabitants of France gen- 
erally. It contained the following sentiments: — 

" Frenchmen, the ashes of the emperor should return only to regenerated 
France. The shade of a great man should not be profaned by impure and 
hypocritical homage. Glory and liberty should stand at the side of the coffin 
of Napoleon. Traitors to their country should disappear. There is in France, 
to-day, but violence on the one side, and lawlessness on the other. I wish to 
re-establish order and liberty. I wish, in gathering around me all the interests 
of the country, without exception, and in supporting myself by the suffl-ages 
of the masses, to erect an imperishable edifice. I wish to give France true 
alliances and a solid peace, and not to plunge her into the hazards of a gen- 
eral war. Frenchmen, I see before me a brilliant future for our country. I 
perceive behind me the shade of the emperor, which presses me forward. I 
shall not stop until I have regained the sword of Austerlitz, rei)laced the 
eagles upon our banners, and restored to the people their rights." 

Events have surely proved that this was not an empty boast. The sword 
of Austerlitz has been regained at Solferino, the eagles have been restored to 
the banners of France ; and the re-establishraent of the empire, in the person 
of Louis Napoleon and his heirs, by nearly eight million of votes, is the best 
evidence which can be given that the French people are of the opinion, that, 
under the empire, their rights are restored to tliem. 

Every thing thus far had been exceedingly propitious. Just at this mo- 
ment, the commanding officer of the garrison. Colonel Puygellier, made his 
appearance, having been drawn to the spot by the general commotion. He 
was a man of commanding character; and his soldiers, accustomed to a high 

* A magnificent column dedicated to Na])olcon I. by the grand army collected here in 1805, 
but which column was not completed until 1821, stands on an eminence nearly a mile from the 
city. The column is crowned by a gallery, surmounted by a dome and is one hundred and sixty- 
four feet high. 

22 



170 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

Btate of discipline, were very much under his influence. With great energy 
he denounced the prince and his confederates, and ordered the men to go back 
to their quarters. The troops wei-e dismayed, and became irresolute. Still 
many seemed disposed to adhere to the prince; and a scene of great confusion 
ensued. Louis Napoleon then approached Colonel Puygellier, and said to him, 
"I am Prince Louis: join our cause, and you shall have whatever you desire." 

The colonel replied, "Prince Louis or not, I do not know you. Your prede- 
cessor struck down legitimacy, and it is wrong for you to attempt to restore 
it. Leave the barracks ! " * There was now such a scene of clamor and tumult, 
that the colonel strove in vain to make himself heard. No one obeyed his 
orders. There were many indications that the troops would join the prince. 
The colonel cried out, " You may kill me ; but I will do my duty." He then 
approached Louis Napoleon in a menacing manner, and commanded him 
immediately to leave the barracks, saying, "If you do not go at once, I shall 
use force ; and it will be so much the worse for you if you compel me to acts 
of violence." 

In the struggle which ensued, the prince, being jostled and crowded, drew 
from his pocket a pistol, which was discharged, wounding a grenadier. In the 
trial which subsequently took place, he gave the following account of this 
untoward event : — 

"As every thing depended upon the success of the appeal to the two com- 
panies in the barracks, seeing my enterprise about to fail, I was seized with a 
sort of despair: and, as I will conceal nothing, I took a pistol, with the inten- 
tion of delivering myself from the captain ; and, before I wished to fire, the 
ball was discharged, wounding a grenadier, as I have since been informed. I 
can only regret having wounded a French soldier." t 

Colonel Puygellier was now beginning to regain his ascendency over the men, 
and the National Guards were rapidly assembling. The prince and his adher- 
ents, baffled in their efforts, began to retire before superior numbers. Lieu- 
tenant Aladenize, fearing a scene of carnage, cried out, — 

"Do not resist. The piince forbids you to use your arms. Kespect the 
officers; spare the soldiers. Let there be no bloodshed." 

Louis Napoleon summoned his adhei-ents around him, and, leaving the bar- 
racks, commenced his march towards the upper town, hoping to rally the citi- 
zens en masse to his support. It is said, in the confused accounts which are 
given of these stormy scenes, that they found the gates closed against them, 
and that they tried in vain, with hatchets, to cut their way through. Military 
opposition was now effectually organized, and retreat became necessary. The 
party withdrew in some disorder as far as the column of Napoleon I. of which 
we have spoken. Here the little band made a stand. One of their number 
ascended to the top, and unfurled the eagle-surmounted banner; while the 
group below greeted it with shouts of "Vive I'Empereur!" 

But the troops of the line and the National Guards were advancing in great 
force to surround the insurgents ; the soldiers being impelled by habits of mili- 

* Rapport du Capitaine Puygellier du 6aout, 1840. 

t Gourdes Pairs; Audience du 15 septembre, 1840; rapport de M. Persil. 



BOULOGNE. 171 

tary discipline to obey their officers, even in opposition to their own instincts. 
The friends of the prince urged him to retreat in haste to the boat; but, in 
the bitterness of liis disappointment, he chose rather to perish. 

" No," said he : ." I will not leave France again. I prefer to die at the foot 
of the column." * 

He wished to receive the fire of the troops without returning it ; but his 
friends surrounded him, and almost by force bore him along toward the shore. 
There was a large boat high and dry upon the beach. Straining every nerve, 
they succeeded in running it into the water. It was immediately filled with 
men, — the prince among the rest, — and pushed from the shore. I'he sol- 
diers Avere now at the water's edge. The party in the boat were ordered by 
an officer on the shore to come back. As they did not heed the command, a 
volley of bullets was discharged into the midst of them, killing some, and 
wounding others. The prince was struck by three balls, two of which pierced 
his clothes, and one slightly wounded him in the arm.f This storm of bullets 
caused such a commotion, that the boat was capsized, and all were thrown into 
the sea. The troops now fired upon them mercilessly as they were struggling 
in the water, and many were killed. The prince endeavored to swim to the 
steamer. Boats were sent in pursuit, and the prince and all the rest were 
captured. 

An English gentleman at that time residing in Boulogne, led by the tu- 
mult, had run to the shore where the fugitives were struggling in the waves 
and were being shot at by the troops. He saw a soldier taking deliberate aim 
at one of the party who was half sufl^ocated in the water but a few yards from 
him. He rushed upon the man, knocked up his gun, and, with an English- 
man's indignation at so cowardly a murder, asked the fellow what he meant 
by attempting to shoot one thus helpless and unarmed. The soldier turned 
upon him with oaths and imprecations. But the Englishman, muscular and 
fearless, was the stronger of the two ; and the drowning man was rescued. It 
proved to be the prince. The writer received the above narrative from the 
lips of a responsible gentleman who was for many years the familiar acquaint- 
ance of the one thus instrumental in saving this valuable life. How slender 
are the chances upon which often seem to be suspended the most moment- 
ous destinies! 

The steamer "City of Edinburgh " was also captured. It was found to 
contain two handsome carriages, ten horses, a tame eagle, over one hundred 
thousand dollars in gold and silver pieces, and a thousand muskets. J The 
steamer had been chartered of a London comi^any : and the captain said that 
the only directions which he had received were, "We do not know where you 
are to go; but, wherever you are directed, proceed at once. Prepare to receive 
fifty or sixty passengers." The steamer had been chartered avowedly to take 
a party of gentlemen on an excursion down the channel and along the south- 
ern coast of England. Such are the facts of this enterprise, as developed on 

* MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 91. 

t Histoirc du Prince Louis Napoleon, sur des Documents particuliers et au ;ht;nti<iues, p. 113. 

t Le Journal la Boulonaise du 12 aout, 1840. 



172 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

the trial, and as very graphically and impartially summed up by M. Persil, in 
his presentation of the case, in behalf of the government and against the 
accused, before the Court of Peers.* 

The tidings of this new attempt iipon the throne of Louis Philippe created 
a profound sensation throughout France and Europe. Immediately all those 
in Paris suspected of Bonapartist sympathies were arrested.f The prince was 
conveyed to the Chateau of Boulogne. The next day, under the escort of a 
detachment of the municipal guard, he was sent rapidly to Ham, to be trans- 
ported Irora tbere to Paris. The prince was deeply moved in being thus 
separated from his companions. With emotions painfully excited, he took 
leave of that renowned and abiding friend of his house, Count Montholon. J 

On the 8th of August, at half-past six in the evening, he was conveyed 
through Amiens. An immense crowd had assembled to see him. He was 
silent and dejected, and, by burying himself in his carriage, seemed to seek 
to avoid observation. Here, as all along the road, he received the most deci- 
sive indications of sympathy and regret. In all the garrisoned towns through 
which he passed, the soldiers, in silent and saddened groups, gathered around 
his carnage, feeling that it was no time for acclaim, but manifesting in sub- 
dued tones of condolence the strength of their affection for the captive as the 
heir of the emperor, and the bitterness of their regret at the failure of the 
enterprise. 

The prince was not long detained at Ham. He was soon taken again under 
the escort of the National Guard, and conveyed rapidly to Paris. It seems 
that the government feared that there might be a popular attemj^t to rescue 
him; for the colonel of the guard took a seat by his side in the carriage, with 
loaded pistols, and informed the prince that he was ordered to blow out his 
brains {britleraU la cervelle) should he make any attempt to escape. § 

At Paris he was imprisoned in the Conciergerie, in those gloomy cells which 
had been hallowed by the sufferings of Marie Antoinette, and from which 
Marshal Ney had been led to execution. || The result of the legal process at 
Strasburg taught the government that it was not safe to submit the question 
to the decision of a jury. It was decided, therefore, to subject him and his 
companions to the jurisdiction of the Court of Peers in Paris. 

Chateaubriand was one of the first who entered the doors of the Concier- 

* See rapport fait a la cour par M. Persil, I'un des comraissaires, charge de rinstmction du 
proces de'fe're a la cour des Pairs par oi-donnance royale du 9 aout, 1840. 

t " Ainsi se de'noua cette entreprise. Cette scconde tentative pour remettre la nation en pos- 
session d'elle meme, e'choua comme la premiere. Ce ne fut encore cette fois, si nous pouvone 
nous exprimer ainsi, qu'une autre caite de visitc envoye'e a I'adresse de la France par le nevcu 
de I'empereur. La France la re'yut et la garda religieusemcnt." — MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 92. 

X Colonne de Boulogne du 9 aout, 1840. 

§ Louis Napoleon and the Bonapartes, by Henry de Puy. 

II MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 93. 

"The monarchy, the republic, the empire, — all these phases of recent history, — have paid 
their tribute of illustrations to these dismal abodes ; but the genius of the place claimed a last 
honor. It has obtained it. The nephew of the emperor has also sojourned in the Conciergerie ; 
and, according to the expression of M. de Chateaubriand, the prison holds him, — him also, — 
recalling the grandeurs which have formerly inhabited it." — Histoire du Prince Louis Napo- 
leon, sur des Ducunents particuUers et authentiques, par M. Renault. 



BOULOGNE. 173 

gerie to visit the imprisoned prince. He entered his cell, though not with 
words of approval, still with expressions of kindness and sympathy which 
touched the heart of the captive.* In this celebrated prison, whose walls 
have echoed to so many almost unearthly groans of woe, the prince was 
placed in the same cell, which, but a few months before, had been occupied 
by the assassin Fieschi.f As in exile, so in prison, the prince sought to ap- 
pease the anguish of his mind by intense application to study. He trans- 
lated "The Ideal" of Schiller, an ode breathing those sentiments which must 
at that time have agitated deeply his own heart. Those poetically inclined 
may be interested to see how the German ode appears translated under these 
circumstances into French by the crushed captive. I will give the first two 
stanzas : — 

1. 
"O" temps heureux de ma jeunesse! veux tu done me quitter sans rdtour? 
Veux tu t'enfuir sans pitie avec tes joies et tes douleurs, avec tes sublime illu- 
sions ? Rien ne peut-il done t'arreter dans ta fuite perfide ? Tes flots, vont ils 
inevitable se perdre dans I'eternite ? 

2. 
"Les astres brilliants qui eclairerent mon matin dans la vie ont perdre leur 
eclat; I'ideal qui gonflait mon cceur, ivre d'esperance, s'est enfui. Elle est 
aneantie, cette douce croyance en des etres crees par mon imagination. Ces 
reves, si beaux, si divers, ils sont tombds en proie a la triste r^alite." + 

* Memoirs of Madame Eecamier. 

t The father of Louis Napoleon, upon hearing of the arrest of his son, and his consignment 

to the dungeon of the assassin Fieschi, wrote the following letter to the editor of the journal " Le 

Commerce : " — 

" Florence, Aug. 24, 1840. 

"Monsieur, — Permit me to entreat you to receive the following declaration. I know that 
it is unusual thus to make an appeal to the public ; but when a father, afflicted, aged, sick, and 
exiled, can in no other way come to the rescue of his unhappy son, such a measure cannot but 
meet the approval of every one who has the heart of a father. 

" Convinced that my son is the victim of an infamous intrigue, and that he is seduced by vile 
flatterers, false friends, and perhaps by treacherous counsels, I cannot keep silence. 

"I declai-e, then, that my son Louis Napoleon has fallen into a frightful snare, into a terrible 
ambuscade. I declare, moreover, with a sacred horror, that the injury which has been inflicted 
upon my son by imprisoning him in the cell of an infamous assassin is a monstrous cruelty, — 
anti-Frangaise, — an outrage as vile as it is treacherous. 

" As a father profoundly afflicted, as a Frenchman tried by thirty years of exile, as the brother, 
and, if I may venture so to say, the pupil, of him whose statues France re-erects, I commend 
my son, deluded and betrayed, to the mercy of his judges, and of all those who have the heart 
of a Frenchman and of a father. " Louis de Saint Leu." 

1. 

t Translation. — "0 happy hours of my youth ! will you leave me, then, without return ? 
Will you fly away pitilessly, with your joys and your griefs, with your sublime illusions 1 Can 
nothing, then, arrest you in your cruel flight? Your waves — must they inevitably lose them- 
selves in eternity ? 

2. 

" The brilliant stars which illumined the morning of my life have lost their splendor. The 
ideal which inspired my heart, intoxicated with hope, has fled. Those sweet hopes, in beings 
the creations of my imagination, are gone forever. Those dreams, so beautiful, so varied, — they 
have given place to sad realities." 



174 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

As we have before said, it was not deemed safe to intrust the trial of the 
prince to an ordinary jury, for the jury would be sure to acquit him, as in the 
Strasburg aifair; and it was not easy to find any tribunal in which there were 
not many who were in strong sympathy with the empire which Louis Napo- 
leon was endeavoring to re-establish. On the 16th of September, he was 
brought before some commissioners to be interrogated in reference to his trial. 
This commission consisted of Marshal Gerard and the Dukes Decazes and 
Pasquier. Of these, Gerard was one of the favorite officers of the emperor; 
Decazes was the former secretary of the King of Holland, the father of the 
prince ; and the Duke of Pasquier had been auditor in the council of state 
under the empire, master of i-equests, director-general of bridges and roads, 
and prefect of police.* In enterij)g upon each of these offices, the Duke of 
Pasquier had taken the oath of fidelity to the emperor and his dynasty. 

Tlie report of accusation was drawn np by M. Persil. The following sen- 
tences will give some idea of its spirit : " What may we not believe of those 
men, who, by a surprise of Boulogne with a few officers for the most part 
retired, with a few nameless men unknown to France, and with thirty soldiers 
disguised as domestics, or domestics disguised as soldiers, have conceived the 
idea of seizing on the country, and establishing, in the name of the people 
and of liberty, under the aegis of a renown placed at too lofty a height for 
any other to succeed it, the copy of a government which enabled us, it is 
true, to collect an ample harvest of glory, but which never entitled itself to 
our gratitude for any ardent love of liberty or equality, or for any profound 
respect for the rights of citizens ? 

"Different times, different wants. What might have been good, what might 
have been demanded by inexorable necessity, in the first years of the nine- 
teenth century, when interior dissensions and the weight of the mightiest war 
ever sustained overwhelmed our country, would be considered to-day an intol- 
erable anachronism. Civilization is advancing; and her progress should be 
enlightened by liberty, by respect for the rights of all, and by institutions that 
render arbitrariness and despotism impossible." 

The trial took place on Monday, Sept. 28, before the Court of Peers, con- 
sisting of over one hundred and fifty members. There could be no doubt 
that very many of these men, like the members of the Commission of Inquiry, 
were more or less in sympathy, from their past antecedents, with the prince. 
The government organs had accordingly exerted all their influence, says a 
French writer, morally to kill Louis Napoleon by the arm of ridicule {iieer 
moralement JOouis Napoleon avec Varme die ridicxde). It consequently be- 
came important for the prince, in his defence, that he might rescue his charac- 
ter from contempt, to prove that he had not been guilty of a fool-hardy enter- 
prise. He was therefoi-e highly gratified when he learned that he was to be 
permitted to utter his defence before a tribunal so imposing, that his words 
could scarcely fail to reach almost every ear in France.f 

* L'Histoire du Nouveau Cesar, par M. Ve'sinier, p. 169. 

t "We do not think that the court has ever been more numerously attended in any other 
trial. One hundred and sixty-seven peers take part in the deliberations." — L'Univers du 30 
septemhre, 1840. 



BOULOGNE. 175 

In the examination of witnesses, all the facts which we have above stated 
were proved, and none denied. The French journal "L'TJnivers," in de- 
scribing the scene, says, — 

"The prince Louis Bonaparte is a young man of thirty-two years, of mod- 
erate height. He is far from having, either in his figure, his features, or his 
voice, any expression whatever which announces a man capable of recom- 
mencing the role of a Napoleon. Before responding to the questions of the 
president, he commenced reading a profession of his political faith, in which 
he ]»laced himself in the position, not of one accused, but of one conquered. 

" When one contemplates, in the presence of the imposing tribunal of peers, 
this confused mass of young men and of old men grouped around a chief of 
thirty years, and who does not appear to be more than twenty-five years, of 
age, he is impressed with a sense of profound compassion. Willingly, were 
it not that blood has been shed and the peace of the country compromised, 
we could implore the pity of the court for these gray heads and fair-haired 
youths whom the renown of a great name has led astray." * 

In the trial, the whole of Louis Napoleon's previous career was investi- 
gated. It was affirmed that all his political writings tended to overthrow the 
government of Louis Philippe. Much stress was laid upon a statement in 
the pamphlet of M. Laity, — for which pamphlet it will be remembered that 
the writer was sentenced to five years' imprisonment, — that "the acquittal 
of the accused of Strasburg was a proof of the sympathy of the people for 
the Napoleonic cause." 

It appeared, from the j)apers which were captured on board "The City of 
Edinburgh," that though the prince had not consulted others respecting his 
plans, or even confided to them his intentions, he had arranged every movement 
with the most extraordinary minuteness. In his own mind, he had marked out 
the duty of every man, and had provided for every emei-gency. The think- 
ing was all done. He had only to ac# with promptness and vigor in executing 
his plan. He had become, as it were, his own servant ; having received com- 
mands which he clearly understood, and which he was implicitly to obey, — 
directions varying simply with varying events. 

Upon the 6up|iosition that Boulogne, its neighboring garrisons, and entire 
France, would rise to hail the re-establishment of the empire, as the French 
people had greeted Napoleon upon his return from Elba, the most careful 
arrangements had been made immediately to organize the regiments, the pop- 
ulation, the militia, and the government itself Written orders in blank des- 
ignated those who were to be charged with receiving objects indispensable 
for the army, — such as horses, saddles, bridles, &c. Others were assigned to 
important civil and military commands. Nothing was overlooked.! 

The procureur-gencral, in concluding his argument agfiinst the accused, re- 
ferred particularly to the part which each one of the prominent actors had 
taken in the enterprise. 

" Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte," said he, " is the creator and soul of 

* L'Univers, septembre, 1840. 

t Rapport fait a la court par M. Persil, audience 1 5 septembre, 1840. 



176 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

the attempt. It was he who would principally profit by it, since, after over- 
throwing the royal power, he would naturally put himself in its place. Sin- 
cere disinterestedness, true grandeur of soul, according to him, influenced his 
patriotic aggression. Touched by the sufferings of the people, as he says, he 
devoted himself to rescue them from the tyranny of a government which cor- 
rupted the glory of France and sacrificed her material interests. Having suc- 
ceeded, it was his intention to leave to the nation the choice of its govern- 
ment. 

" But may we not be permitted to believe that this pretended moderation, 
this feigned respect for the popular will, was only an adroit means of conceal- 
ing his insane pretensions ? Has he not given the proof in presenting himself 
in the name of the French people, and in declaring in the same name that 
the Bourbon dynasty of Orleans had ceased to reign, that the Chamber of 
Peers and the Chamber of Deputies were dissolved ? * Does it not result 
from his pretensions to the imperial inheritance ? By what right could he 
allow himself to be saluted with the cry of ' Vive I'Empereur'? 

" Louis Bonaparte has no more sought to conceal his intentions than the 
deeds by which they have been manifested. Being invited by Monsieur the 
Chancellor to declare if he avowed the intention, so clearly expressed in 
the proclamations, decrees, and orders distributed by him at Boulogne, to 
overthrow the g*"7ernment established in France by the charter of 1830, he 
replied, ' Yes, certainly.' 

" His acts have been in entire harmony with his intention. It was he who 
hired the steamer upon which he placed his friends, his servants, and his 
equipage. He had previously procured uniforms and arms. It was he who 
provided for all the expenses, and who, for the execution of his projects, sup- 
plied a sum of nearly four hundred thousand francs (eighty thousand dollars) 
in gold or bank-bills. 

" We have nothing to say to magnify the charges which weigh upon the 
principal person inculpated. We wish it were in our power to present some 
circumstances which could, at least in part, extenuate them ; but none present 
themselves to us." 

After the procureur-general had finished his address, in which he referred 
minutely to the part which each of the prominent ones among the accused 
had taken in the enterprise, Louis Napoleon obtained permission to speak, 
and expressed himself in the following terms : — 

"For the first time in my life, I am at last permitted to lift up my voice in 
France, and to speak freely to Frenchmen. An occasion is offered me to ex- 
plain to my fellow-citizens my conduct, my intentions, my projects, — what I 
think, what I wish. Without pride, as without weakness, if I recall the rights 
deposited by the nation in the hands of my family, it is solely to exj^lain the 
duties which these rights have imposed upon us all. 

* One of the d^crets found among the papers of the prince contains the following articles : 
" The Prince Napoleon, in the name of the French people, decrees as follows : The dvnasty of 
the Bourbons of Orleans has ceased to reign. The French people are restored to their rights. 
The Chamber of Peers and the Chamber of Deputies are dissolved. A national congress will 
be convoked upon the arrival of Prince Napoleon in Paris." 



BOULOGNE. 177 

"Fifty years ago, the principle of the sovereignty of the people was conse- 
crated in France bj- Lhe most powerful revolution which ever occurred in the 
world. Never has the national will been proclaimed so solemnly, or been 
established by suffrages so numerous and so free, as on the occasion of adopt- 
ing tlie constitution of the empire. 

" The nation has never revoked that great act of its sovereignty ; and the 
emperor has said, 'All that has been done without its authority is illegal.' Do 
not, therefore, allow yourselves to believe, that, surrendering myself to the 
impulses of personal ambition, I have attempted to force a restoration of the 
imperial government upon France. I have been taught higher lessons ; I have 
lived under nobler examples. I am the son of a king, who, without regret, 
descended from his throne when he no longer thought it possible to reconcile 
with the interests of France the interests of the people whom he had been 
called upon to govern. 

"The emperor, my uncle, preferred abdicating the empire to accepting by 
treaty the restricted frontiers, which could not but expose France to the in- 
sults and menaces which foreign nations permit themselves to indulge in to- 
day, I have not lived a single day forgetful of these lessons. The unmerited 
and cruel proscription, which for twenty-five years has been clogging my 
existence, from the foot of the throne where I was born to the prison which 
I have just left, has been as powerless to irritate as to subdue my heart. It 
has not been able to estrajige me for a single day from the dignity, the glory, 
or the interests of France. My conduct, my convictions, explain themselves. 

"When, in 1830, the people reconquered their sovereignty, I had tliought 
that the day after the conquest would be as loyal as the conquest itself, and 
that the destinies of France were fixed forever. But the country has had the 
sad experience of the last ten years. I thought, therefore, that the vote of 
four millions of citizens, which had elevated my family to supreme power, 
imposed upon me the duty of at least making an appeal to the nation, and of 
inquiring what was its will. I even thought, if, in the midst of the national 
congress which I intended to call, any pretensions could make themselves 
heard, I should have the right to re-awaken the glorious recollections of the 
empire; to speak of the elder brother of the emperor, and of that virtuous 
man, who, before me, is his worthy heir ; * and to place in contrast this France 
of to-day, enfeebled, passed over in silence at the congress of kings, with the 
France of those times, so strong at home, so powerful and respected abroad. 
To the question, 'Republic or monarchy, empire or kingdom?' the nation 
would have responded. Upon its free decision depend the end of our sorrows, 
and the termination of our dissensions. 

"As to my enterprise, I repeat it, I have had no accomplices. Alone I have 
resolved all. No person has known beforehand my projects, my resources, my 
hopes. If I am culpable towards any one, it is towards ray friends. How- 
ever, let them not accuse me of having trifled lightly with courage and devo- 
tion such as theirs. They will easily comprehend the motives of honor and 

* Allusion is here made to the uncle of the prince, Joseph Bonaparte ; and to Louis- Boua. 
parte, the father of Louis Napoleon ; both of whom were then living. 
23 



178 LIFE OF NAPOLEON HI. 

prudence which did not permit me to reveal, even to them, how well founded 
and strong were my reasons to expect success. 

"A last word, gentlemen. I represent before you a principle, a cause, a 
defeat. The principle is the sovereignty of the people ; the cause, that of 
the empire; the defeat, Waterloo. The principle, you have recognized it; 
the cause, you have served it ; the defeat, you have wished to avenge it. 

"Representative of apolitical cause, I cannot accept as the judge of my 
intentions and my acts a political tribunal. Your forms impose on no one. 
In the struggle now commencing, there can be but the victor and the van- 
quished. If you are of the victorious party, I have no justice to expect of 
you ; and I do not wish generosity." * 

When in the examination the prince was asked, " Do you recognize these 
])roclainations, this decree, this order of the day ? " he replied, " I do : I wrote 
tliem all myself." His greatest care seemed to be to exonerate those who 
had followed him, and to take upon himself the whole responsibility of the 
enterprise. 

Ujion being asked how he procured so many uniforms, his answer was, "I 
had requested these gentlemen — pretending that I was going to a ball — to 
bring their uniforms with them; and most of them did so, without suspicion." 

It will be remembered that a soldier was wounded by a pistol-shot. After 
the deposition of this man— Joseph Geoffrey — had been presented, the 
prince was asked if he had any observation to make. His reply was, " I have 
nothing to say, but that I deeply regret having wounded a French soldier, even 
by chance ; and that I am very happy that the accident has not been attended 
by more-serious consequences." 

M. Franck Carre, procurexir-general, in his long and eloquent argument 
against the accused, said, " What can be the utility of words, or the necessity 
of discussion ? Nothing has been denied, either of the focts which constitute 
the attempt, or of the part which each one has taken in the enterprise. The 
intention, the end, the means, every thing has been avowed. 

"■When an effort has been made to substitute another government for that 
of the country ; when ambition, so high that it aspires to nothing less than 
sovereign power, manifests itself by formal acts ; when men menace with a 
new revolution the land already furrowed by so many revolutions, — is it suf- 
ficient, before such a court as this, to state the material circumstances of the 
attempt, and to provoke against its authors merited punishment ? Is it not 
necessary to search into the motives which inspired the aggression; into the 
j;rounds of support for pretensions so vast; into the influences and the means 
at the disposal of men influenced by such vain hopes ? f 

* " These words, delivered in a clear voice, with an undaunted air, produced a visible sensation 
on the assembly. In fact, of the men called upon to judge the nephew of the emperor, tho 
greater number were either old companions in arms of Napoleon, or old members of his house- 
hold.'' — Life of Napoleon III., Emperor of the French, hy Edward Roth. 

t In the course of his argument, the procure.ur-ge'ne'ral alluded to the attempt at Strasburg, 
and said, that, on that occasion, the pi-ince had been " vanquished without debate, pardoned with- 
out conditions (pardonn^ sans conditions):' To this the prince subsequently referred, in lefuta- 
tion of the charge that he had given his word of honor never to return from America if the 
guvcrament would ^^i.vc him exile instead of imprisonment. 



BOULOGNE. 179 

"As for us, gentlemen, the more ardent the admiration with which Ave 
cherish in our heart the memory of the Emperor Napoleon, the more need 
have we to remember our character as a magistrate, that we may maintain 
impartiality of judgment in presence of this puerile ambition, which has twice 
compromised that grand name in these hair-brained enterprises. 

" Have they not already felt in their consciences that they could nowhere 
find a judge more indignant and more severe than Napoleon himself would 
be, if the report of these attempts without wisdom, this temerity without 
grandeur, these defeats without combats, could ascend to his ear ? 

" They imagine that the grandeur of the empire and the glory of the em- 
peror were as a patrimony for the family of Napoleon ; and the worship of 
the nation of these immortal souvenirs transforms itself, in their view, into a 
popular wish which calls that family to reign. 

" The emperor could not bequeath the sceptre to any one. It fell from his 
powerful hand before his destinies were accomplished. His glory is the inherit- 
ance of France ; and the real representative of the empire, in her eyes, is not 
you, nor the obscure friends whose homages surround you ; but it is the genius 
of the emperor, still living in our laws ; it is the men, who, cherishing his tra- 
ditions, and at the head of our armies and in our councils, are the honor of 
our country, and the bulwarks of that royalty that France has founded with 
her own hands." 

In conclusion, M. Carre said, " We have been severe towards you. Prince 
Louis. Our mission and your crime made such to be our duty; but we can 
never forget that you were born, near a throne, and that you have been edu- 
cated in exile, where we cannot forbid hope from consoling misfortune, and 
where the sorrows of the past are sweetened by illusions of the future." 

Prince Louis had engaged for his defence M. Bei-ryer, one of the most dis- 
tinguished orators in France. The following brief extracts from his speech 
will show its character and its power : — 

" The jt?rocw7'eMr-^ewera? has said, ' This is a melancholy trial, — one deeply 
to be regretted.' I, too, as I contemplate the grave contest, cannot but feel 
mournful emotions agitating my heart. How unhappy must that country be, 
where, within a few years, so many successive and violent revolutions, over- 
throwing, one after another, the laws which we have proclaimed, established, 
and sworn to defend, have produced in our minds so painful an uncertainty 
with regard to our duties ! Within the life of a single man we have had a 
republic, an empire, a restoration, and a royalty of the 9th of August. This 
ready acceptation of governments, so opposite in their principles, so rapidly 
dashing each other to pieces, — does it not vastly weaken the strength of 
conscience, the dignity of man, the majesty of law? What a blow is struck 
at the dignity of Justice, gentlemen, when she is called upon to-day to con- 
demn as a crime that which yesterday she urged as a duty! 

" Prince Louis Napoleon has come to contest the sovereignty with the house 
of Orleans. He has entered France to claim the rights of sovereignty for his 
own family. He has done so with the same title, and in accordance with the 
same political principle, which justified our present king, upon whose brow 
you have placed the crown of France. 



180 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"At the adoption of the constitution of the empire in 1804, four million 
of votes declared that France recognized the inheritance in the descendants 
of Napoleon, or in the descendants of his brother Joseph, or, these failing, in 
the descendants of his brother Louis. There is his title. 

" Is the establishment of the empire a phantom, gentlemen ? is it an illu- 
sion ? Yet what it has done has reached throughout the world ; and its effects 
are felt not only in France, but among all the nations of Europe. No : this 
establishment of the empire is no dream. Are we willing to avow that those 
dynasties, founded, established, sworn to, in the name of the national sover- 
eignty, are to last no longer than the life of a single man ? You attack the 
very guaranties of the power which, you yourselves wish to defend, if you dis- 
regard the right, founded by its consecration, far more imposing than that of 
1830 ; for the entire nation was called upon for its vote. 

"The empire fell; and then the political doctrine of popular sovereignty, 
upon which the empire was founded, also fell. But you have restored this 
principle; you have reconstituted this popular sovereignty, on which the heredi- 
tary claims of the imperial family are based. The heir is before you. You 
are about to judge him. In a country where all the powers are in abeyance 
to the principle of national sovereignty, do you mean to judge him without 
questioning the country ? As long as a drop of blood is transmitted in this 
family, so long shall the claim of inheritance, grounded on the political princi- 
ple of France, be transmitted too. 

"The tomb of the emperor is about to be opened. His ashes are to be 
transferred to Paris, where his arms are to be deposited in triumph over his 
grave. You wish to judge and condemn the attempt of Louis Napoleon. Do 
you not appreciate the influence which such manifestations must produce upon 
the mind of the young prince? 

" This necessity of re-animating in our hearts, in France, the recollections 
of the empire, and these Napoleonic sympathies, have been so great, that during 
the reign of the prince,* who in former times had desired to bear arms against 
the forces of the empire, and to war against him whom he stigmatized as the 
Corsican usurper, the ministry have been compelled to say, ^Napoleon was the 
legitimate sovereign of the country.'' 

"And you are not willing that this young man, — rash, blind, presumptuous 
if you please, but still with a heart that has blood in it, with a soul which has 
been transmitted to him, — without counting his resources, should have said 
to himself, — 

"'This name which they re-echo belongs to me. Be it mine to bear it liv- 
ing over these boundaries! There it will awaken confidence of victories; 
elsewhere, terror of defeats. These arms are mine. Can you dispute a sol- 
dier's inheritance ? ' 

" I do not think that the claims in the name of which the project was under- 
taken can possibly fall before the disdainful expressions of the procureur- 
general. You remark on the weakness of the means, the poveity of the 
enterprise, the ridiculousness of any hopes of success. Well, if success is 

* Louis PhUippe. 



BOULOGNE. 181 

every thing, I ask of you, the first men in the State, one question. Between 
the judge and tlie accused there is always an inevitable eternal arbitrator. 
Now, in the presence of this arbitrator, in the face of the country that shall 
hear your sentence, regardless of the feebleness of the means, with nothing 
but the rights of the case, the law, the constitution, before your eyes, with 
your hands upon your hearts, standing before your God and in the presence 
of us who know you, I ask you, can you say, — 

"• ' If Louis Napoleon had succeeded^ if his pretended right had triumphed, 
I would still have denied it ; I xoould have refused all share in his power ; 
Twoidd still have disregarded and rejected him ' ? 

"I accept this eternal arbitrator. Whoever there may be among you, that, 
before his God and before his country, will say to me, '■If he had succeeded 
I woidd have denied his right^ — such a one I am willing to accept as a judge." 

There probably never before was a trial in which there occurred so many 
scenes of dramatic interest. When M. Berryer sat down, Count Montholon, 
who had immortalized his name by his fidelity to the emperor, — obtaining per- 
mission to share with him his exile at St. Helena, — rose, and offered the fol- 
lowing few words as his defence : — 

" Gentlemen, my own private afiliirs called me to England. There I met 
Prince Napoleon. He often confided to me his views upon the condition of 
France, his plan of endeavoring to call a national congress, his hopes of one 
day restoring to France the political institutions which the emperor had so 
gloriously founded. All his suggestions indicated an ardent love of France, 
a noble pride in the great name he bore ; and I found in him a living memo- 
rial of all the long meditations of St. Helena. 

"But he never spoke to me positively of his intended enterprises, of his 
preparations for an expedition into France. When on board the steamer, 
supposing we were going to Ostend, I learned our destination from the prince, 
I certainly might have made some remonstrating remarks ; but it was too late. 
I would not leave the emperor's nephew : I would not abandon him on the 
coast of France. 

" I received the last sigh of Napoleon : I closed his eyes. That explains 
my conduct. It is without regret that I find myself to-day accused of hav- 
ing taken a resolution, of which the good opinion I entertain of human nature 
persuades me that each of you, gentlemen, would also have been capable." 

M. Ferdinand Barrot was associated with M. Berryer in the defence. In 
pleading the cause of his client. Commandant Parquin, whom our readers will 
remember as one of the most devoted friends of Louis Napoleon, — having 
married Mademoiselle Cochelet, the reader of Queen Hortense, — and who 
had also taken an active part in the affidr at Strasburg, M. Barrot said, — 

"In the year 1813, the emperor held a review. A young cavalry lieutenant 
presented himself in front of a regiment of infantry. Three times the empe- 
ror passed before him, sweeping him with that glance he knew so well how to 
give. At last the young lieutenant took courage, and, advancing, said, — 

"'Sire, I am twenty-five years old, and have been eleven years in the ser- 
vice, and have passed through eleven campaigns. I have received twelve 
wounds. That well deserves a cross : I ask it now ; it is my due.' 



182 lilFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

" The emperor replied, ' Of course it is ; and I must not be in your debt any 
longer.' And with his own hands he fastened the Cross of the Legion of 
Honor on the breast of the young lieutenant. That lieutenant was Parquin. 

" I will mention one fact in this glorious life. Before Lcipsic, in October, 
1814, one of our marshals was engaged with a host of enemies. His life was 
in danger. Captain Parquin charged the enemy at the head of a few soldiers, 
and rescued a marshal of France. That marshal is now seated among you. 
If I name him, it is not that I would trouble his conscience by recalling a favor 
rendered. No, gentlemen : if I pronounce his name here, it is to give you to 
understand that it has fallen to the lot of Parquin to save the life of one of 
the greatest celebrities of our time, — Lieutenant Marshal Oudinot, the Duke 
of Reggio. Pardon me if I shelter under the glory of his name the misfor- 
tune of an old soldier." 

Marshal Oudinot rose, and said, " The statement is true." Commandant 
Parquin, then addressing the court, remarked, while every eye was fixed upon 
him, " Gentlemen, I had promised an illustrious princess, expiring in exile, 
never to quit her son in the difficult position which fate had assigned to him. 
This explains my second appearance before the tribunals of justice. I have 
fulfilled this pious duty. And if, from the heights of heaven, to which her 
kindness, her virtue, and her j^iety must have brought her. Queen Hortense 
looks down here, and sees with sorrow her son arraigned before you, I shall, 
I trust, be also seen sharing the misfortunes of him who has honored me with 
so many years of his friendship, and to whom I am bound by all the devoted- 
ness of which I am capable." 

M. Fialin, Count de Persigni, said briefly, " Gentlemen, it is seven years 
since profound studies on the grand consular and imperial era, as contrasted in 
my mind with the present era, won my utmost admiration for Napoleonic 
ideas. Tliis admiration explains my devotion to the illustrious race personify- 
ing these ideas, which, as I was convinced, promised glory, liberty, and great- 
ness to my country. I did not hesitate to become the soldier of one man, of 
one family. 

"But it would require a voice more eloquent and more worthy than mine 
to make the Napoleonic idea understood here, to outroll its magnificent 
grandeur. It is not the part of a humble soldier to make himself the apostle 
of this idea before so illustrious an auditory ; but it is his part, as it is that 
of every citizen, only to weep and groan under the misfortunes which have 
overthrown its sway. Be it his part, as it is that of every soldier, to shed 
bitter tears over the vast calamity of Waterloo! " 

M. Barillon was the council for the defence of Count Persigni. In the 
powerful speech which he made we find the following eloquent passage: — 

"The expeditions of Prince Louis Napoleon may be difl:erently interpreted, 
differently judged. Some may see in them the signs of thoughtless impulse, 
others the expression of a firm and persevering character; but what is 
incontestable is his possession of eminent qualities, of which we ourselves 
can speak as ci-edible witnesses, — we who met him for the first time within 
the walls of a prison, in one of those great trials for which the political man 
is not always prepared. 



BOULOGNE. 183 

"What is incontestable is the immense, irresistible ascendency which he 
exercises over all who approach him ; the secret attraction which draws and 
retains ; the cordiality which does not compromise dignity, and which com- 
mands alFection as well as respect. To these qualities add the familiar looh^ 
which was one of the great powers of Napoleon ; and to this portrait add the 
name of Napoleon himself, surrounding a living head like an aureola, — and you 
would have the secret of this devotedness, entire, absolute, blind, and, I would 
say, almost superstitious, which chains all the accused to the destinies of the 
prince, and which was the only banner of the Boulogne expedition." 

Dr. Conneau was one of the captives. He had foi'merly been the highly- 
esteemed family physician of Queen Hortense, and had attended her upon 
her dying bed. M. Barillon made the following touching allusion to this 
event : — 

"The dying pi'incess had written in her will this phrase, which will forever 
associate her faithful physician with the existence of the young prince, — 'I 
desire that my son should keep always Dr. Conneau near to him.' This 
dying wish, gentlemen, has been religiously observed ; for on that unhappy 
bench you see Dr. Conneau seated beside the son of his benefactress." 

The court took three days for deliberation. The sentence was then pro- 
nounced. The prince was condemned to be imprisoned for life in some 
French fortress. Count Montholon, Commandant Parquin, Lombaid, and 
M. de Persigni, were doomed to twenty years' imprisonment ; others to ten, five, 
and two. Dr. Conneau was sentenced to five years. When the prince was 
informed, in his cell, of the sentence, he remarked, without any manifestation 
of emotion, " I shall at least have the consolation of dying on the soil of 
France." When, subsequently, the sentence was more formally read to him 
by the clerk, as the words "perpetual imprisonment " were pronounced, he 
calmly observed, "Formerly it Avas said that the word 'impossible' was not 
French. I suspect that it is so with the word ' perpetual ' now." 

There were fifty-three prisoners brought to trial. Of these, thirty 4hree 
were set at liberty, and twenty received sentence with the prince- 




CHAPTER XI. 

THE NEPHEW AT HAM; THE UNCLE AT THE INVALIDES. 

l^v » otion of Ham. — Devotion of the Friends of the Prince. — Prison-Life. — Maniu-j.ationa 
rA Vrj^mpathy. — The Arms of Napoleon I. — Demand for the Remains of the Emperor. — 
Tnoir Removal from St. Helena. — Their Arrival in France. — Fnneral Solemnities. — Testi- 
mony of Napier. — Apostrophe of Louis Napoleon. — Correspondence and Remonstrance. 

HE sentence of the Court of Peers, consigning the prince to 
imprisonment for Ufe, was read to him in his cell at four o'clock 
in the afternoon of the 6th of October, 1840. Louis Napoleon 
was then thirty-two years of age. At midnight he was led 
from the Conciergerie, and placed in a carriage, to be conveyed 
to the Castle of Ham, which had been selected as his living 
tomb. He was not allowed to take leave of any of his companions ; and his 
removal was conducted with the utmost secrecy, to prevent any popular 
demonstration. His two devoted friends, Count Montholon and Dr. Con- 
neau, implored so earnestly that they might be permitted to share the cap- 
tivity of the prince by being confined in the same fortress, that the govern- 
ment gi-anted their request. 

The Fortress of Ham is situated in a small town of the same name, about 
ninety miles north-east of Paris. It stands in the centre of an extensive, 
treeless plain, much resembling the vast prairies of our own country. The 
main part of this gloomy castle was built about four hundred years ago, 
though there are portions of the wall which have witnessed the lapse of more 
than a thousand years. The fortress consists of a qiaadrangle, surrounded by 
massive walls, with round towers at each of the angles. One of these towers 
is one hundred feet in diameter, with walls thirty feet thick; and it rises to 
the height of a hundred feet. The dark and sombre pile, battered by the 
storms of centuries, reminds the beholder forcibly of the days of feudal 
tyranny and power. There is but one entrance; which is by a gate in the 
north-eastern wall, which is strongly protected. 

In the interior of the enclosure there are two low, dilajHdated brick build- 
ings, serving as barracks for the garrison, which consisted of four hundred men. 
Sixty of these were constantly on duty, carefully guarding the exterior as 
well as the interior of the fortress. The end of one of the brick buildings 
was used as a states-prison. It contained one or two wretched rooms, low 
and damp, separated from the wall of the fortress but by a few feet. There 

184 



THE NEPHEW AT HAM ; THE UNCLE AT THE INVALIDES. 185 

was, consequently, but little circulation of air; and but few rays of light could 
enter the dismal apartments. 

In addition to the military guard, there was a large number of doorkeepers, 
turnkeys, and other subordinates, to whom the care of the person of the prince 
was particularly intrusted. The commandant of the fortress, M. Demarle, 
was a very kind-hearted, gentlemanly man, who treated the captive prince 
with the highest personal regard ; but who, in strict obedience to orders, took 
such precautions to secure his prisoner as to render his escape apparently 
impossible. 

The apartments assigned to the prince were in a deplorable condition of 
decay. The ceiling was cracked and dropping. The doors and windows, 
rickety with age, could not be closed so as to exclude the severity of the 
weatlier. Mouldy paper hung in tatters upon the walls. The floor was 
paved with brick, which, by the ravages of time and beneath the foot-falls of 
misery, had become uneven and broken. Seven francs a day, or one dollar 
and forty cents, were allowed for tlie food and other needful expenses of the 
prison ei-. 

Such was the abode to which the favorite nephew of the Emperor Napoleon 
was consigned, and from which, according to the sentence of his judges, he was 
never to emerge till his body should be borne out to its burial. His crime 
was the attempt to overthrow^ by a revolution, a gooermnent which had 
been imposed on the French people without the consent of the people ; and to 
restore to them the privilege of choosing, by universal suffrage, any form of 
government which they might prefer. No impartial man will deny this state- 
ment. But from the same facts different judgments are formed. Some will 
say, that, in this attempt to overthrow by violence the government then 
actually existing in France, Louis Napoleon committed a great crime, and 
deserved the severest punishment; others will say that this attempt was 
heroic, and merited the gratitude of the French people. Alas for the in- 
firmity of human judgment! There are millions of the wisest and the best 
arrayed on either side of this question. 

It is an interesting fact, illustrative of the amiable character and personal 
attractions of the prince, that his valet, TheHn, who had served him for sev- 
eral years, who had accompanied him on his expedition, but who had been 
acquitted by the court, implored j^ermission to accompany his young master 
to his prison. This faithful old servant, in childhood, had been a page in the 
service of the Empress Josephine, After the marriage of Ilortense, he was 
transferred to her household, and inspired her with so much confidence, that 
he was placed at the head of the domestic establishment of the Queen of 
Holland. He gave so many proofs of devoted attachment to her service, as 
to receive from her many testimonials of the esteem with which she regarded 
him. Hortense, upon her death-bed, expressed the desire that Thelin would 
always remain in the service of her son. This wish he religiously fulfilled. 
At Arenemberg, at London, at Strasburg, at Boulogne, in the cells of the 
Conciergerie, and beneath the gloomy wall of the Fortress of Ham, Thelin was 
found, consecrating his life, with never-abating zeal, to the service of the 

24 



186 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

kindest of masters. The prince gave him the title oi friend ; and never was 
that title better merited.* 

The Countess of Montholon also implored and obtained permission to share 
the captivity of her husband. Thus there was a small household who became 
the companions of the prince in the wretched rooms of the prison, enduring 
with him the Aveary hours of prison life. Louis Napoleon, with Dr. Conneau 
and his faithful valet Charles Thelin, occupied one end of the brick building 
of which we have spoken : the Count and Countess of Montholon had apart- 
ments in another quarter. 

The evening before the prince left the Conciergerie for Ham, he wrote the 
following note to M. Berryer, who had so eloquently advocated his cause : — 

"My dear Monsieur Berryer, — I will not quit my prison in Paris with- 
out renewing to you all my thanks for the noble services which you have ren- 
dered me. As soon as I learned that I was about to be brouglit for trial before 
the Court of Peers, I had the idea of asking you to undertake my defence, 
because I knew that your independence of character j^laced you above all the 
petty influence of parties, and that your heart was ever open to the claim of 
misfortune, as your spirit was able to comprehend every great thought, every 
noble sentiment. I chose you out of esteem. Now I take leave of you with 
sentiments of gratitude and friendship. 

" 1 know not what fate may have in reserve for me. I know not if I shall 
ever be in a position to prove to you my gratitude. I know not even if you 
would consent to receive any proofs of it. But whatever may be our re- 
spective positions, apart from politics and their painful obligations, we can 
always entertain feelings of esteem and friendship for one another. And I 
declare to you, that, if my trial had no other result than to obtain for me your 
fi'iendship, I should consider myself immensely the gainer by it, and should 
not complain of my fate. 

"Adieu, my dear Monsieur Berryer! Receive the assurance of my senti- 
ments of esteem and gi-atitude. " Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." 

The days, weeks, months, of dismal captivity now passed sadly away. 
There is something truly sublime in that fortitude of soul which enables a man 
serenely to bear up against the greatest calamities time can bring upon him. 
As usual, the jjrince sought consolation in study. For six years, in the strict- 
est seclusion, he devoted liis hours to unremitting intellectual toil. He was 
ever tasking his energies upon the profoundest topics which can engross human 
attention. Already a thorough student, with a mind disciplined to the closest 
application, fond of severe thought, familiar with the languages of France, 
Italy, Germany, and England, there were open to his researches the philosophy 
and the science of the world. Well does Alison say in allusion to these 
events, — 

"Many a man who has ultimately risen to greatness has traced it to the for- 
tunate calamities which, for a season, chained him to thought and study and 

* Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, par B. Re'nault, p. 127. 



THE NEPHEW AT HAM; THE UNCLE AT THE INVALIDES. 187 

reflection. Prince Louis was no exception to this rule ; and much of the 
splendor of his future career may be traced to an event, which, for the present 
seemed to have blasted his hopes." * 

He was permitted to correspond with his friends; though all the letters 
which he sent or received were read by the commandant of the fortress. He 
also wrote many articles for the journals, which were, however, subject to the 
same supervision. Occasionally, he succeeded in sending out a communication 
secretly. The prince immediately entered upon the methodical arrangement 
of his time. He rose at an early hour, and studied until ten o'clock. He then 
breakfasted; and after breakfast walked half an hour, for exercise, on the para- 
pet of the fortress. There was allotted to him here a small space of ground, 
one hundred feet long and about sixty broad, up and down which he could 
pace, watched by numerous sentinels, and with a guard at his side accompa- 
nying every step. Sometimes he devoted his attention to the ciiltivation of a 
few flowers, for which he had found a little soil along the ramparts. He then 
returned to his room, and employed himself, until dinner-time, in correspond- 
ence and reading and other literary labors. Dinner was at a late hour; after 
which the evening was spent in conversation with his companions in captivity, 
and often in a game of whist.f 

If any of the friends of the prince desirad admission to the castle to visit 
him, it was necessary first to make application to the Minister of the Interior, 
from whom a permit could be obtained only with great difficulty. Having 
secured this, notwithstanding the signature of the minister, it was necessary 
to present it to the commissary of police of the village of Ham. This officer 
was expressly required to practise the utmost vigilance in permitting any one 
to visit the illustrious captive. The Fortress of Ham, the village, and all the 
routes leading there, were occupied by government spies, watchful to detect 
any suspicious movement ; as it was feared that there might be a popular 
uprising for the liberation of the prince. 

Indeed, but a few months after the gates of the fortress closed upon its cap- 
tive, the alarm was given that two thousand workmen, from the plain of St. 
Denis, had conspired to march to Ham to rescue the nephew of the emperor. 
Quite a panic was created. All the gendarmery of the immediate neighbor- 
hood were summoned to the spot. Squadrons of cavalry came clattering 
down from Amiens; artillery was rushed over the road from La Fere ; thou- 
sands of troops were put in motion ; while the prince, all unconscious of the 
tumult which this Ihlse alai-m had created around the castle-walls, was quietly 
pursuing his silent and solitary studies, and cultivating his flowers. J 

A month after his imprisonment, the prince wrote the following letter to 
the distinguished advocate who had been the special counsel of Count Mon- 
tholon at the trial. It was dated Nov. 21, 1840 : — 

* Alison, iii. 251. 

t " It was Jimusin;^ to see the brave and stern Cerberus who guarded with great severity and 
rigor every outlet of the castle during the day. after having locked up every body and every thing 
for the night, put his keys in his pocket, throw oft' his fierce visage, repair to the apartment of 
the prince, and spend the evening with him in the most cordial ami frienilly comp.iniouihip." 

t Histoire du Prince ' ouis Napole'on, par B. Re'nault, p. 131. 



188 LIFE OF NArOLEON III. 

"My dear Monsieur Ferdinand Barrot, — I avail myself of this oppor- 
tunity to solicit you to obtain the insertion, in some journal, of the accompa- 
nying letter which General Montholon has written. I should like to have it 
published about a week before the reception of the ashes of the emperor, and 
that no one should know that it came from this place. If you reply to this, 
please make no allusion to having received this letter, for I send it by secret 
conveyance ; and all the letters which I write or receive are read. 

" I cannot congratulate myself upon my situation here. Nevertheless, I 
should be willing to be in a still more deplorable condition, if that could pro- 
mote the sympathy of my fellow-countrymen, and serve my cause, which I 
believe to be that of popular interests and of European civilization. 

" I know that they wish to send me to America, because my presence here 
disquiets them. In the army, especially, there is much sympathy for me. But, 
as my transportation to America would be an illegality, I hope that my friends 
will protest against it." 

When the question was decided in France to demand of England the 
remains of the Emperor, Louis Napoleon was an exile in London. General 
Bertrand had received of the dying emperor his arms, consisting of the sword 
he wore at Austerlitz, two pair of pistols of rich workmanship, the sword he 
wore at the Champ de Mai, a sabre which had belonged to Sobieski, and a 
poniard formerly given by the Pope to the Grand Master of Malta. These 
relics General Bertrand was directed by the dying fiither to convey to his son 
the Duke of Reichstadt. It is said that the death of the duke prevented 
the fulfilment of this sacred mission. Joseph Bonaparte and Louis Nnpoleon 
wished, at the time of the removal of the ashes of the emperor, to make a pres- 
ent of these arms to the French nation. 

General Bertrand was therefore authorized by them to convey the weapons 
to the Governor of the Invalides, that they might be deposited in that nationnl 
edifice, or in some other public monument, as the Column of Vendome. But 
Louis Philippe was very unwilling that the family of the emperor should take 
any part in the grand national drama which was about to be enacted. He 
therefore, by some diplomatic ingenuity, succeeded in inducing General Ber- 
trand to deliver the arms to him. This conduct called out two very energetic 
protests, — one from King Joseph, and the other from Prince Louis Napoleon. 
The latter we here give in full : — 

"protest of prince LOUIS NAPOLEON UPON THE SUBJECT OF THE ARMS 
OF THE EMPEROR. 

" I associate myself with all the intensity of my soul in the protest of ray 
uncle Joseph. General Bertrand, in delivering the arras of my family to King 
Louis Philippe, has been the victim of a strange illusion. 

"The sword of Austerlitz ought not to be in hostile hands. It is necessary 
that it should yet be brandished in the day of danger for the glory of France. 
Let them deprive us of our country; let them retain our property; let them 
show themselves generous only to the dead : we shall know how to suffer 
without complaining, so long as our honor is not attacked. But to give to 
one who rejoices over Waterloo {un heureux de Waterloo) the arms of the 



THE NEPHEW AT HAM ; THE UNCLE AT THE INVALID ES. 189 

vanquished is to betray the most sacred duties : it is to force the oppressed to 
say to the oppressors, ' Restore to us that which you have usurped.' " 

On the 2d of December, 1840, but a few weeks after Louis Napoleon had 
entered the Castle of Hani under sentence of perpetual imprisonment, the 
two funeral frigates which had been sent to St. Helena, and which brought 
back the remains of the emperor, entered the harbor of Cherbourg. As this 
event is so intimately connected with the restoration of the empire, it deserves 
minute mention. The writer trusts that he may be excused for describing it 
in terms essentially the same as those which he has used on another occasion. 

The two ships sailed from France on the 14th of September, and cast anchor 
in the harbor of St. Helena on the 8th of October. They were received with 
friendly salutes from the forts, and also from the English ships of war which 
were in the roadstead awaiting the approach of the French vessels. The 15th 
of October was the anniversary of tlie arrival of the august prisoner at this 
dreary rock. This day was appointed for the exhumation of his remains. 
Precisely at midnight, the British royal engineers, under direction of the 
Governor-General of St. Helena, and in presence of the French and English 
commissioners, commenced their work. 

After nine hours of uninterrupted labor, the earth was dug from the vault, 
the solid masonry removed, and the heavy slab which covered the internal 
sarcophagus was lifted by means of a crane. Prayers were then offered ; and, 
with uncovered heads, the coffin was carefully raised, and conveyed to a tent 
which had been prepared for its reception. With religious awe, the three 
coffins of mahogany, lead, and tin, were opened ; and, upon carefully lifting a 
white satin veil, the body of the emperor was exposed to view. The remains 
had been so effiictually protected from dampness and the air, that, to the sur- 
prise of all, the features were so little changed, that they were instantly recog- 
nized by all who had known the emperor.* His military dress exhibited but 
slight decay ; and he seemed to repose in raai'ble beauty, as if he were asleep. 
The emotion experienced by all was deep and unutterable. Many burst into 
tears. The hallowed remains were exposed to the external air less than two 
minutes, when the coffins were again closed and soldered with the utmost care. 
They were then placed in the massive ebony sarcophagus which was brought 
from Paris, and which was also protected by a strong box of oak. 

In the mean time, clouds darkened the sky, the rain fell in torrents, dense 
sheets of mist enveloped the crags in almost midnight gloom, and a dismal 
tempest wailed its dirges over the gloomy rock. Minute-guns from the forts, 
and from the ships in the harbor, blended their thunders with the sublime 
requiem of the ocean and of the sky. Still, nearly all the inhabitants of St. 
Helena, regardless of the deluging storm, were at the grave, and followed in 
the procession from the tomb to the ships. The funeral-car was drawn by 

* " The solitary tomb under the willow-tree was opened, the winding-sheet rolled back with 
pious care, and the features of the immortal hero exposed to the view of the entranced specta- 
tors. So perfectly had the body been embalmed, that the features were undecayed, the counte- 
nance serene, even a smile on the lips, and his dress the same (since immortalized in statuary) 
as when he stood on the fields of Austerlitz or Jena." — Alison, vol. iii. p. 251. 



190 LIFE OF NAPOLEON in. 

four liorses, each led by a groom ; while eight officers walked by the side of 
the liearse. 

All the naval, military, and civil authorities of the island accompanied the 
remains, with crape on the left arm ; and by the express invitation of the 
governor, who was the successor of Sir Hudson Lowe, all the gentlemen of 
the island were invited to attend in mourning. The whole military force of 
St. Helena, consisting of the regular soldiers and the militia, was also called 
out to honor those marvellous obsequies, in which repentant England surren- 
dered Napoleon to France. As the vast procession wound slowly round 
among the rocks, the most soul-subduing dirges of martial bands blended 
with the solemn booming of minute-guns and with the roar of the elements. 

The streets of Jamestown were shrouded in crape; the yards of the shipping 
apeak, and all their flags at half-mast. Napoleon had gone down into the 
tomb, denounced by dynastic Europe as a usurper : he emerged from it, after 
the slumber of twenty years, acknowledged an emperor. 

At the quay where the English lines terminated, the Prince de Joinville 
had assembled around liim the French officers, all in deep mourning. As the 
car approached, they stood in reverential silence, with heads uncovered. The 
car stopped within a few paces of the mourning group. The Governor-General 
of St. Helena then advanced, and, in the name of the British Government, 
sunendered to France the remains of the emperor. 

The coffin was then received beneath the folds of the French flag, exciting 
emotions in the bosoms of all present such as cannot be described. From that 
moment, the same honors which Napoleon, as emperor, had received while 
living, were paid to his remains. Banners were unfurled, and salutes were 
fired, as the coffin was conveyed in a cutter, accompanied by a retinue of 
boats, to the ship. It was received on board between two ranks of officers 
under arms, and was then placed in a consecrated chapel, constructed for the 
purpose, and illuminated with waxen lights. A guard of sixty men, com- 
manded by the oldest lieutenant, rendered to the remains imperial honors. 
The ladies of St. Helena had ofiered, as a homage to the memory of the 
emperor, a rich banner embroidered with their own hands. Tliis graceful 
token was suspended in tlie chapel. The afi^ecting scenes of the day were 
closed by the appropriate observance of those religious rites which the serious 
spirit of the emperor had so deeply revered.' 

The ships immediately spread sail ; and on the 2d of December, the 
anniversary of the great victory of Austerlitz, they entered the harbor of 
Cherbourg in France. 

Three ships of war— "The Austerlitz," "The Friedland," and "The Tilsit "— 
immediately encircled, with protecting embrace, the ship which bore the sacred 
relics. All the forts and batteries, and all the ships of war, fired a salute of 
twenty-one guns each. The coffin was then transferred to the steamship 
" Normandy," which had been, at great expense and with exquisite taste, pre- 
pared for the occasion. A magnificent chapel had been constructed upon the 
deck of the steamer, in which chapel the coffin of solid ebony, elaborately 
carved in the shape of one of the ancient sarcophagi, was placed, but so 
raised r.s to be conspicuous to all the thousands who would crowd the banks 
of the Seine as the funeral cortege ascended to Paris. 



THE NEPHEW AT HAM ; THE UNCLE AT THE INVALIDES. 191 

One single worcl, Napoleon, in letters of gold, was placed upon the face of 
this massive and polished sarcophagus. A pall of black velvet, sprinkled with 
bees of gold, and bordered with a broad band of ermine, partially draped the 
coffin. At each corner was the imperial eagle, embroidered in gold. A very- 
imposing effect was produced by the number of wax lights and flambeaux, 
which, by day and by night, threw a flood of light upon the sarcophagus. 
The imperial crown, which the sufii-ages of France had placed upon the brow 
of the emperor, rested, veiled with crape, at the head of the coffin. An 
armed sentry was stationed in each corner of the open chapel. At the head 
of the coffin stood an ecclesiastic in full canonicals. Several general officers 
were grouped near him. The Prince de Joinville, son of the king, Louis 
Philijjpe, stood alone at the foot of the coffin. 

Thus the cortege approached the city of Havre. Watchful eyes had dis- 
cerned its coming when it appeared but as a speck in the blue of the 
horizon. The whole city was instantly in commotion. Minute-guns were 
fii'ed, bells were tolled, dirges from martial bands filled the air. All business 
was suspended. Every sound was hushed, but the appropriate voices of grief, 
as the majestic funeral-ship glided to its ajDpointed station. 

At this place, arrangements were made to transfer the remains to a smaller 
steamer, by which they were to be conveyed up the River Seine, one hundred 
miles, to Paris. The taste and the wealth of France were lavished in the 
attempt to invest the occasion with all possible solemnity and grandeur. 
The steamer " Parisian " led the way, filled with the high dignitaries of the 
kingdom. Then followed a second frigate, with the crew of the ship which 
had brought the remains from St. Helena. After this came the funeral-barge 
with the sacred ashes. It was richly draped in mourning, with the sar- 
cophagus so elevated that every eye could see it. Ten other steamers com- 
posed the unparalleled funeral-train.* 

On the morning of the 10th of December, just as the sun was rising in a 
cloudless sky, this imposing flotilla of thirteen funeral-barges, saluted by toll- 
ing bells, and booming guns, and soul-stirring requiems, left its moorings, and 
commenced the ascent of the river. The back country on either side for 
thirty miles was nearly depopulated, as men, women, and children crowded to 
the banks of the stream in homage to the memory of the man who had so 
wonderfully enthroned himself in their hearts. The Prefect of the Lower 
Seine had issued the following proclamation to the inhabitants : — 



* "A man, a reign, a system of government, if they no longer exist, are to be judged by the 
jiermancnce of the regret caused by their disappearance. The empire, such as Napoleon insti- 
tuted it, was then the form of government best adapted to the French nation ; since many years 
have already passed, during which the French people have been inconsolable for its loss. The 
inhabitants of the country, the workmen in the cities, all deplore it; all feel, that, could the 
emperor but have attained that peace which was so obstinately refused him, his genius would 
have given the most ample satisfaction to all their wants. All recognize in him the most true, 
the most' just, the most intelligent, and the grandest friend of the cause of the people; and, in 
their opinion, it was for them and for all France a fatality that he did not live to give in xiscfid 
realizalioiis the -omplement of his impcrkil thoughts." — Hisioire du Prince Louis Napoleon, Pi€si- 
dtnt dt la Rfpuhlique, par B. lienault, p. 259. 



192 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"Fellow-Citizens, — the department of the Lower Seine will be first trav- 
ersed by the funeral cortege, proceeding, under the direction of his Royal High- 
ness the Prince de Joinville, towards the capital of the kingdom, where 
memorable solemnities are to be enacted in the presence of the great bodies 
of the State, and illustrated by all the prodigies of art. There is no event in 
history which presents itself with such a character of grandeur as that which 
accompanies the removal of the remains of the Emperor Napoleon. 

" When the vessel containing those venerated ashes shall advance slowly 
along the river, you will receive it with that religious feeling and those deep 
emotions which are overproduced by the recollection of the misfortunes of the 
country, its triumphs and its glory. You will render the last honors to that great 
man with the calmness and dignity becoming a population which has so often 
experienced the benefit of his protecting power and of his special solicitude." 

As the cortege glided slowly along, an innumerable multitude gazed in 
silence, but with tearful eyes, upon the sublime spectacle. Every battery 
uttered its salute. From the turret of every village church the knell was 
tolled; and there was not a peasant's hut passed on the route which did not 
exhibit some testimonial of respect and love. The city of Rouen, containing 
one hundred thousand inhabitants, is situated half way between Havre and 
Paris. The sagacious policy of the emperor had contributed much to its 
prosperity, and had rendered it one of the chief commercial and manufactur- 
ing cities of the realm. " Paris, Rouen, and Havre," said he,-" shall form one 
great city, of which the Seine shall be the main street." Such were the 
objects of his ambition. The Mayor of Rouen, preparing for the reception, 
issued the following proclamation to the inhabitants of the city : — 

" Beloved Fellow-Citizens, — After twenty-five years of exile in a 
foreign land, Kapoleon is at last restored to us. A French prince, the worthy 
son of our citizen king, brings back to France what remains of the great 
emperor. In a few days, these glorious ashes will rest in peace under the 
national safeguard of his glory and the remains of his invincible phalanxes. 
A few moments only are allowed to salute the coffin of the hero who caused 
the French name to be respected throughout the world : let us employ them 
in solemnly manifesting the sympathies which are in the hearts of a popula- 
tion over whom the emperor once extended liis powerful and protecting hand. 
Let us unite with a religious feeling in the triumphal funeral reserved to him 
by the city where his glory and genius are stamped with immortal grandeur." 

From the adjoining country, more than one hundred and fifty thousand 
inhabitants had flocked to Rouen. Both banks of the river were richly 
decorated ; and long galleries had been constructed, draped in costly silks, for 
the accommodation of the countless throng. Many pyramids were erected, 
covered with prnple satin, and spangled with golden tears. 

Upon the base of these pyramids were inscribed the names of the prin- 
cipal battles of the empire. A triumphal arch, of majestic proportions, 
covered also with silk, and brilliantly decorated with bees of gold, spanned 



THE NEPHEW AT HAM ; THE UNCLE AT THE INVALIDES. 193 

the stream. Twenty thousand yards of silk were used in this structure, and 
thirty-six thousand bees. Two ships of honor, imposingly decorated and 
covered with the flags of all nations, were so stationed that the funeral-pro- 
cession of steamers might pass between them. The bridges of Rouen were 
embellished with the highest decorations of art ; and from every steeple and 
turret, and from almost every window, of the city, tricolor banners were float- 
ing in the breeze. 

Before mid-day, all the inhabitants of the city and its environs were assem- 
bled, — cuirassiers, judges and advocates, ecclesiastics, the National Guard 
with drooping banners draped in mourning, students, members of the Legion 
of Honor, retired officers, the veteran and wounded soldiers of the old armies 
of the empire, fifteen hundred in number, — all at their appointed stations. 
As these veterans, torn and battered by the storms of war, traversed the 
streets in long military array, many of them in extreme old age, and all of 
them bearing in their hands crowns of immortelles and laurel, marching with 
reversed arms and to the mournful music of the mufiled drum, their eyes 
moistened with tears, and their foces flushed with inexpressible emotion, they 
were greeted with that fervor of enthusiasm which bursts from the soul when 
moved to its profoundest depths. 

Just at noon of a serene and brilliant day, the funeral-procession of steam- 
ers made its appearance, moving noiselessly and majestically along the mirrored 
surface of the river. A peal of artillery Irdm ships, batteries, and the cannon 
of the National Guard, announced its approach. The speed of the boats was 
slackened, that the spectators might have a better opportunity to witness the 
imposing pageant. On reaching the suspension-bridge over which rose the 
triumphal arch, the imperial barge paused for a while; and the veterans, defiling 
along, cast their crowns of flowers at the foot of the coffin, while with trem- 
bling voices they shouted, "Vive I'Empereur!" 

The barge passed under the arch, and took its station in the centre of a 
circle, surrounded by the remainder of the steamers. The archbishop read 
the burial-service, accompanied by the tolling of bells, the boom of cannon, 
and requiems from the bands. Immediately after this act of homage to the 
dead, a salute from the shore announced that the ceremony would henceforth 
assume a triumphal character. It was now to be understood that the emperor 
had returned to his giateful people, and was to be received as if still living. 

The bells rang out their merriest peals; all the bands played national airs; 
the troops presented arras; the artillery-men of the National Guard fired one 
hundred and one rounds : and though all eyes were dimmed with tears, and 
all voices were tremulous with emotion, the clangor of bells, the tlxunder of 
artillery, and the peal of trumpets, were drowned in the shouts of "Vive 
I'Empereur!" It was the acclaim of an enfranchished people assuming the 
final triumph of popular sufii-age in the re-enthronement of the monarch of 
the people's choice. 

The same evening, the procession moved on towards the exeited, throb- 
bing, expectant metropolis. The banks of the Seine, from Havre to. Paris, are 
thickly strewn with cities and villages. As the flotilla passed along,, it was 
continually receiving every possible demonstration of attachraent to Napo- 



194 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

leon, finfl of national rejoicing at the recovery of his remains. The shores 
were hned with spectators, and tlie inhabitants of every district did all in 
their power to invest the scene with splendor. Thousands flocked from Paris 
to witness a spectacle so impressive and sublime. 

At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 14th, the flotilla arrived at Courbe- 
voie, a small village about four miles from Paris. Here the remains were to 
be transferred from the steamer to the shore. A vast multitude from the me- 
tropolis and its environs thronged the village to witness the imposing pageant. 
A colossal statue of the beloved Josephine stood upon the shore to greet her 
returning husband. At the head of the quay, an immense cokuun was raised, 
one hundred and fifty feet high, surmounted by a globe six feet in diameter, 
and crowned with an eagle glittering in gold. Upon the base of the column 
were inscribed the memorable words, — 

"It is my wish that my ashes may repose on the banks of the Seine, in the 
midst of the French people whom I have loved so well." 

A Grecian temple, one hundred feet high, was constructed at the termination 
of the wharf, under which the body was to lie in state until transferred to the 
funeral-car. Richly-decorated tripods, twenty feet high, emitted volumes of 
flame, producing a very impressive effect. Here Sergeant Hubert, who for 
nineteen years had kept watch at the solitary grave of Napoleon at St. Helena, 
landed. All the old generals of the emjiire immediately gathered around him 
with cordial embraces, and he was I'eceived by the people with deep emotion. 

During the night, all the vessels of the flotilla were brilliantly illuminated. 
The next morning, as the sun burst forth from the clouds, thousands of lips 
exclaimed simultaneously, " It is the sun of Austerlitz ! " For a week, multi- 
tudes, not only from the distant cities of France, but from all parts of Europe, 
had been arriving to witness tins spectacle of unrivalled sublimity. For a 
distance of nearly four miles from the esplanade of the Invalides, along the 
Quay d'Orsay, the Bridge of Concorde, the Champs filysees, the Avenue of 
Neuilly, the Bridge of Neuilly, to the Village of Courbevoie, the way was 
lined with a countless throng of spectators, and crowded Avith an indescriba- 
ble opulence of embellishments. 

The excitement of the war-worn veterans of the Invalides amounted almost 
to deUrium. The whole National Guard of Paris was drawn out to escort the 
remains. The Polish emigrants, many of them men of high distinction, sent 
a deputati!on, earnestly requesting permission to assist in the funeral-ceremo- 
nies of the only monarch who had ever expressed sympathy in their cause. 

Louis Philippe and all the members of the royal family, and the members 
of the Chamber of Deputies and the House of Peers, were gathered beneath 
the dome of the Invalides to render homage to the returning emperor. The 
embellishments in Paris along the path of the procession surpassed every 
thing which had been attempted before. The Arc de Triomphe, at the head 
of the Avenue des Champs filysees, was decorated with most imposing gran- 
deur. A colossal image of the emperor stood upon its summit, looking serenely 
down upon his own marvellous triumph. The statue was surrounded by those 
banners and eagles which his victories had rendered immortal. 

The view from the Arc de Triomphe, down the Avenue of the Champs 
filysoes, was imposing in the extreme. Each side was lined with lofty columns, 



THE NEPHEW AT HAM ; THE UNCLE AT THE INVALIDES. 195 

surmounted by gilt eagles, and decorated with tricolor flags. Colossal statues, 
triumphal arches, immense vases blazing with variegated flames, and the assem- 
blage of a countless multitude of spectators, presented a spectacle never to be 
forgotten. 

The imperial car was composed of five distinct parts, — the basement, the 
pedestal, the Caryatides, the shield, and the cenotaph. The basement rested 
on four massive gilt wheels. This basement, which was twenty-five feet long 
and six feet high, and all the rich ornaments with which it was profusely em- 
bellished, were covered with frosted gold. Upon this basement stood groups 
of cherubs seven feet high, supporting a pedestal eighteen feet long, covered 
with burnished gold. This pedestal, elevated thirteen feet from the ground, 
was constructed with a heavy cornice richly ornamented. It was hung in 
purple velvet, falling in graceful drapery to the ground, embroidered with 
gold, and spotted with bees. Upon this elevated pedestal stood fourteen 
Caryatides, — antique figures larger than life, and entirely covered with gold, 
— supporting with their heads and hands an immense shield of solid gold. 
This shield was of oval form, eighteen feet in length, and was richly deco- 
rated with all appropriate ornaments. Upon the top of this shield, nearly 
fifty feet from the ground, was placed the cenotaph, an exact copy of Napo- 
poleon's coffin. It was slightly veiled with purple crape embroidered with 
golden bees. On the cenotaph, upon a velvet cushion, were placed the scep- 
tre, the sword of justice, the imperial cr.own in gold and embellished with 
precious stones. Such is a general description of this funeral-car, the most 
sumptuous that was probably ever constructed. 

The car was drawn by sixteen black horses, harnessed four abreast. These 
steeds were profusely caparisoned in cloth of gold. White plumes adorned 
their heads and necks. Sixteen grooms, wearing the imperial livery, led the 
horses. 

At half-past nine o'clock in the morning, after prayers had been read over 
the body, twenty-four seamen raised the coffin on their shoulders, and, follow- 
ing the procession of the clergy, conveyed it from the ship to the Grecian 
temple. There it was deposited for a short time, when the clergy again 
chanted prayers. The seamen then again took up their precious load, and 
conveyed it to the triumphal car. It was placed in the interior of the vehi- 
cle, its apparent place being occupied by the. cenotaph upon the summit of 
the shield. 

As the car commenced its solemn movement, the sun, and moon were both 
shining, gilding with extraordinary splendor this sublime scene. No language 
can describe the enthusiasm inspired as the car passed slowly along, sur- 
rounded by the five hundred sailors who had accompanied the remains from 
St. Helena, and preceded and followed by the most imposing military array 
which the kingdom of France could furnish. More than a million of people 
wei-e assembled along the line of march to welcome back the emperor. All 
the bells were tolling; and, blending with the music of innumeiable bands 
and the booming of minute-guns, there were heard sweeping along the lines, 
from ten thousand tongues, like the roar of many waters, the thrilling strains 
of the Marsellaise Hymn. 



196 LIFE OF NAPOLEON in. 

The Church of the Invalides was transformed almost into a fairy palace. 
The walls were draped with violet velvet studded with golden stars, and 
bordered with heavy gold fringe. The eight columns which support the 
dome were covered with velvet studded with golden bees. Beneath its 
lofty dome, where the tomb of Napoleon was to be erected, — a tomb which 
would cost millions of money, and which would require the labor of years, 
— a magnificent cenotaph was reared in the form of a temple superbly 
gilded. 

This temple was pronounced by all judges to be one of the happiest efforts 
of decorative art. Here the remains of the emperor were, for a season, to 
repose. Thirty-six thousand spectators were seated on immense platforms on 
the esplanade of the Invalides. Six thousand spectators thronged the seats 
of the spacious portico. In the interior of the church were assembled the 
clergy, the members of the two Chambers of Deputies and of Peers, and all 
the members of the royal family, and others of the most distinguished person- 
ages of France and of Europe. As the coffin, preceded by the Prince de 
Joinville, was borne along the nave upon the shoulders of thirty-two of Na- 
poleon's Old Guard, the whole audience rose, and bowed in homage to the 
mighty dead. Louis Philippe, surrounded by the great officers of state, then 
stepped forward to receive the remains. 

" Sire," said the Prince de Joinville, " I present to you the body of the 
Emperor Napoleon." 

"I receive it," said the king, "in the name of France." Then taking from 
the hand of Marshal Soult the sword of Napoleon, and presenting it to Gen- 
eral Bertrand, he said, " General, I charge you to place this glorious sword of 
the emperor upon his coffin." 

The king then returned to his throne, the coffin was placed in the cata- 
falque, and the last wish of Napoleon was gratified. The funeral-mass was 
then celebrated. The King of France sat upon one side of the altar, accom- 
panied by the queen and all the princes and princesses of the royal family. 
The ministers and the marshals of the kingdom, the Archbishop of Paris Avith 
his assistant bishops and clergy, and all the prominent civil and military 
authorities of France, gathered reverentially around the mausoleum in this 
sublime act of a nation's love and gratitude. As the solemn strains of 
Mozart's Requiem, performed by three hundred musicians, floated through the 
air, every heart was intensely moved. Thus ended a ceremony, which, in all 
the elements of moral sublimity, has had on earth no parallel. 

" Finally," says Alison, " the coffin, amidst entrancing melody, was lowered 
into the grave, when every eye in the vast assembly was wet with tears, and 
the bones of Napoleon 'finally reposed on the banks of the Seine, amidst the 
people whom he had loved so well.' Such was the excitement produced by this 
heart-stirring spectacle, that it seriously shook the government, and revealed 
the depths of the abyss on the edge of which they stood when Prince Louis 
made his descent at Boulogne. Not only in the countless multitudes which 
issued from the faubourgs, but in some battalions of the National Guard, 
were heard the cries of ' Vive I'Empereur ! ' No one exclaimed, ' Vive 



THE NEPHEW AT HAM ; THE UNCLE AT THE INVALIDES. 197 

le Roi ! ' One only thought, the recollections of the empire, absorbed every 
mind."* 

While the remains of the emperor were being thus received, Prince Louis 
Napoleon, the favorite nephew of the emperor, the heir of whatever political 
riglits the emperor could transmit, the grandson of Josephine, was in the 
prison of Ham. The emotions with which he listened to the recital of the 
reception which had swept France with flames of enthusiasm may in some 
degree be conceived from the following address, or rhapsody, which he penned 
in his prison, and which was widely circulated in the journals of France : — 

"To THE Manes of the Emperor. "Citadel of Ham, Dec. 15, 1840. 

" Slre^ — You return to your capital, and the people in multitudes hail your 
return ; but I, from the depths of my dungeon, can discern but a ray of that 
sun which shines upon your obsequies. 

" Be not displeased with your family because they are not there to receive 
you. Your exile and your misfortunes have ceased with your life ; but ours 
continue still. 

" You have died upon a rock, far from your country and your kindred : the 
hand of a son has not closed your eyes. Even to-day, no relative will follow 
your bier. 

" Montholon, whom you loved the most among your faithful companions, 
has rendered you the service of a son. He remains faithful to your thought, 

* History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon I. to the Accession of Louis Napoleon, vol. 
iii. p. 253. 

Napoleon I. has been so traduced, that many wonder why France should cling so affection- 
ately to his memory. But even his enemies were at times constrained to do justice to his name. 
Witness the following extracts from " The History of the Peninsular War," by Colonel Napier, 
a British officer who fought against Napoleon under the Duke of Wellington : — 

" Napoleon was warred against, not, as they pretended, because he was a tyrant and a usurper, 
for he was neither ; but because he was the powerful and successful enemy of aristocratic privi- 
lege." — Napier, vol. iv. p. 260. 

" Self had no place in his policy, save as his personal glory was identified with France and her 
prosperity. Never before did the world see a man soaring so high, and devoid of all selfish 
ambition." — Ibid., vol. iv. p. 331. 

" Napoleon's power was supported in France by that deep sense of his goodness as a sovereign, 
and that admiration for his genius, which pervaded the poorer and middle classes of the people ; 
by the love which they bore towards him, and still bear for his memory, because he cherished the 
principles of a just equality. They loved him also for his incessant activity in the public service, 
for his freedom from all private vices, and because his public woi'ks, wondrous for their number, 
their utility and grandeur, never stood still. To France he gave noble institutions, a compara- 
tively just code of laws, and glory unmatched since the days of the Romans." — Ibid., vol. 
iv. p. 228. 

" The troops idolized Napoleon. Well they might. And to assert that their attachment com- 
menced only when they became soldiers is to acknowledge that his excellent qualities and great- 
ness of mind turned hatred into devotion the moment he was approached. But Napoleon never 
was hated by the people of France. He was their own creation ; and they loved him so as mon- 
arch never was loved before." — Ibid., vol. iv. p. 229. 

" Napoleon's ambition was for the greatness and prosperity of France, for the regeneration of 
Europe, for the stability of the system which he had formed with that end ; never for himself 
personally. And hence it is that the multitudes of many nations instinctively revere his 
memory." — Ibid., vol. iv. p. 358. 



198 LITE OF NAPOLEON III 

to your last wishes : he has brought to me your last words : he is in prison 
with me. 

" A French vessel conducted by a noble young man went to claim your 
ashes ; but it is in vain you would seek upon the deck any one of your kin : 
your family was not there. 

" In landing upon the soil of France, an electric shock was felt. You raised 
yourself in your coffin ; your eyes, for a moment, re-opened ; the tricolor flag 
floated upon the shore : but your eagle was not there, 

"The people press, as in other times, upon your passage; they salute you 
with their acclamations as if you were living : but the great men of the day, 
in rendering you homage, in suppressed voice say, '■God grant that he may not 
awake I ' 

"You have at length again seen those French {ces Frangais) whom you 
loved so well ; you have returned into that France which you have rendered 
so great : but the foreigner has left traces there which all the pomp of your 
return does not efiace. 

" See that young army ! they are the sons of your veterans ; they venerate 
you, for you are their glory : but it is said to them, ' Fold your arms ! ' 

" Sire, the people, they are the good material which covers our beautiful 
country ; but these men whom you have made so great and who were so 
small — ah, sire, do not regi-et them ! 

" They have denied your gospel, your ideas, your glory, your blood : when 
I have spoken to them of your cause, they have said to us, ' We do not 
understand it.' 

"Let them say, let them do : of what consequence to the rolling car are the 
grains of sand crushed beneath the wheels ? They have vainly said that you 
were a meteor which leaves no traces ; they have vainly denied your civil 
glory : they will not disinherit us. 

" Sire, the 15th of December is a great day for France and for me. From 
the midst of your sumptuous cortege, disdaining the homage of many around, 
you have for an instant cast your eyes upon my gloomy abode ; and, remem- 
bering the caresses which you lavished upon my infancy, you have said to me, 
' Thou sufierest for me, friend : I am satisfied with thee.'"* 

It will be remembered that the prince, while in London, was a frequent 
visitor at Gore House, the residence of the Countess of Blessington. Here 
he met, in the brilliant receptions of the countess, the most distinguished men 
for genius and learning from many lands. In the year 1828, the countess 
made the acquaintance of Queen Hortense in Italy, and became her intimate 
friend. Louis Napoleon was then in his twentieth year ; and Lady Blessington 
says that she never witnessed more tender and devoted attachment than that 
which existed between Hortense and her son. In one of her letters, speaking 
of the prince, she writes, — 

" He is a fine, high-spirited youth, admirably educated and finely accom- 
plished, uniting to the gallant bearing of a soldier all the politeness of apreux 
chevalier. But how could he be otherwise, brought up by such a mother V 

* (Euvres de Napoleon III., torn, premier, pp. 435-439. 



THE NEPHEW AT HAM ; THE UNCLE AT THE INVALIDES. 199 

Prince Louis Bonaparte is beloved and esteemed by all who know him ; and 
is said to resemble his uncle, Prince Eugene Beauharnais, no less in person 
than in mind, possessing his generous nature, personal courage, and high sense 
of honor." * 

In reply to a letter from Lady Blessington, Louis Napoleon, on the 13th 
of January, about three months after he had entered his prison, wrote to her 
as follows : — 

"My Lady, — I have only to-day received your letter of the 1st of January, 
because, being in English, it had to be sent to the minister at Paris to be 
read. I am very sensible of your kind remembrance ; and it is with regret 
that I find that your letters hitherto have not reached me. I have only 
received from Gore House one letter, — from Count d'Orsay, — which I imme- 
diately replied to whilst at the Conciergerie. I very much regret it should 
have been intercepted ; because in it I expressed all the gratitude I felt for 
the interest he took in my misfortunes. 

" I Avill not give you an account of all I have suffered. Your poetic soul 
and your noble heart have already divined all the cruel circumstances of a 
position where defence has limits impassable; and justification, compulsory 
reserve. Under such circumstances, the only consolation for all the calami- 
ties and rigors of fate is to hear from the depths of one's heart an absolving 
voice : it is to receive testimonials of sympathy from those rare beings 
{natures exceptionelle)^ who, like you, madam, are distinguished from the crowd 
by the elevation of their sentiments, by the independence of their character, 
and wlio do not depend in their affections and their judgment upon the 
caprices of fortune and the dispensations of fate. 

"I have been for the last three months in the Fortress of Ham with Gen- 
eral Montholon and Dr. Conneau. All communication with the exterior is 
forbidden. No one, as yet,' has been able to obtain permission to come and 
see me. I will send you one of these days a view of the citadel, which I 
copied from a small lithograph ; for you may be well aware that I know noth- 
ing of the fortress as seen from without. 

" My thoughts often go back to the spot in which you dwell ; and I recall 
with pleasure the moments which I have passed in your amiable society, 
which Count d'Orsay still embellishes with his spirited and open-hearted 
gayety {sa spirUuelU et franche gaite). Nevertheless, I have no desire to go 
from the spot where I am ; for here I am in my place. With the name I bear, 
I must be in the seclusion of a dungeon or in the brightness of power. 

" If you will deign, madam, to write to me occasionally of the details of 
society in London, you will confer upon me a great pleasure." 

The captivity of the prince was every day exciting more attention, and 
creating deeper and wider-spread sympathy. The liberal press took every 
occasion to represent him as the symbol of social renovation. He was re- 
garded by the ruling powers in France very much as his illustrious vmcle 
had been regarded by the allies, who held him so firmly at St. Helena. The 

* Madden's Memoirs of Lady Blessington; also MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 104. 



200 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

treatment to which the prince was subjected was very unnecessarily rigor- 
ous. Count Montholon wrote from the prison, — 

" I am afflicted for the honor of my country, when I reflect that the 
emperor was not so badly treated by the English, in an English prison, as is 
his nephew by the French, in a French prison." * 

The captive prince could not be insensible to the importance of keeping 
his name as much as possible before the public. To be buried in silence in 
a living tomb, and thus forgotten, would be fatal to all his hopes. After the 
imprisonment of three-quarters of a year, he wrote the following protest to 
the French Government. In this important paper, as in all his other writings, 
it will be perceived that he takes the ground that he has been vanquished by 
an antagonistic political party, and that he is held by that party as a cap- 
tive. The protest, which was dated Citadel of Ham, May 22, 1841, was as 
follows: — 

"During the nine months which I have passed in the hands of the French 
Goverumeut, I have patiently submitted to indignities of every kind. I do 
not wish, however, to keep silence any longer, which would seem like an 
assent to the oppressive measures of which I am the object. 

"My position ought to be considered under two points of view; the one 
moral, the other legal. As to the first, the government, which has recognized 
the legitimacy of the chief of my family, is bound to recognize me as a 
prince, and to treat me as such. 

" Policy has rights which I do not dispute. Let the government act towards 
me as towards an enemy, let it deprive me of the means of injuring it, and I 
will not complain ; but, at the same time, its conduct will be inconsistent if 
it treats me as an ordinary prisoner, — me, the son of a king, nephew of an 
emperor, and allied to all the sovereigns of Europe. 

"When I thus appeal to foreign alliances, I am not ignorant that they liave 
never patronized the vanquished, and that misfortune breaks all bonds. But 
the French Government ought to recognize the principle which has made me 
what I am ; for it is by this that it exists itself The sovereignty of the people 
made my uncle an emperor, my father a king, and has made me a French 
prince by my birth. Have I not, then, a right to the respect and the regards 
of all those for whom the voice of a great people, glory, and misfortune ai-e 
any thing? 

" If, for the first time in my life, I support myself by the accident which 
presided at my birth, it is because pride is fitting to my present condition, 
and that I have purchased the favoi-s of fortune at the price of twenty-seven 
years of sufiering and sorrow. 

" In respect to my legal position, the Court of Peers has created for me an 
exceptional penalty. 

" In condemning me to perpetual imprisonment, it has only legalized the 
decree of destiny, which desired that I should become a prisoner of war. It 
has endeavored to soften policy by humanity in inflicting ui^on me punish- 
ment 1-he least severe for the longest possible time. 

* MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 106. 



THE NEPHEW AT HAM ; THE UNCLE AT THE INVALIDES. 201 

"But, in the execution, the government has gone beyond the intentions 
which I love to attribute to my judges. Accustomed from my youtli to a 
simple life, I do not complain of the inconvenient mediocrity in which I am 
placed ; but that of which I do complain is being made the victim of vexa- 
tious measures by no means necessary to my safe keeping. 

" During the first months of my captivity, every kind of communication 
from without was forbidden, and within I was kept in most rigorous confine- 
ment : since that, several persons have been permitted to visit me. These 
restrictive measures within can no longer have an object ; and yet it is when 
they have become useless that they are more i-igorously enforced. 

" All the provisions for the supply of my daily wants are subjected to the 
most rigid scrutiny. 

"The Jittentions of my on^y and faithful servant, who has been permitted 
to follow me, are trammelled by obstacles of every description. 

" Such a system of terror has been established in the garrison and among 
the ofiicials in the castle, that none dare to raise their eyes to me; and it 
requires here much coui'age for one to be simply polite. 

" How can it be otherwise, when a look is considered as a crime, and when 
those who wish to soften the rigors of my position, without failing in their 
duty, are threatened with being denounced to the authorities, and with losing 
their places? In the midst of this France, which the chief of my family has 
rendered so great, I am treated like one excommunicated in the thirteenth 
century. Every one flies at my approach, and all seem to fear my touch as 
if my breath even were contagious. 

" This insulting inquisition, which pursues me even into my chamber, which 
follows ray footsteps when I breathe the fresh air in a corner of the fort, is 
not limited to my jt?erso;i alone, but is extended even to my thoughts. The 
effusions of my heart, in the letters which I address to my family, are sub- 
jected to the most severe control ; and, if any one writes to me in terms too 
sympathetic, the letter is confiscated, and the author is denounced to the 
government. 

" By an infinity of details, too long to enumerate, it appears that pains are 
taken at every moment of the day to make me sensible of my captivity, and 
to cry incessantly in my ears, ' Vae victis ! ' * 

"It is important to call to mind that none of the measures which I have 
pointed out were put in force against the ministers of Charles X., whose 
dilapidated chambers I now occupy. And yet these ministers were not boru 
on the steps of a throne, and they were not condemned to simple imprison- 
ment: their sentence implied a more severe treatment than mine; and, in fine, 
they did not represent a cause which is an object of veneration in France. 

" The treatment, then, which I endure, is entirely unjust, illegal, and in- 
human. 

" If it be supposed that such measures will subdue me, it is a mistake. It 
is not outrage, but kindness, which subjugates the hearts of those who know 
how to sufier. " Louis Napoleon Bonapaktu." 

* "Woe to the vanquished ! 




CHAPTER Xn. 



PRISON-LABORS. 

Sympathy for the Prince. — Letter to M. Parrot. — Guizot's History of the French Revolution. — 
Historical Fragments. — Letter from Chateaubriand. — Invariable Courtesy of the Prince. — 
Policy of the Stuarts. — Profound Political Views. — Increasing Sympathy for the Captive. 
— Thoughts of Amnesty. — Letter from the Prince. — His Political Principles and Conduct. 

HE prince, in his captivity, found not a few consolations from 
tlie sympatliy so frequently manifested by those around him. 
The dignity of his character, and that native kindness of heart 
which he had inherited from his mother, won the respect and the 
affection of all within the walls of the fortress. There was no 
one in the environs of the chateau, stricken with calamity, who 
could appeal to liis liberality in vain. Thus a resistless influence went forth 
from him, even through the walls of his prison, which caused his name every- 
where to be spoken of, in the region around, with veneration approaching 
idolatry. Tlie government endeavored, but in vain, to stifle the expression 
of these feelings. 

The soldiers of the garrison would frequently approach his windows, and 
cry, in suppressed voice, " Vive I'Empereur ! " When walking upon the ram- 
parts, the sentinels would watch their opportunity, when, unobserved, they 
coitld present arms to him in token of homage. The halls and chambers of 
the fortress were often found covered with inscriptions written by the soldiers, 
expressive of their enthusiasm in behalf of their illustrious captive. These 
were carefully eftliced evei-y morning by order of the prison authorities, only 
to appear again the next day. Those detected in these acts were punished 
by being sent to the guard-house; for the government regarded these demon- 
strations of respect and affection as partial acknowledgments of the claims 
of the prince. Still the soldiers would brave this punishment, which they 
often incurred.* 

Troops were frequently passing through the village of Ham. Whenever a 
regiment entered the town, they showed the most decisive marks of interest 
in the captive. Not being permitted to enter the fortress, they would watch 
in groups for the appearance of the prince on the ramparts for his daily walk. 
As soon as he appeared, he would be greeted with waving of caps and loud 
acclaim. These demonstrations were repeated as often as any new regiment 

* Histoire complete de Napole'on III., Empereur des Fran9ais, p. 112. 
202 



PRISON-LABOES. 203 

arrived. There was a literary institution in the village of Ham, the teacher 
of which wished to inspire his pupils to diligence by the distribution of prizes. 
He said, — 

"There is not in the whole department of the Somme so notable a personage 
as Prince Louis Napoleon. Great and small — all are talking of him. I am 
about to distribute prizes to my scholars. Why should I not request him to 
accoi-d some token of approbation to the one he judges most deserving of it? 
It will be an encouragement to the whole school." * 

He accordingly made a request to this purport to the prince. In replj% 
Louis Napoleon sent him several medals, some of which had been struck off 
to commemorate the late return of the emperor : others were in honor of his 
victories. These prizes were, of course, sought for with the utmost avidity. 
Several other teachers in the vicinity, hearing of the success of the measure, 
also made application to the prince, with a similar result. These demonstra- 
tions of interest in behalf of the prisoner reached the ears of the government, 
and caused so much disquietude, that an inspector was sent from Amiens to 
warn the teachers that they were guilty of an offence against the safety of the 
State, and that a continuation of the practice would bring down upon them 
condign punishment. It was also found necessary to make very frequent 
changes of the troops in garrison at the fort, in consequence of the sympathy 
with which all those were inspired who were brought in contact with the 
prisoner,! 

The prince, resigning himself to his lot, made such a distribution of his 
time as to leave as little leisure as possible for painful thought. He wrote to 
M. Barrot, — 

"I keep myself occupied, so that I forget my prison and my fetters. Hap- 
piness consists far more in imagination than in reality ; and as I bear within 
me an imaginary world, peopled with hopes and recollections, I feel myself as 
strong in solitude as in a crowd." 

Politics, science, history, and military art, in turn, alike engrossed his studies. 
He published a pamphlet upon " Fulminating, Priming, and Gun-Carriages." 
This was followed by a treatise entitled " Historical Fragments." M. Guizot, 
in his " History of the English Revolution," had endeavored to establish a 
parallel between the Revolution of 1688, which placed William III. on the 
throne of England, and that of 1830, which placed Louis Philippe upon the 
throne of France. This, consequently, represented Louis Napoleon as guilty 
of a great crime in endeavoring to subvert a throne so well established. In 
reply, the prince published his " Historical Fragments," in a pamphlet of about 
one hundred pages. It was dated "Citadel of Ham, May 10, 1841." This 
was about nine months after the commencement of his imprisonment. In 
the preface to this remarkable work, the prince says, — 

"In giving publicity to this extract from my historical studies, I yield to a 
desire to rei)el unjust attacks by the simple exjjose of my convictions and my 
thoughts. I am not unaware that silence becomes the unfortunate. Never- 

* The Early Life of Louis Napcfleon, collected from Authentic Records, p. 134. 

t Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, sur des Documents particuliers et authentiques, p 136, 



204 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

theless, when the victors ubuse their victory in avenging themselves as if 
suffering a defeat, — calling to their aid calumny and deception, those arms 
of feebleness and of fear, — resistance becomes a duty, and silence would be 
cowardice. 

" Far be it from me to recommence a controversy in which the passions 
contend with greater success than reason. It is sufficient for me, in order to 
satisfy my honor, to prove, that, if I have embarked audaciously upon a stormy 
sea, it was not without having meditated profoundly upon the causes and the 
effects of revolutions ; upon the perils of success, as well as upon the abysses 
of shipwreck. 

"Whilst at Paris the mortal remains of the emperor are deified, I, his 
nephew, am buried alive in a narrow enclosure ; but I smile at the inconsist- 
ency of men, and I thank Heaven for having given me as a refuge, after all 
my cruel experiences, a prison on the soil of France. Sustained by an ardent 
faith and a pure conscience, I envelop myself in my misfortune with resigna- 
tion ; and I console myself in the present in seeing the future of my enemies 
written in ineffaceable characters in the history of all peoples." 

No one can read this treatise without being impressed with the serious 
thought and the political wisdom which it indicates. A few extracts will give 
the reader an idea of its style, and of the principles which it avows: — 

"England, in 1G49, was agitated by a great revolution : the head of a king 
fell upon the scaffold. The republic was proclaimed : it lasted eleven years. 

"In 1660, the son of the beheaded king was brought back in triumph to 
London. Charles II. reigned a quarter of a century; but he left, in 1685, to 
his brother, an unsettled power, which James II. could sustain only for three 
years. 

"In fine, in 1688, a new revolution established itself as mediator between all 
the parties which for forty-eight years had divided England. 

"In France, also, we have had a revolution which overthrew the ancient 
regime, — a scaffold, a republic, an empire, a restoration, and a new revolution; 
but will the year 1830, like the year 1688, be regarded by future generations 
as the commencement of a new era of glory and of liberty? Such is the 
question which interests us. 

" The life of a people is composed of complete dramas and of isolated acts. 
When one embraces in their entireness the events of the drama, one discovers 
the reason for all the facts, the connection of all the ideas, the cause of all 
tlie changes ; but, if we consider only the individual acts, these grand social 
convulsions appear but as the effect of chance and of human inconsistency. 

" In bringing together the detached periods of the history of Great Britain, 
without regarding their philosophical connection, we see the English people 
adoring the absolute power of Elizabeth, and overthrowing the less arbitrary 
power of Charles I. We see them revolting against that prince for the ille- 
gal imposition of certain taxes, and then allowing themselves to be taxed and 
governed without control and without right {droit) * by the Long Parliament 

* "We say without right, because neither the Long Parliament nor Cromwell made their 
power legitimate by a free election." — Note by the Prince. 



PRISON-LABORS. 205 

of Cromwell. One sees them, in fine, of their own free will abjuring the Revo- 
lution at the feet of Charles IL, only a little later to curse his reign, and over- 
throw his brother. 

"How many contraflictions seem to be contained in this superficial glance 
at facts! And yet, if we embrace in one general view all the historic drama 
which commenced at the sixteenth century, and the denoument of which did 
not take place until the end of the seventeenth, we shall see that the English 
nation has always wished the same thing; and that she did not rest until she 
had obtained the object of her desires, the end of her wishes. Since the six- 
teenth century, the English have sought to obtain, — 

" First, and before all, the consolidation of their religious reform, which rep- 
resented, with them, all national interests. 

" Secondly, the preponderance of their marine, and, consequently, the ag- 
gi'andizement of their influence upon the Continent. 

"Thirdly, the entire use of their liberties. 

"Elizabeth assured the triumph of the cause of Protestantism; she aug- 
mented the national glory: her memory was blessed. The republic and 
Cromwell concealed, beneath the shelter of national dignity, their despotic 
and exclusive views: they passed away. The Stuarts equally counteracted 
the three grand wishes of the majority of the English : they fell. William 
III. alone assured at the same time religion, glory, and the liberties of his 
country : he consolidated his work. 

" Thus, then, it is not chance which rules the destinies of nations ; it is not 
an unforeseen accident which overthrows or maintains thrones : there is 
a general cause which governs events ; and facts depend logically one upon 
another. 

"A government can often, with impunity, violate law, and even liberty; but, 
if it do not place itself frankly at the head of the great interests of civiliza- 
tion, it will have but an ephemeral existence : and the simple philosophical 
reason which is the cause of its death is called fatality when one does not 
wish to give the true reason. 

"There was required for England nearly a century of the struggles of soci- 
ety against the bad passions of power, and of power against the bad passions 
of society, to construct that immense British edifice which we have hated, 
which we have sought to overthrow, but which it is impossible for us not to 
admire. 

"As for England, without any doubt, with her antecedents and her organi- 
zation, the Revolution of 1688 was, at the end of the seventeenth centuiy, 
the sincere expression of national verity, and William III. its true representa- 
tive. The proof is, that this Revolution has given to England, even to this 
day, a hundred and fifty-three years of prosperity, grandeur, and liberty. 

"The Revolution of July, 1830, — will it give to France the same advan- 
tages? The future will resolve that question. As for us, without wishing to 
penetrate the secrets of Providence, let us content ourselves in examining the 
causes and the effects of these grand political dramas, and in seeking through 
the history of the past for some consolation for our calamities, some hope for 
our country." 



206 LIFE OF NAPOLEON HL 

The second chapter of this treatise contains a brilliant resume of the char- 
acter and the reign of James II. and of William III. It is replete with elo- 
quent passages, which we should be glad to transfer to our pages did space 
permit. In speaking of the conflict between the Papacy and Protestantism, 
he says, — 

" In recording the principal facts of the Revolution in England, one born a 
Catholic feels a natural reluctance to treat those men with contempt who 
maintained that religion in Great Britain ; but, in examining things closely, 
we see that it is just to condemn those, who, by blind zeal and inconsiderate 
conduct, compromised and rendered unpopular in England the true doctrine 
of Christ in making it the question of a party and the instrument of party 
passions. Their conduct ought to be censured; for never had the Catholic 
religion found a situation as favorable as in England to reign by the purity of 
its principles and its moral influence. Persecuted by the royal power, it should 
have followed the example of the aristocracy, and avenged its wrongs in 
placing itself at the head of the national liberties. 

" Its position thus to act was admirable ; for it was independent of the tem- 
poral power, recognizing for its chief only the head of the Universal Church; 
while the English held their religious rights and powers from the chief of the 
state. But the Catholic clergy, blinded by worldly interests, were ruined by 
allying themselves to the oppressors of the people, instead of joining them- 
selves to the oppressed. Every enlightened mind saw so clearly that the 
Stuarts were ruining the cause of religion, that Pope Innocent III. loudly 
expressed his discontent at the imprudent conduct of James II.; and the car- 
dinals of Rome said playfully, 'James II. ought to be excommunicated as 
a man who is about to destroy the little of Catholicism which remains in 
England.' 

" It is no less worthy of notice that the Prince of Orange, chief of the 
Protestant league, united in his favor, against a Catholic sovereign, the Pope, 
Spain, and the Emperor of Germany. That proves that one will ally himself 
with a cause nobly and boldly advocated, while one will desert even a beloved 
cause when it is sustained by folly and cowardice. 

"England was about to perish. So much blood shed for liberty, so many 
generous efforts to assure the progress of civilization, — could it be that they 
should all come to nothing but despotism and shame? One would think such 
a result impossible, without being able to divine from what direction safety 
was to come ; but it was not long before help appeared. 

" There was in Holland a man, who, at the age of twenty-two years, had 
saved his country against the united forces of France and England ; against 
armies conducted by the Turennes, the Condes, the Luxembourgs, the Vau- 
bans ; and who had saved it by the energies of his own spirit. When all the 
world had despaired of the safety of the United Provinces, he alone, relying 
upon the support of the people, replied to the foreign ambassadors who offered 
him a humiliating peace, — 

" ' I will defend my country to the last breath, and I will die in the last 
intrench ment.' 

" William, Prince of Orange, found himself in Europe the chief of the 



PRISON-LABORS. 207 

Protestant League. He had, then, a double title to the admiration of the Eng- 
lish, — his character and. his religion. Since his marriage with the oldest 
daughter of James II., then Duke of York, he had occupied himself earnestly 
with the interests of Great Britain. The facts which were passing daily 
before his eyes announced to him loudly his duty, and that England was 
waiting for him. Penetrated by that profound conviction which impels to 
the grandest deeds, he resolved to make a descent upon England, and to 
deliver the people from the yoke which oppressed them. 

"What were, under circumstances so momentous, the reasons which decided 
him to engage in an enterprise so perilous for his glory if he had not suc- 
ceeded ? ' Personal ambition,' those exclaim who ever wish to degrade grand 
achievements, in attributing to men only vulgar sentiments and sordid pas- 
sions. No ! they are lofty thoughts which preside over grand actions. Wil- 
liam might say to himself, — 

"'I represent upon the Continent the Protestant cause, which supports 
itself upon liberty. That cause enlists the majority of the English nation. 
Oppressed, I will go to its defence. At the head of a few troops, I will cross 
the Channel in defiance of the fleets of Louis XIV., and I will present my- 
self to England as a liberator. The revolution which I will effect by means 
of my army will have this advantage, — that, without endangering the repose 
of the country, the national will will be able to manifest itself freely; for I 
shall have sufficient force to restrain all those bad passions which are ever 
surging in political convulsions. I will overthrow a government while pre- 
serving intact the prestige of authority, I will establish liberty without dis- 
order, and power without violence. To justify my initiative and ray personal 
intervention in a conflict so momentous, I present to some my hereditary 
right, to others my principles, to all the common interests of Protestantism, 
and the necessity of opposing the aggrandizement of France : but I will 
accept of nothing but by the free vote of the people ; for one can never im- 
pose his wishes or his person upon a great nation.' 

" Such were the ideas which guided William. All the actions of his life 
were applications of these principles." 

We cannot refrain from quoting a few paragraphs more of this interesting 
and instructive narrative, finding as we do in almost every sentence the utter- 
ance of those political principles which have guided the life of Napoleon III, 
and which are the foundations of his power : — 

" On the 10th of October, 1688, the Prince of Orange published a manifesto 
which contained the enumeration of the principal abuses of the government 
of James. From it the proof was evident that James II. had sold to the for- 
eigner the honor and the interests of England, and that he wished to destroy 
the laws and the religion of the country. 

"The prince presented himself as summoned by a great number of the 
clergy, of the nobility, and by the wishes of the people. He assumed that 
the rights of his wife, and his own rights, imposed upon him the obligation to 
watch over the safety of the constitution and of religion. His only intention 
was to repair the wrongs which had been inflicted upon them, and to place 



208 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

the nation in a condition to do itself justice. To accomplish that, it was 
needful that there should be a free parliament, formed, not after the new char- 
ter, which had deprived the cities and the villages of their rights, but after 
the ancient statutes and usages; for he had not come as a conqueror, but only 
that he might second the national will. 

"Rarely do great enterprises succeed in the fii-st attempt. It may be said 
that they must always, at first, struggle against obstacles of every kind. Wil- 
liam, after having embarked his army at the Texel, on the 30th of October 
was assailed by a frightful tempest, which dispersed his flotilla, and ingulfed 
the principal resources upon which he had relied. But nothing could subvert 
his perseverance. He re-embarked on the 12th of November, and on the 15th 
landed at Torbay, upon the soil of England. His standard bore these words, 
inspiring to every English heart : — 

" ' I will maintain the Protestant religion and the liberties of England.' 

"He kept his word. James, upon learning of the debarkation of William, 
opened his eyes, revoked a part of the unjust and arbitrary measures which 
he had caused to be executed, and disavowed his alliance with Louis XIV. ; 
but the day had come in which these concessions were only the signal of dis- 
tress, and in which kings recognize their errors only to expiate them. 

" The Prince of Orange amved in London without encountering obstacles. 
The most distinguished families had terrible accounts to demand of James; 
the nation, weighty griefs to avenge ; and the army could not i-emain faithful 
to a government which had made common cause with the enemies of the 
country. The rallying-cry of the English people was, '^ free parliament ; 
no popery, no slavery? 

" The Prince of Orange has succeeded. Will he abuse his triumph, and the 
enthusiasm of the people for their liberator? William did not come to take 
a crown by assault: he came to consolidate the destinies of England. More- 
over, he overthrew the principle of hereditary right, regarded as inviolable 
and sacred. It was not possible for him to combat that sentiment but by 
another principle, — that of the sovereignty of the people. One cannot 
replace a right acquired and recognized but by another right lawfully ac- 
quired and lawfully recognized. 

"There were not wanting counsellors who advised him to seize the reins of 
power by the right of conquest, as William the Conqueror had done ; doubt- 
less forgetting that six hundred years of civilization had placed power in the 
national will much more than in the sword. Others also urged him to seize 
the crown, in representing to him the dangers of anarchy, — that complaisant 
phantom which serves always as an excuse for tyranny. William remained 
immovable : he did not wish to usurp. 

" The peers and the bishops present in the capital were assembled at West- 
minster, and had formed a kind of provisional government. They presented 
an address, urging him immediately to seize the reins of government. But to 
accept power from the hands of the aristocracy alone, even temporarily, was 
not in accordance with the views of William. He immediately assembled all 
the members of the two last parliaments held under Charles II., because those 
parliaments alone were esteem "^d free; ^he Chamber of Commons of James 



PRISON-LABORS. 209 

having been elected under the rule of the law which violated the freedom of 
elections. He joined to them the lord-mayor, the aldermen, and fifty mem- 
bers of the municipality of London ; and, after having united them with the 
upper house, he led them to take the most energetic measures to convoke a 
''free parliament^ 

" After having deliberated, the two Chambers met together at St. James, 
and entreated the Prince of Orange to accept the government until the con- 
vocation of a national assembly. William, thus authorized by all those who 
could, in the first moments, represent the nation in a manner the most legal, 
charged himself provisionally with the civil and military administration of the 
realm, and sent in all directions circular letters, calling for elections to be con- 
ducted conformably to the ancient statutes and usages. The troops were 
removed from all the points where the elections were to take place. The 
grandest order reigned there, as did also the grandest liberty. On the 2d of 
February, the Parliament, which took the name of the Convention, assembled 
to decide legally the destinies of England. 

" In this assembly, all the fundamental questions were freely agitate4 and 
thoroughly discussed. It was adopted as a fundamental principle, that there 
existed an original contract between the king and the people ; that James II. 
had violated that contract, and that the throne was vacant ; and that William 
and Mary should be chosen King and Queen of Great Britain, while the admin- 
istration should be conferred on the prince alone. 

"During these grave deliberations, which continued for nearly a month, the 
Prince of Orange had preserved an entire neutrality. Considering it his only 
duty to maintain order, he had even repressed a petition borne in tumult to 
Parliament, although it was in his own favor. Full of reserve and dignity, he 
remained impassive in the midst of agitating passions, and entered into no 
intrigue, either with the electors or with the members of Parliament. He was 
even reproached for his cold and distant manners towards those from whom 
h£ could hope for support ; but the great soul of William disdained popularity 
acquired by baseness. 

"He broke silence only at the end of the deliberations, and announced, that, 
if power were not conferred upon him in accordance with his views and his 
conscience, he would return to Holland, and leave the Convention to arrange 
its affairs itself; preferring, he said, a private life to a condition which would 
embarrass him with immense difficulties in depriving him of the necessary 
means of being of service to the country. Sublime declaration of a man of 
heart, who did not wish to reign from the love of supreme power, but to 
accomplish a mission, and to give triumph to a cause ! 

"The Convention did not regard it as its duty to limit its work to the choice 
of a new king. It joined to the act of the recognition of William a declara- 
tion of rights of the English nation, in which all the guaranties which the 
nation had claimed in latter years were sanctioned, the royal prerogative 
reduced to just limits, and more clearly defined than ever. 

" The Prince of Orange acted towards Scotland as towards England. He 
convoked a convention in a manner the most favorable for liberty of votes. 
This convention conferred upon him the crown, without forgetting to pro- 
27 



210 ^FE OF NAPOLEON III. 

claim at the same time the rights of the people. As to Ireland, it was in a 
state of revolt against England : he went himself to subdue it. 

"William became the legitimate sovereign of the country, because he was 
chosen by the free suffrage of an assembly ; which assembly had been freely 
chosen for that object by the nation. What measures did he adopt to con- 
solidate his throne, — he who, independently of the embarrassments which a 
new government always encounters, was besieged by dangers without n imber 
inherent in the circumstances of the epoch? What means did he employ to 
surmount so many difficulties? One only; and it sufficed for him. It was 
to remain faithful to the cause of the revolution which had called him, and 
to make it triumph in the interior by his justice, and in the exterior by his 
courage. 

"Let us admire in William his skill in uniting the independence and firm- 
ness of a chief with the flexibility of a constitutional king. He yielded every 
thing which he could surrender without dishonor, and he held firmly to all 
that which he believed to be essential to the welfare of the country which had 
confided to him its destinies. 

" The chief of proud Albion was no longer, like Charles II., the vassal of 
France: he became one of the arbiters of the fate of Europe; and at the 
south as at the north, in the east as in the west, nothing was done without 
consulting him. 

"The bad disposition of Parliament did not frighten William. He sup- 
ported himself upon the people, and knew, that, in awaking national sentiments, 
he would sweep away the obstacles which opposed his support of the allies 
and of the grand interests of his country upon the Continent. Public opinion 
was not slow in expressing itself. 'We do not wish,' said the English people 
in the famous petition of Kent, 'to be the slaves of parliaments, any more 
than of kings.' William dissolved the Chambers; and when he convoked 
them anew, on the 13th of December, 1701, he opened the session by a dis- 
course in which he developed all the broadness and nationality of his policy. 

"He called upon them to sustain him in his views, to assm-e the public 
credit, to occupy themselves with the condition of the poor, to encourage 
commerce, and to ameliorate the public manners. He entreated them not to 
aid their common enemy in abandoning upon the Continent the results of all 
their efforts. He urged them to seize the occasion of assuring the prepon- 
derance of England in placing themselves in Europe at the head of Protest- 
antism. In fine, he made an appeal to all the sentiments of honor of the 
nation. 

" The appeal was not made in vain. The Chamber of Communes voted 
subsidies with unanimity^ The Chamber of Lords showed the same enthusi- 
asm ; and the discourse of William was purchased by the people, and framed 
in their cottages, as the most faithful picture of the conquests and the policy 
of the Revolution. It was tlie ix)ritical testament of William, who died a few 
months after, March 8, 1702, but who left life with the internal satisfaction 
wliich a great man experiences who has secui'ed the prosperity, the liberty, 
and the grandeur of his country." * 

* CEuvres de Napoleon III., torn, premier. 



PRISON-LABORS. 211 

Our readers cannot fail to perceive that there is but little resemblance 
between these procedures of the Prince of Orange and the course pursued by 
Louis Philippe. Indeed, the contrast between the two is but too striking. 
When Louis Napoleon wrote these pages, he was a captive in the Castle of 
Ham, doomed to perpetual imprisonment. But it is manifest that he subse- 
quently copied very closely the example of the Prince of Orange, in his own 
elevation, by popular suffrage, to the empire of France. The French read 
these avowals of the political creed of the heir of Napoleon. It is not strange 
that they should have elected him as their sovereign. 

Bitterly as Napoleon III. has been assailed, and often in epithets certainly 
not selected from the vocabulary of refined and polished life, one may search 
in vain the voluminous writings of the emperor to find a harsh expression in 
return. He never allows himself a style of address which would be unbecom- 
ing in the most refined society. Napoleon L, speaking of the coarseness 
which often dishonors men of real ability and honesty, said of one such, " It 
is his misfortune more than his fault. His swaddling-clothes were neither 
fine nor clean." The grandson of Josephine and the child of Hortense could 
not but be a gentle man. 

Louis Philippe had assumed the throne of France in disregard of popular 
suffrage ; he had confirmed a decree banishing Prince Louis, and all the ascend- 
ants and descendants of the emperor, from France ; he had marshalled an army 
to drive the prince from his secluded home at Arenemberg in Switzerland, and 
from the continent of Europe. An eminent writer, M. Guizot, comes forward 
to represent Louis Philippe as the William of Orange of France. Here, surely, 
was some provocation. Most persons will admire the serenity, the dignity, 
the courtesy, of the reply by the imprisoned prince : — 

" We have retraced," writes the captive of Ham, " the principal events in 
the life of William. This is sufiicient to show how different they are from 
the facts now transpiring in France under our eyes. The policy of 1830 is 
not the policy of 1688: it is entirely opposed to it. It is not the system of 
William III., but the system of the Stuarts, which, in France, has been taken 
as a model. To prove this, let us analyze the causes of the events which agi- 
tated England during a period of sixty-three years. 

" In retracing this period, so full of interest, of the history of Great Britain, 
we shall see how the social evils from 1640 to 1660 are analogous to ours in 
their struggles and their passions ; and we shall be led to this sad conclusion, 
— that the eleven years which have passed in France since 1830 resemble 
those epochs which introduce revolutions, rather than those which end them. 

" As it is not a dramatic compaiison which we seek, but rather a philo- 
sophical one, we think it reasonable to bring together those epochs which are 
similar to each other in the ideas which govern society, and by the spirit which 
guides power, although the principal events may not be the same. Of what 
consequence is it that the frames are different, if the pictures we compare 
have the same colors, and represent the same subjects?" 

The two chapters on " The Policy of the Stuarts " are replete with sound 
political wisdom, expressed in the most chaste and lucid style. The whole is 
pervaded with that si)irit of charity which is inspired by a recognition of the 
frailties of human nature. 



212 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"Charles I.," he writes, " expiated cruelly his father's faults and his own; 
but how many reasons to excuse his errors! Educated in the principles 
of absolute authority, the example of the kings who preceded him must 
have perverted his judgment, and have led hira to regard the just complaints 
of the people as factious declamations, and the convulsions of disordered 
society as vulgar seditions. 

"The origin of power influences its whole duration. This William III., 
who, destitute of the rights of legitimacy, renounced all connection with the 
preceding reigns; who, by his character and his noble exploits, had become 
the chief of his cause and of the Revolution ; who, by a free election, had 
acquired an incontestable right, — planted deeply in the British soil the bases of 
his power. 

"The Stuarts had courage, ability, perseverance ; but they employed these 
qualities in opposing the necessities of the people. They resisted where they 
should have yielded, and yielded where resistance was a duty. They had 
perseverance in their hatred, never in their aSection. They were ever wanting 
in that virtue which alone can save in the hour of extreme peril, — the im- 
pulse of the heart. One can govern society which is tranquil and well regu- 
lated with the gifts of the mind alone; but when violence has replaced 
right, and the methodic march of civilization has been interrupted, a sove- 
reign can only regain the path which he has lost by taking those grand and 
sudden resolutions which the heart alone inspires. 

" Here below, all men are more or less actors ; but each one chooses his 
theatre and his audience, and consecrates all his efforts to obtain the suffrage 
of the public he has chosen. The Stuarts were ambitious only to obtain the 
praises of a faction and of a foreign sovereign. William, on the contrary, 
placed his glory in meriting the approbation of posterity. 

"The example of these unfortunate kings proves, that, when a government 
combats the ideas and wishes of a nation, it produces always results oj)posed 
to its projects. The Stuarts wished to re-establish Catholicism : they ruined 
it for centuries in England. They wished to elevate royalty : they compro- 
mised it. They wished to assure order; and they brought only confusion 
upon confusion. It is, then, true to say, 

"The greatest enemy of religion is he who wishes to impose it; the great- 
est enemy of royalty is he who degrades it; the greatest enemy of repose is 
he who renders a revolution necessary." 

There is pi'obably no reader who will fail to perceive the direct and pun- 
gent bearing of the following passages upon the throne of Louis Philippe : — 

"Let us consider, in fine, what would have been the result if the Prince 
of Orange, after having dethroned James II. and broken the hereditary prin- 
ciple, had accepted the crown from the last parliament of James II. ; and, in- 
stead of convoking a national convention, — a free exj^ression of the popular 
will, — had held his authority only from a spurious assembly which had no 
right to confer it upon him, 

"Suppose that, instead of tearing up the treaties of tlie Stuarts, he had im- 
plored, as they did, the support and sympathy of foreign powers. 

" Suppose that, instead of sustaining, arms in hand, the cause of Protestant' 
ism upon the Continent, he had abandoned it. 



PRISON-LABORS. 213 

"Suppose that, instead of avenging all the affronts which England had 
received, he had retained in London a permanent army more numerous than 
the troops of James II., to intimidate Parliament, and to subject it to foreign 
humiliations. 

" Suppose, in fine, that, instead of assuring the cause of the Revolution of 
1688, he had betrayed it; that, instead of elevating the English name, he had 
debased it; that, instead of alleviating the burdens of the people, he had 
crushed them with heavier taxes, without augmenting either their glory, their 
commerce, or their industry; that he had restrained liberty without securing 
public order : surely a new revolution would have become an imperious 
necessity, 

" Let us say, in conclusion, as the result of the study of the epochs which 
we have reviewed, that principles are evolved, clear, precise, and applicable to 
all countries. The example of the Stuarts proves that foreign support is 
always powerless to save governments which the nation does not adopt; and 
the history of England says loudly to kings, — 

"'il/arcA at the head of the ideas of your age^ these ideas will follow you 
and sustain you / 

'■'-'' March behind them, they will drag you ; 

" ' March against them, they will overwhelm you? " 

The prince sent a copy of this treatise to Chateaubriand. In reply, he 
received the following letter, dated June 16, 1841 : — 

"Prince, — In the midst of your misfortunes, you have studied, with as 
much sagacity as power, the causes of a revolution, which, in modern Europe, 
has opened the way to the calamities of monarchy.* Your love of liberty, 
your courage, and your sufferings, would give you every claim in my eyes, 
only that, to be worthy of your esteem, I must remain as faithful to the mis- 
fortunes of Henry V. as I am to the glory of Napoleon. 

"Allow me, prince, to thank you for the extreme honor you have done me 
in quoting my name in your fine work. This precious testimony of your 
recollection penetrates me with the most lively gratitude." 

The protest of the prince against the inhumanity of his treatment had cre- 
ated much sympathy in his behalf; and the government appropriated one 
hundred and forty dollars (!) for the repairing of his dilapidated rooms. His 

* Chateaubriand was entirely devoted to the principle of legitimacy in the transmission of 
crjwns. He therefore regarded the example of William III., in overthrowing that principle, and 
assuming the crown by the right of popular suffrage, as " opening the way to the calamities of 
monarchy." It was by popular suffrage that the empire was created under Napoleon I. : it was 
by popular suffrage that it was restored under Napoleon III. 

" I am not," said Napoleon I. to Benjamin Constant, " the emperor of the soldiers merely, as 
has been affirmed : I am the emperor of the peasants, of the common people of France. As you 
see, the people rally around me. There is sympathy between us, because I am from the people ; 
and the popular fibre responds to my own. Between the people and me there is the same nature. 
They regard me as their support, their savior. I am the man of the people. I have recognized 
their sovereignty. I must listen to their will." — Minerve Fran^aise, 94me livre, torn. 8me, lime 
Lettre sur les Cent Jours, par M. Benjamin Constant. 



214 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

political writings were also attracting very considerable attention. He had 
converted the Chateau of Ham into a philosophic retreat, from which he was 
addressing, in such strains as we have above recorded, a magnificent audience 
of nearly forty millions of Frenchmen. The government became much em- 
barrassed to know what course to pursue. The retaining in the glooms of a 
prison a young prince, the heir of the great emperor whose memory all France 
was adoring with enthusiasm which earth never before had seen equalled, 
tended to attract to the prince the profoundest sympathies of the nation. 
Under these circumstances, as the months rolled on and the excitement deep- 
ened, a pardon was talked of. Louis Napoleon heard of it. Pie wrote to a 
friend, a French editor, the following letter, which was widely circulated in 
the journals, which, with more or less openness, were advocating his cause:* — 

"You tell me that they talk a good deal in Paris about an amnesty; and 
you inquire of me what are the impressions produced upon me by that news. 
I reply frankly to your question. 

"If to-morrow the door of my prison. were opened to me, and I were told, 
' You are free ; come and seat yourself as a citizen among the hearths of your 
native country ; France no longer repudiates any of her children : ' ah ! then, 
indeed, a lively feeling of joy would seize my soul. But if, on the contrary, 
they were to come to offer me an exchange of my present condition for that 
of exile, I should refuse such a proposition, because it would be, in my view, 
an aggravation of punishment. I prefer being a caj^tive on the soil of France 
to being a free man in a foreign land. 

"Moreover, I know the value of an amnesty granted by the existing authori- 
ties. Seven years ago, after the affair of Strasburg, they came one night, and 
snatched me away from the tribunals of justice, in spite of my protestations, 
and without giving me time to pack up the most necessary articles of apparel. 
Thus was I carried two thousand leagues away from Europe. After detain- 
ing me for some time at Rio Janeiro, they took me eventually to the United 
States. 

"Receiving at New York the news of the sei-ious indisposition of my 
mother, I returned to England. On arriving there, what was my astonish- 
ment to find all the ports of the Continent closed against me, through the 
exertions of the French Government! and what was my indignation on learn- 
ing, that, in order to prevent me from going to close the eyes of a dying 
mother, they had spread abroad, during my absence, the calumny, so often 
relocated and so often denied, that I had promised not to return to Europe ! 

* " The sympathies of the masses were always with the Bonapartes. Their prayers ware 
always for that family, whose banishment by the men in power — for whom they cherished a 
supreme antipathy — they could never pardon. In the powerlessness to manifest the sentiments 
of love, admiration, and gratitude, which they cherished in the depths of their hearts, honorable 
citizens, to whom indifference under such circumstances seemed a crime, made themselves the 
interpreters of the popular will by demanding that the sentence of exile against the relatives of 
the emperor should be revoked. Every year since 1832, and even before, these petitions were 
debated in the Chambers; but the government was firmly resolved to pay no regard to the pub- 
lic wishes for the recall of the imperial family." — Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, par B. 
Renault, p. 259. 



PEISON-LABORS. 215 

"Deceiving the police authorities of the German States, I succeeded in 
making my way into Switzerland, and assisted at a spectacle the most agoniz- 
ing it is possible for the heart of a son to contemplate. Scarcely was the 
corpse of my mother deposited in its coffin, when the French Government 
wanted to have me expelled from the hospitable soil in which I had become a 
citizen and a proprietor. The Swiss people stood by their rights, and pro- 
tected me. Nevertheless, wishing to avoid innumerable complications, and 
perhaps a collision, I voluntarily quitted — not, however, without bitter regret 
— the scenes where my mother, during twenty years, had preserved her Frencli 
penates, and where I had grown to manhood ; where, in short, I had so many 
friends, that I sometimes almost believed that I was in my own country, 

" Such were the results, as far as I was concerned, of the violent amnesty 
forced upon me by the government. Do you think that I can wish to experi- 
ence a second amnesty at their hands ? Banished for twenty-five years, twice 
betrayed by fate, I have expei'ienced all the vicissitudes and sorrows of this 
life ; and, having got the better of the illusions of youth, I find in the native 
air I breathe, in study, in the seclusion of a prison, a charm which I have not 
experienced when I participated in the enjoyments of foreign counti-ies, where, 
when being vanquished, I had to drink out of the same cup with the con- 
queror of Waterloo. In a word, I should repeat, supposing that the occasion 
presented itself to me, that which I declared before the Court of Peers : ' I 
will not accept of any generosity, because I know bow much it costs.' " 

This letter produced great excitement. The editor of " Le Loiriet " asked 
the prince publicly, through his journal, under what title he would be willing 
to be received into the great French family, if the doors of his prison were to 
be thrown open to him, and the decree of exile, to which all his family had 
been condemned, were revoked. To this he reijlied from his prison, under 
date of Oct. 21, 1843, -- 

" Sir, I reply without hesitation to the friendly question which you address 
to me in your number of the 18th instant. I have never believed, and I never 
can believe, that France is the property {apanage) of any man or any family. 
I have never pretended to any other rights than those of a French citizen ; 
and I never shall have any other desire than to see the whole people, legally 
convened^ choosing freely the form of government which they might think 
best to have. 

"A member of a family which owes its elevation to the suffi*ages of the 
nation, I should belie my origin, my nature, and, what is more, I should do 
violence to common sense, if I did not admit the sovereignty of the people 
as the fundamental basis of all political organization. My previous actions 
and declarations are in accordance with this opinion. If I have not been 
understood, it is because we do not seek to explain defeats : we only condemn 
them. 

" It is true that I claimed to be in the foremost rank ; but that was to be 
one in the breach. I had a high ambition ; but it was one which might be 
loudly avowed : it was the ambition to assemble round my plebeian name all 



216 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

the friends of national sovereignty, — all those who wished foi- glory and liberty. 
If I have been mistaken, is it for democratic opinions to blame me ? is it for 
France to punish me? Believe me, sir, th.at, whatever be the fate which the 
fixture may have in reserve for me, it shall never be said of me, that, in exile 
or captivity, ' I have learned nothing, and forgotten nothing.' " 

Malice will indulge in all sorts of reckless affirmations and denials ; but it 
will be conceded by every intelligent and candid man that the principles 
avowed in this letter were scrupulously carried into execution so soon as 
power was placed in the hands of the prince. The imiversal suffrage which 
had been wrested from France, and which he restored to the nation by the 
coup cfetat, is the broad and deep foundation upon which the people of France 
reared the throne of the empire ; and the foes of Napoleon III. recognize full 
well that that throne can be overturned only by first destroying that principle 
oi popular suffrage upon which it stands. 




CHA1>TER XIIL 



POLITICAL, SCIENTIFIC, AND HISTORICAL WRITINGS. 

Analysis of the Sugar-Question. — Letter from Bcranger. — Testimony of Renault. — Letter 
to Viscount Chateaubriand. — Letter from Sismondi. — Life of Charlemagne. — Political 
Articles. — Attack upon Napoleon I. by Laraartinc. — Response of Louis Napoleon. 

ITH unremitted diligence, the prince continued to devote his 
hours to study. The next work which came from his pen was 
entitled "Analysis of the Sugar-Question." It was published 
in 1842. At that time, the subject was in debate by the French 
Government, whether they should encourage by duties the 
cultivation of native sugar from the beet-root. It was ob- 
jected, that, by so doing, the interests of commerce, and the prosperity of the 
West-India colonies, where sugar was raised from the cane, were endan- 
gered. Thus it became a question involving very important considerations 
of political economy. The admirable treatise of Louis Napoleon is almost 
exhaustive of the subject, both in a scientific and a political point of view. 
It developed the breadth of his studies, and added much to the reputation he 
was so rapidly acquiring as a scholar, a writer, and a statesman. 

" The question is a vast and a complex one. The author enters into it ex- 
tensively. He examines it in all its details, as a chemist, as a practical man, 
as an economist. He regards it from every point of view. He has an eye 
on the interest of the metropolis, on that of the colonies, on that of the pro- 
ducers, on that of the consumers, on that of the treasury." * 

The charm of genius pervades all the productions of Louis Napoleon. 
Whenever he speaks, he is listened to. Whatever he writes is read. The 
sugar-manufacturers in France were so much interested in this treatise, that 
they purchased several thousand copies for distribution to the members of the 
government and other influential parties. We shall give a few extracts from 
the work, which will convey to the reader a general idea of its chaiMCter, 
and of the influence, which, indirectly, it was calculated to exert upon the 
prospects of the writer. In his preface, which was dated Fort of Ham, 
August, 1842, the prince remarks, — 

" So much has already been said and written upon the advantages and dis- 
advantages of the native manufacture of sugar, that, at first thought, it would 
appear that the subject was exhausted. Still, as most of the men who have 

* Life of Napoleon III. by Edward Roth, p. 219. 
28 217 



218 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

raised their voice!* for or against that branch of industry were directly inter- 
ested in the question, they may be reproached with having exhibited too 
much partiaUty in the exhibition of their subject, too much passion in the 
defence of their cause ; and Montesquieu has said, ' Passion may cause one to 
feel, but never to see.' 

"I do not pretend to have moved without guides towards the issue of a 
labyrinth where so many interests conflict ; but I hope to have analyzed, aiii 
presented in its true light, a question w^ieh the partisans of freedom of 
commerce have allowed themselves to misrepresent and obscure. I think 
that I have been impartial. The prosperity of the colonies is not less dear 
to my heart than the development of home-industry. And if, on the one 
side, the manufacture of sugar has a right to all my sympathies as an imperial 
creation, on the other side I cannot forget that my grandmother, the Emjiress 
Josephine, was born in one of those islands from which we hear to-day com- 
plaints against the competition of the products of the metropolis. Moreover, 
whatever gratification I may experience in defending the creations of the 
emperor, my veneration for the chief of my family will never induce me to 
support that which my reason rejects as injurious to the general interests of 
my counti'y. If I thought the invention of Achard * contrary to the well- 
being of the greatest number, I should assail it, notwithstanding its imperial 
origin, I am a citizen before being a Bonaparte (^'e suis citoyen avant d'etre 
Bonaparte). 

" Though my present position is unfavorable for a work which requires 
extended researches, and frequent communications with men versed in indus- 
trial questions, I have been able to procure all the documents published by 
the government. My arguments may be attacked ; but no one can assail the 
authenticity of my statistics. However imperfect this treatise may be, if it 
contribute to throw light upon the discussion, to gain any voices to the cause 
of an industry which I regard as a fruitful source of prosperity for France, 
I shall thank Heaven for having permitted me, even in captivity, to be useful 
to my country, as I give thanks every day for being permitted to remain on 
the soil of France wiiich I love, and which I am not willing to quit at any 
price, — not even for liberty." 

The first chapter is historical, giving not only a very lucid and instructive 
account of the " State of the Question," but presenting it, and yet justly, in 
a way which reflected great honor upon the empire, — that empire which the 
prince fully believed that he should live to see re-established by the universal 
sufii-ages of the French nation. 

"The struggle of England against the French Revolution," he writes, 
" had for its result the loss of our colonies and the ruin of our maritime 
commerce. Our loss was the more sensibly felt, since the war cut us ofi" from 
commodities of the first necessity, — such as sugar and coffee ; and from prod- 
ucts important for industry, — such as cotton, indigo, and cochineal. 

"The war swept over both the sea and the land. Aboukir, Trafalgar, 
closed the sea against our valor and our commerce. Then the chief of the 

* Achard was regarded as the discoverer of the extraction of sugar from the beet-root. 



POLITICAL, SCIEI^TIFIC, AND HISTORICAL WRITINGS. 219 

Frencli Government took one of those resolutions which a great man alone 
can conceive and accomplish. He sought to transport the colonies into 
Europe, in charging science to find in our climates equivalents for the 
products of the tropics. The enterprise appeared impossible. It succeeded 
completely. The commodity the most important of the West Indies, sugar, 
has become a French product. 

"By the decree of the 1 8th of March, 1811, the emperor ordered that 
thirty-two thousand hectares (about sixty-five thousand acres) should be 
appropriated to the culture of the beet-root; and he placed a million of 
francs (about two hundred thousand dollars) at the disposal of the minister 
of the interior to encourage that industry, as also for the culture of pastel, 
which was to replace indigo. Not only did the emperor reward efforts in 
these branches of industry by pecuniary compensations, but he paid them in 
another coin quite French, — in honor. On the 2d of January, 1812, M. Ben- 
jamin Delessert received the cross of the Legion of Honor as a reward for 
the success he had attained in the manufacture of sugar. 

" Still Parisian sarcasms assailed the new discovery ; and men who always 
doubt of the xmknown smiled at this new conception of genius. But, while 
Paris turned the beet-root into ridicule, the English regarded the enterprise 
with serious apprehension, and adopted all the measures in their power to 
strangle it in its infancy. 'The Journal of the Empire,' of the 11th of 
April, 1811, contains the following article : — 

" ' An important fact which the celebrated Prussian chemist has published 
proves how much the English are disquieted by the measures adopted by the 
emperor to provide a substitute for the sugar which is manufactured from 
cane. Under the veil of an anonymous communication, there have been 
offered to M. Achard, first, in the year 1800, the sum of fifty thousand crowns, 
then, in 1802, another of two hundred thousand, if he would publish a work 
in which he would avow that his enthusiasm had misled him ; that his ex- 
periments, upon a larger scale, had demonstrated the futility of his first 
attempts; and that he had at length come to the very unwelcome convic- 
tion, that sugar from the beet-root could never take the place of that from 
the cane. The honor and the disinterestedness which ever marked the 
character of M. Achard, as well as the claims of truth, constrained him to 
reject these insulting offers.' 

" This attempt not succeeding, the English had recourse to another expe- 
dient. They induced the celebrated chemist. Sir Humphry Davy, in a 
•Treatise upon Agricultural Chemistry,' published in 1815, to state that the 
beet-root furnished a hitter sugar; forcing hira thus to sacrifice his conscience 
as a philosopher to his patriotism as a citizen.* 

"Indeed, the interests of England were opposed to sugar becoming a Con- 
tinental production. Seated between Europe and America, Great Britain 
wished to be the entrepot for the merchandise of the world. Her innumera- 
ble ships performed the principal part of the work of transportation : she 

* This fact is narrated in the pamphlet of M. Matthieu of Dombasle, upon Sugai from tho 
Beet Root, p. 9. — Note by Louis Napoleon. 



220 LIFE OF NAPOLEOX III. 

desired to promote the exchange of the natural products of eacl. country in 
such a way as to give them, in return, her manufactured productions. Thus, 
in general, every new Continental industry proved to England a double loss : 
it supplied the place of her fabrics, and diminished her maritime transports. 

"In 1815, it seemed that the Napoleonic edifice must crumble to ruins 
with the emperor ; but its base was planted too deeply in the foundations 
of the French soil. Its grand creations remained standing. The Code Na- 
poleon, the organization of justice, of finances, of the army, of the adminis- 
tration, of public instruction, resisted the shock. The discovery of sugar 
from the beet-root also survived." 

In the succeeding pages, the author grapples with the most pi'ofound ques- 
tions of political economy. Whoever may dispute his conclusions, no one 
can deny the scientific knowledge and the power of reasoning which the 
treatise displays on every page. We can quote only a few of those passages 
which incidentally throw light upon the political and humanitarian views 
cherished by the writer. In his chapter upon " Industrial Interests and the 
Character of Modern Industiy," the prince writes, — 

"Agriculture is the first element in the prosperity of a country, because it 
reposes upon those immutable interests which create a healthy, vigorous, and 
virtuous rural population. Manufactures too often repose upon ephemeral 
bases; and though, in certain connections, they develop intelligence, they 
have the defect of creating a sickly population, with those physical infirmities 
caused by unhealthy work in places deprived of air, and those moral defects 
resulting from misery, and from the crowding-together of men in narrow 
spaces. 

" The manufacture of native sugar, far from participating in these faults, re- 
unites in itself, on the contrary, all the advantages of agriculture and of manu- 
factures ; and even, in our opinion, it resolves, if not completely, at least in a 
great part, one of the most important problems of the present day, — the 
welfare of the working-classes. A few words will suffice to develop our idea. 

" Formerly there was, properly speaking, but a single kind of property, — 
the land. But a small number of men possessed it. The nobles had seized 
it. But the progress of civilization gave birth to another kind of jiroperty, 
— raacufactures, — more dangerous than the other, because it could be more 
easily monopolized. 

" However tyrannical might be the yoke imposed by the landed proprietor, 
however vexatious might be the tithes and the servitude, the feudal lord could 
never completely sequester to, his profit that earth upon which his vassals 
breathed, walked, slept, and where, at least, the sun came to solace their 
misery. 

" But manufactures need neither light nor space. In a square of a few 
hundred yards above or below the soil, the manufacturer has a people entirely 
enslaved. If his speculations fail, or if he have completed his fortune, he 
dismisses his workmen ; and they, without shelter, without bread, feel imme- 
diately the earth, that common mothei-, sinking beneath their feet. 

" The manufacturer has no need, like the feudal lord, to place battlements 
upon his castle; to traverse, armed from head to foot, his vast domains, that 



POLITICAL, SCIENTIFIC, AND HISTORICAL WRITINGS. 221 

he may maintain obedience and chastise his subjects. He shuts the door of 
bis workshops, and the fate of many hundred persons is at his mercy. 

" Territorial aristocracy has been vanquished in France, Powder has blown 
up their donjons, and revolution has said to the people, — 

" 'This earth which you trample beneath your feet, which you moisten with 
your sweat, which, without you, would remain uncultivated, — take it : I givo 
it to you.' 

" The people have divided it, and it has only become more fruitful. But 
how can one combat the oppression of a property which is neither seizable nor 
divisible? Does any one tell the people to attack the machines? Each 
aggressor would retire with only a few pounds of iron. That would be useless 
and criminal violence. Manufacture, being an indispensable element in the 
riches of nations, should be extended in its action, while it should be limited 
in its oppressive effects. It is necessary to encourage its endeavoi-s, and to 
protect at the same time the hands which it employs. 

" Great Britain, that queen of industry, employs in four or five principal 
cities thousands of workmen. So long as the products of their labor circulate 
freely, so long as the manufacturers prosper, the workmen do not suffer; but 
when any event whatever disturbs credit, closes the outlets, or whenever the 
production exceeds the demand, immediately entire populations, as we see an 
example to-day, are a prey to all the anguish of misery and to all the horrors 
of fmiine. The soil, we repeat it, literally vanishes under their feet. They 
have neither fire nor place nor bread. 

" Switzerland presents a different aspect. That little country, which is buried 
in the midst of Europe, surrounded by custom-houses, inhales and exhales 
upon her soil the importations and exportations of her industry, and has 
attained a prodigious degree of commercial activity. Her products contend 
in all parts of the world with those of Great Britain. 

" Switzerland feels, then, as all the others, the crises which suspend, tempo- 
rarily, the products of her manufactures. But the working population is never 
reduced to perish of hunger. Behold the reason why. 

"Manufacturing interests in Switzerland are expanded through the country, 
instead of being exclusively collected in the cities. They are disseminated 
over the whole surflice of the republic ; fixing themselves wherever the flow of 
a stream, a road, a lake, favors their establishment. The consequence of that 
system has been to accustom the agricultural classes to pass alternately from 
the labor of the fields to that of the manufactories. In Switzerland, even ia 
the cities, they are the inhabitants of the country who come in the morning 
to the workshops, and who return in the evening to their villages. They 
also, iindoubtedly, suffer when a calamity befalls their industry ; but they find 
in the fields refuge and occupation. 

" Now, in France, the manufacture of sugar from the beet-root produces 
this happy effect. It retains the workmen in the country, and occupies them 
in the worst months of the year. It diffuses through the agricultural class the 
best method of culture ; initiates that class in industrial science, and in the 
practice of the chemical and mechanic arts. It scatters the centres of work, 
instead of concentrating them upon one point. It favors, consequently, the 



222 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

principles upon which the happy organization of societies and the security of 
governments repose ; for to create competence is to assure order." 

In the same comprehensive and philosophic strain, the prince discusses 
" The Maritime and Commercial Interests," " The Interests of the Treasury," 
" The Interests of the Consumers." Under this latter head, we find the follow- 
ing lucid statement : — 

"The advocates of unlimited liberty of commerce have admitted as a prin- 
ciple this axiom, ' To each country its natural product^ Now, the beet-root, 
containing but ten per cent of saccharine matter, while sugar-cane contains 
twenty-one per cent, they pitilessly proscribe. But it is an important fact, 
that a hectare (about two acres) planted with beet-roots will produce, on 
an average, from fifteen hundred to sixteen hundred kilograms * of brown 
sugar ; while a hectare planted with sugar-cane produces in our colonies only 
fourteen hundred kilograms. Thus, upon an equal surfjxce, a hectare of 
beet-roots gives one hundred kilograms more than if it were planted in 
cane. 

"England has realized the dream of certain modern economists. She 
surpasses all other nations in the cheapness of her manufictured products. 
But this advantage, if it be one, has only been obtained at the expense of her 
working-classes. The low price of merchandise depends upon the low price 
of labor ; and the low price of labor is the misery of the people. It appears 
from a recent publication, that during the last years, while English industry 
has tripled its pi'oductions, the sum employed to pay the workmen has dimin- 
ished one-third. 

" If in France the partisans of free trade dared to put in practice their 
deadly theories, France would lose in richness a value of at least four thousand 
millions of francs ; two millions of workmen would be thrown ov;t of employ- 
ment ; and our commerce would be deprived of the benefit which it derives 
from the immense quantity of raw material which is imported to feed our 
manufactories, 

" The history of the birth of all industries in France, the example of all 
people, the precepts, in fine, of all eminent men who have appeared at the 
head of governments, are agreed upon this point, — that the industi'ics exist- 
ing in a country ought to be protected so long as they need protection." 

A statistical table is here given containing an " enumeration of thejmnoipal 
industries which are dependent upon the protective system ; which, under the 
empire of that system, are developed and perfected to such a degree as to be 
able some future day to contend against foreign products, but which would 
be completel)^ ruined if free entrance were now given to English, Belgian, 
Swiss, German, and Italian products." 

" It is important to consider what are the interests which are most essential 
for the general prosperity of France. The Emperor Napoleon has made the 
following classification, which shows the bases upon which the political econ- 
omy of France should be founded: — 

" ' Agriculture is the foundation and the strength of the prosperity of a 
country. 

* A kilogram is two pounds, three ounces. 



POLITICAL, SCIENTIFIC, AND HISTORICAL WRITINGS. 223 

"'Manufactures constitute the competence, the happhiess, of the popula- 
tion. 

" ' Foreign commerce is the superabundance, the useful employment, of the 
two others. 

" ' This last is made for the two others, not the two others for it. The 
interests of these three essential bases are divergent, and often opposed.' 

" This classificatiory, so clear, indicates what is, for France, the importance 
of the interests which attach themselves to the three grand elements of the 
prosperity of peoples. Agriculture and manufactures being the two causes 
of vitality, while foreign commerce is but the effect, a wise government ought 
never to sacrifice the greater interests of the first to the secondary interests 
of the last. 

"It must, then, be admitted in principle, that the manufacture of sugar from 
the beet-root — a source of riches for agriculture and manufactures — ought 
not to be sacrificed to a commercial interest ; especially it ought not to be to 
a fiscal interest. For, in violating these j^rinciples, a country is subjected to 
the fate of Spain, which has fallen from the empire of the world, because it 
has abandoned its agriculture and its manufactures for its commerce. One 
would thus sink France to the rank of the American States, where agriculture 
is in its infancy; where manufactures are nothing; and where foreign com- 
merce is the only source of riches, custom-house duties the only revenue for 
the treasury,"* 

The chapter upon "Duties, and the Future Prospects of Agriculture and 
Manufactures," contains many passages which we would gladly quote did 
space permit. In the commencement of this chapter the prince writes, — 

" To create manufactures, there are necessary the science which invents, the 
intelligence which applies, the capital which establishes, and the duties which 
protect, until the complete development. It is by the happy effect of such 
measures that England has arrived at a prodigious degree of industrial activ- 
ity. France is equally indebted to this system for the greater part of her 
manufactures ; for it is in urging science to discoveries by high premiums, 
in supplying the want of capital by considerable advances, in checking the 
introduction of foreign pi-oducts by prohibitive duties, that Napoleon gave to 
France the spinning of cotton, the manufacture of cassimere, of madder, and 
of pastel. He gave the impulse to the discovery of the spinning of flax by 
machinery, and infused immense vigor into forges, and into the weaving of 
the tissues of silk and cotton. 

" The manufacture of sugar from the beet-root, which equally owed its life 
to this protective system, was rapidly developed; and at the end of the Resto- 
ration it required but a few years more of exemption from taxes to arrive at 
that last degree of perfection which would enable it to contend, unaided, with 
the production of the tropics." 

In this chapter, the prince gives a minute account of the process by which 
the manufacture of beet-root sugar is conducted. Chapter four is upon 
" The Legality of Imposts." The fifth chapter is devoted to tlie considera- 

* It is to be remembered tluU tbis was written in 1842. 



224 LIFE OF NAPOLEON TIL 

tion of " Tiie Alliance of Diverse Interests." It opens with the following 
words : — 

" The results presented in the preceding chapters prove, as it seems to us, 
even to demonstration, that the manufacture of native sugar ought to be 
maintained and protected as one of the noblest of the industrial conquests 
which the genius of the Emperor Napoleon gave to France. But it is also 
the requirement of justice that the government should seek the means of 
protecting the colonial interests ; being careful not to forget the general 
interests of consumers. 

" Since 1830, the government has shown itself, upon this question, either 
very culpable or very incompetent, — culpable, if it has wished, as we believe, 
to arrive, by crooked ways and exaggerated accusations, at the suppression of 
the beet-root ; incompetent, if such has not been the result at which it has 
aimed. 

" Indeed, in every country, to govern is to conduct ; and if, in a free country, 
a government is unable to decide for itself all questions, its duty consists, at 
least, in stating them clearly. Upon the enunciation of a problem, often 
depends its correct or folse solution. 

" The ministers, in demanding artlessly {na'ivement) of the general council 
of agriculture, of manufactures, and of commerce, if it were expedient or not 
to destroy the manufacture of sugar from the beet-root, committed a great 
imprudence ; for they awoke passions hostile to the native production ; and 
the doubt thus expressed respecting its preservation showed clearly the 
possibility of a comjilete suppression. 

" In provoking the discussion of interested parties face to face, they made 
no progress toward the solution of the question ; for it was clear that each 
one would demand the ruin of his rival, without occupying himself with the 
general interests of France. If, on the contrary, the government had pro- 
nounced energetically against every project for destroying the manufactuiv, 
and, this first principle being thus established, if it had devised measures for 
reconciling rival interests, there can be no doubt that now, for a long time, 
the two industries would have lived together in peace under the fostering care 
of protective laws. 

"Let us suppose, for instance, that the government should siibmit to-mor- 
row to the same councils the question, whether it were expedient to suppress 
the spinning of flax by machinery in the interests of the consumers of com- 
merce and of the marine : it would rouse against that important branch of 
industry a frightful storm. For there is every reason to suppose that the 
merchants of the seaports would hasten complacently to enumerate, as they 
have done to-day in reference to sugar, how much they would gain in tonnage 
and in the exchange of merchandise by the importation of the thread and the 
fabrics of foreign flax. 

"The great art of government is to consult all the capabilities, in indicating 
to them the end to be attained and the route to be pursued ; for, without this, 
we have much noise without eflfect, much labor without results. Never before 
has there been in France so much knowledge and intelligence called into 
action, and calculated to promote the public well-being. Never before has so 



POLITICAL, SCIENTIFIC, AND HISTOEICAL WRITINGS. 225 

little been accomplished. It is because there is no harmony of action, no 
direction, no system ; and society, full of ideas witfiout facts, and of facts 
without thought, surrenders itself to theories without applications, and to 
applications without connection and without scope. 

"And here is the place for an essential remark : nothing, in our opinion, can 
replace, especially for the prosperity of material interests, the council of state 
as it was organized under the empire. For to secure good, special laws, it is 
necessary that men skilful and impartial, unembarrassed by politics, and 
standing upon neutral ground, should employ themselves, after thorough dis- 
cussion, to infuse into the laws by the side of scientific theory the results of 
practice and experience. 

"Under the empire, the Council of State, composed of the most enlightened 
men, and divided into special sections, w^as charged to draw up and to discuss 
the projects of laws before submitting them to the approbation of the Cham- 
bers. As the machines of war and of industry, before being delivered to the 
public, i;ndergo in the workshops the proofs which art recognizes as necessary; 
so, under the empire, the laws, before being launched into the political world, 
were weighed, analyzed, discussed, without the spirit of party, without passion, 
without haste, by the most competent men in France. 

" To-day, on the contrary, all the laws spring immature from the portfolios 
of the ministers, and are criticised or parcelled out by a commission, the mem- 
bers of which are often strangers to the questions submitted to them ; shaping 
the law in accordance with their desire to strengthen or to overthrow a minis- 
ter, and according as the interests of the locality which they represent are 
favorable or opposed to the general interests." 

The sixth and last chapter contains aresume or summing-up of all the facts 
brought forward and the principles advocated in the preceding chapters. It 
would be difficult to find anywhere, in so small a compass as in this treatise on 
the sugar-question, the arguments in favor of protection so fully and so forcibly 
presented. The extracts which we have given from this able work are here 
reproduced simply to show the jwlitical opinions and governmental views 
cherished by the prince, and how deeply he had meditated upon the pi'ofound- 
est themes of political economy. The well-informed reader will immediately 
recall to mind how minutely and successfully the above-given principles of 
the captive prince have been canied out in the government of the Emperor 
Napoleon III. 

Fi'oni the few extracts which we have given, the reader will gain but an 
imperfect idea of the rhetorical beauty and the logical force of the work. 
We cannot refrain from quoting a few of the closing paragraphs: — 

"This abandonment of all system, this confusion of all the notions of 
justice and of injustice, come from the contempt into which have fallen the 
eternal principles upon which are founded the life and the wealth of nations. 
They have wished to divide that which is indivisible, placing on one side 
material interests, and on the other the moral wants of the nation : as if the 
eflect could be separated from the cause ; as if the body could direct itself 
and prosper without the soul which governs it. 

" For a people, honor, for an individual, the morality of the gospel, is always 

29 



226 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

the best guide and the best counsellor in the midst of all the embarrassments 
and perils of life. Let no one, then, separate honor from material interests; 
let no one build filse systems of commercial prosperity upon the ruins of a 
flourisliing national industry. Let us not forget this maxim of Montesquieu, 
— 'Injustice and cowardice are bad managers.' 

"As to native industry, let her raise her head: her enemies will hesitate to 
give her the last blow. The Chambers, we hope, will shelter her with their 
]>rotective votes, and this daughter of the empire will be restored to life, if, 
instead of abasing herself, and seeking charity, she proudly demands her 
rights, and responds to her adversaries. 

"'Respect me; for I enrich the soil; I fei-tilize the lands, which, without me, 
would remain uncultivated; I give employment to the hands, which, without 
me, would remain idle; in fine, I solve one of the grandest of the problems 
of modern society, — I organize and ennoble labor.'" * 

A copy of this work was sent by the prince to the illustrious poet Beranger, 
the poet of the democracy of France. He returned the following reply, 
dated Oct. 14, 1842 : — 

"Prince, — The person who has presented me with the pamphlet which 
you have done me the honor to send to my address assures me that you will 
not find it disagreeable to receive directly the thanks which I owe you. 
I hasten, then, prince, to express the satisfaction which I have enjoyed in 
reading your works. They have particularly filled me with admiration for 
your courage in devoting the long hours of your captivity to such useful 
labors. 

" The pamphlet on the sugar-question has given me the greatest surprise. 
I can perfectly appreciate your historical studies, and the just reflections they 
suggest; but I cannot conceive, prince, how you have fathomed a subject 
purely industrial and financial. You have, to my idea, completely elucidated 
this question of opposing interests, on every point, except, perhaps, if you 
will pernait me to say so, on that of the consumer, who has always been a 
little neglected by the great ones of this world. 

" May you one day, prince, be in a position to consecrate to our common 
country the fruits of the knowledge which you have already acquii-ed, and 
which you shall still acquire ! and until you, and all the members of your 
illustrious family, are restored, as is on ly just, to the rights of a French citi- 
Ecn, believe in the ardent wishes I entertain to see a termination of your 

* " Works the least extended are often the most substantial. ' The Analysis of the Question 
of Suj^ars,' although contained in one hundred and forty pages, created a deep sensation in the 
community, which oi-cupied itself with tlie great interests of the country, and contributed to 
correct the opinion which some had formed ol the prince by listening to hostile insinuations. 
He was no longer judged from the failures ol Strasburg and Boulogne ; and those who had 
been least disposed to pardon these two attempts were obliged to admit that the conspirat&r, 
whose temerity they had ridiculed, was not only a man of courage, but also a man of sincerity, 
of reflection, and of high capacity. It would be impossible to display more knowledge, to show 
more logic, more opportunely to avail one's self of a capital fact of industry iither of the theme 
discussed, or of correlative themes, th.in was done by Louis Napoleon in this argument for 
native sugar." — Jlistoiredu Prince Louis Napoleon, par B. Renault, p. 11 0. 



POLITICAL, SCIENTIFIC, AND HISTORICAL WRITINGS. 227 

captivity, assured as I am that you would devote yourself henceforth to 
literary and scientific labors, which must add a new ray to the splendid 
aureola of the name you bear. « Bekangeb." 

The prince was at this time contemplating another important work, more 
exclusively literary and historical. It will be remembered that very friendly 
relations existed between the prince and the celebrated writer, Chateaubriand. 
Though the renowned author of the " Genius of Christianity " was an earnest 
Legitimist, and ever avowed his devotion to the young Duke of Bordeaux, 
he did not hesitate openly to avow his recognition of the abilities and the 
virtues of Louis Napoleon. The following letter from the prince to Chateau- 
briand, dated Citadel of Ham, June 28, 1842, will explain itself: — 

"Citadel of Ham, June 28, 1842. 

"Sir Viscount, — Some twelve years ago, while walking one day outside 
the Porta Pia at Rome, I followed silently the ambassador of Charles X. ; re- 
gretting that frigid politics prevented me from testifying to the illustrious 
author of the 'Genius of Christianity' all my admiration for him. I was far 
from thinking then that the power which he represented would very soon 
be overthrown ; that the tricolor would be as hostile to my family as the 
white flag; and that the noble representative of an inimical court would be, 
in a few years, the only eminent man who would come to give me in my 
imprisonment marks of sympathy. 

" If these reminiscences recall the vicissitudes of human affiiirs, they prove 
also that lofty sentiments always remain the same. In every position in 
your life, you have. Sir Viscount, incessantly sought to console the unhappy ; 
and certainly you have inspired, even in men most opposed to your opinions, 
a sincere admiration for the great writer, and a profound esteem for the 
politician. 

" I need not tell you. Sir Viscount, how your letter has touched me ; and I 
would have expressed my gratitude sooner, had I not received several visits 
that havr taken up all my time. 

" In order to occupy my leisure houi's, I propose to undertake a large work, 
about which I shall venture, in future, to ask you some advice. I want to 
write the history of Charlemagne, and show the influence that this great 
man exercised on the destiny of the world during his Hfe and after his death. 
When I shall have collected all the necessary materials, I hope, that, if I sub- 
rait to you some questions, I shall not trespass upon your extreme kindness. 

" Receive, Sir Viscount, the assurance of my high esteem and distinguished 
consideration. " Napoleon Louis Bonaparte." 

The prince also wrote to the distinguished historian, Sismondi, soliciting 
information resjiect'ng the best sources to be consulted. In his reply, Sis- 
mondi says, — 

" My Prince, — I have been profoundly touched, as well as flal tered, by 
the letter which your Imperial Highness has done me the honor to write 
to me. I feared, that, from the course which I pursued in our council in 



228 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

1838, I had entirely forfeited your friendship* I perceive, indeed, that 
I differ essentially from your Highness in politics, — as to the democratic 
prino;ple, which you admit in all its rigor, while I seek liberty in harmony 
betwnen the diverse elements of society ; as to the development you would 
give 10 the military instincts, while all my thoughts are for peace; as to the 
hapfiy results which you expect from violent revolutions, while the main- 
tenance of the existing order appears to me the most desirable. But 1 have 
some hope that you will admit with candor these differences of opinion, 
since these opinions of yours, being carried out into action, have involved 
your Imperial Highness in such calamities. 

' Permit me to-day to congratulate you, my prince, upon the energy of 
cl.aracter with which you have turned to study, to seek those consolations 
wldch it is so abundantly able to give. The name of Napoleon has been 
foT a long time united with that of Charlemagne ; and, separated by the 
distance of a thousand years, the two restorers of the empire are frequently 
compared. 

** i wish that it were in my power to aid your Imperial Highness in your re- 
searches; but the documents upon that reign are not numerous: they have 
all been collected, all published, a long time ago." 

After giving a very graphic sketch of the times of Charlemagne, Sismondi 
closes his letter, saying, " Condescend, prince, to retain for me that friendship 
of which you give me such flattering assurances, and believe me, with respect, 
to be of your Imperial Highness the very humble servant, 

" J. C. L. De Sismondi." 

But the history of Charlemagne remained among the unexecuted plans. 
Questions of immediate interest demanded attention. The prince, in the 
gloom of his prison, through his pen, was becoming a power in Europe ; and 
with his intense intellectual activity, his commanding mental powers, and the 
sympathy which his imprisonment excited, it is hardly too much to say that 
he could not have been j^laced in more favorable circumstances to secure the 
restoration of the empire. He wrote many political articles for the journals, 
all of which were very skilfully adapted to secure the end at which he aimed. 
These articles were widely read, and, by his friends at least, greatly admired. 
The following list of topics will show the range of his studies and of his 
thoughts. " Upon the Electoral System." " Exile." " The Conservative 
Party." " Upon Individual Liberty in England." " Upon the Military Or- 
ganization in France." " Union is Strength : the Teaching of History." 
" Mathematical Studies of Napoleon." " The Slave-Trade : the Philanthro- 
pists and the Right of Search." " Opinion of the Emperor upon the Connec- 
tion of France with the European Powers." "The Opposition." "Our 
Colonies in the Pacific Ocean," " Peace or War." " Ameliorations to be 
introduced into our Manners and our Parliamentary Habits." " The Clergy 
and the State." « Ancient Histoi-j ilways New." "The Nobles," &c. 

* Sismondi was in favor of expelling Louis Napoleon from Switzerland, in obedience to the 
dictation of the governt ent of Louis Philippe ; that thus war with France might be avoided. 



POLITICAL, SCIENTIFIC, AND HISTORICAL WRITINGS. 229 

However dry, apparently, the theme, the vigorous pen of the prince always 
invested it with freshness and charms. He published about this time quite an 
important treatise, entitled " Reflections upon the Recruitment of the Army." 
His views upon this subject were very cordially received, and were universally 
recognized as the work of an able man thoroughly familiar with his subject. 

The poet Lamartine made a severe attack upon the memory of the Emper- 
or Napoleon I., in a letter addressed to M. Chapius de Montlaville. It would 
be diflicult to find from the most envenomed foes of the emperor a more mali- 
cious assault. We can present our readers with but a few paragraphs from 
the answer of the prince, — paragraphs which will probably be read with pe- 
culiar interest, since they strikingly illustrate the subsequent action of the 
wrter. After quoting a long passage, in which, with terrible severity and 
great dramatic skill, the poet suras up his crushing accusations, the prince 
writes, — 

" In reading this passage, in which the best-known facts of contemporane- 
ous history are openly distorted, one can scarcely believe that these lines could 
flow from the pen of the illustrious deputy of Macon, particularly when one 
hears him solemnly declare in the same letter that it is in the presence of 
truth alone that one should place himself in writing history for the use of the 
people. Let us examine, and see if Monsieur de Lamartine has remained 
faithful to this maxim. 

"I do not defend the principle of the revolution of the 18th Brumaire,* nor 
the violent manner in which it was effected. An insurrection against an estab- 
lished power can only be a necessity ; never an example which one can convert 
into a principle. The 18th Brumaire was a flagrant violation of the con- 
stitution of the year three. But it must also be admitted that this constitu- 
tion had already been three times audaciously violated, — on the 18th Fructi- 
dor, when the government attacked the independence of the legislative corps 
in condemning its members to banishment without judgment ; on the 30th 
Prairial, when the legislative corps assailed the independence of the govern- 
ment ; and on the 22d Floreal, when, by a sacrilegious decree, the government 
and the legislative corps made an attempt upon the sovereignty of the people 
in annulling the elections made by them. 

" The important question to be solved is, whether the 18th Brumaire did or 
did not save the republic. To ascertain that fiict, it is sufficient to consider 
what was the condition of the country before this event, and what after. 

"Monsieur de Lamartine is the first writer who has dared to say, that, under 
the Directory, ' the revolutionary movement had ceased to be convulsive, that 
it might be creative.' It is, on the contrary, a matter of public notoriety 
that the Directory had preserved of the convention only its hatreds, without 
inheriting either its truths or its energy. France was perishing through cor- 
ruption and disorder. Society had at its head contractors and speculators ; 
men with neither conscience nor patriotism. The generals of |he army, as 
Championet at Naples, and Brune in Italy, perceiving themselves stronger 

* It was at this time that Napoleon overthrew the Directory, and established the Consular 
GoTemment the 9th of November, 1799. 



230 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

than thft civil power, no longer obeyed it, and imprisoned its commissioners. 
Others conspired with the chiefs of the Chouans, and beti-ayed the republic. 
Credit was gone, the treasury empty ; the funds had fallen to eleven francs ; 
the resources of the country were wasted under a venal administration ; the 
most frightful brigandage infested France ; the West was always in insurrec- 
tion ; Italy had been lost ; and, notwithstanding the victory of Zurich, the 
ancient regime^ strong through our faults, our intestine dissensions, and the 
feebleness of our government, advanced menacingly at the head of foreign 
coalitions. 

"Liberty, instead of beginning to re-act through itself, as M. de Lamartine 
said, was a word devoid of all meaning; for the only laws in vigor were those 
of exclusion and proscription. There were a hundred and forty-five thou- 
sand Frenchmen in exile. The former members of the Convention were 
excluded from all employments ; the writer whose words tended to an attack 
upon the existing form of government was exposed to the penalty of death ; 
the law of hostages, which destroyed the security of two hundred thousand 
families, was maintained in all its rigor ; the priests, whether refractory, or 
whether they had taken the oath, alike gi-oaned in prison or in exile ; the 
law of forced loans produced the most deadly effects upon property ; the na- 
tional domains had ceased to find purchasers ; and the resources of the public 
revenue were exhausted : such was the spirit, such was the liberty, which 
reigned at that unhappy epoch. 

" General Bonaparte landed at Frejus. ' And France,' says M. de Cormenin, 
* affrighted from without and disquieted from within, runs eagerly to a man 
whose hands are full of power, and says to him, " Save me ! " ' 

" The people violate the laws of quarantine in order that they may bring 
him more quickly to the land, exclaiming, ' We had rather have the plague 
than invasion ! ' And the first consul was hardly in power ere he re-established 
order in the moral as in the physical world ; appeased dissensions ; re-united all 
the republicans against the common enemy, — the ancient regime ; created 
regularity in the finances, in the courts of justice, in the administration ; and 
brought into submission to his command the discontented army. He laid the 
foundations of equality in establishing the civil code, — ' a legislative monu- 
ment,' says M. Cormenin, ' the most durable of any in modern times, through 
the solidity of its materials ; the most magnificent in the simplicity of its 
divisions ; and with the most of unity through the fusion of all the systems 
of common and of statute law.' 

"By his central organization, he secured French unity and nationality; by 
the Concordat, he reconciled the clergy, re-established religion, proclaimed 
freedom of worship, and confirmed the principal results of the revolution by 
inducing the Pope to sanction the distribution of the ecclesiastical projierty. 
The first consul closed all the wounds of the country ; opened the prisons, 
where nine thousand political prisoners were groaning; and permitted the 
proscribed to return. 

" Having no need, like the Directory, of soldiers to maintain tranquillity in 
Paris, he sent them to the frontiers, reconquei^d Italy, obtained peace, and 
obliged all the sovereigns of Europe to recognize the French Republic and ita 



POLITICAL, SCIENTIFIC, AND HISTORICAL WRITINGS. 231 

glorious representative. Such were the consequences of the 18th Brumaire. 
The consulate saved the republic and the future of the revolution from utter 
ruin. That fact all the conscientious Republicans, such as Carnot, Thibaudeau, 
Corraenin, and Carrel, have recognized. To say the contrary is to deny proof 
The consulate has remained for all true patriots the purest emblem of the 
Tevolution, one of the noblest pages of our history. 

" If to-day there exist a sincere and national opinion which has taken for 
its mission to recall republican forms, it is because there is still a great number 
of intelligent minds who mourn the loss of that creative and organizing gov- 
ernment, composed of two elective chambers, of a council of state, and of a 
responsible chief with two millions of the civil list. They regret that admin- 
istration, honest, economical, which, with a budget of seven hundred millions, 
diffused prosperity everywhere ; in fine, they regret that policy, powerful and 
proud, which rendered us the first nation in the world. 

" Another grief. ' Napoleon stifled everywhere in Europe the love and the 
pacific expansion of French ideas.' But, when General Bonnparte took the 
direction of affairs, the republic was at war with all Europe. Foreign nations, 
without exception, were all exasperated against France. The magnificent 
truths proclaimed by our national assemblies had been obscured by so many 
passions, that they were unrecognized. Where, then, existed the ' pacific 
expansion' of which M. de Lamartine speaks? It was Napoleon, on the 
contrary, who arrested those passions, and caused the principles of the French 
Revolution to triumph all over Eui'ope. It was he who transplanted to 
Poland, to Italy, to Germany, to Spain, to Switzerland, the ideas and the civil- 
izing laws of France. 

" Who does not know that in Germany, by a stroke of the pen, he caused 
two hundred and forty-three petty feudal states to disappear? that from the 
Vistula to the Rhine he destroyed serfdom, the abuses of feudalism, and intro- 
duced there the French civil code, the publicity of trial by jury in criminal 
cases, eradicated the hatreds of religion, and established there freedom of 
worship? Who does not know that in Poland, in Italy, he created powerful 
germs of nationality, elevated the character of national tribunes, and diffused 
all the benefits of enlightened government? Who does not know that in 
Switzerland he pacified the cantons, and gave them a federal compact, the loss 
of Avhich is to this day the object of their regret? Who does not know that 
in Spain even he destroyed the Inquisition, feudalism, and consecrated all his 
efforts to the establishment of a constitution more liberal, and a government 
more enlightened, than any of those which we have seen during the twenty- 
eight years since? 

" ' The result of the empire,' says the illustrious writer whom I refute with 
regret, ' is Europe twice in Paris ; is England realizing, without a rival, the 
universal monarchy of the seas ; is in France reason, liberty, and the masses 
indefinitely retarded by that period of glory.' 

"This is true in the sense that these disastrous results have happened, not 
from the triumph, but from the fall, of the emperor. Weep, then, with us, 
with France, with the peoples, over the reverse of our ai'ins ! For if they 
bad been always victorious, even to the end, England had been humbled, 



232 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

the European oligarchy vanquished, the nationality of the neighboring 
nations resuscitated, and liberty established in Europe. 

"I do not systematically defend all the institutions of the empire, nor all 
the actions of the emperor: I explain them, I regret the creation of a 
nobility, which, from the day of the fall of its chief, has forgotten its plebeian 
origin to make common cause with the oppressors. I regret certain acts of 
useless violence to maintain a power founded upon the will of the people. 
But that which I maintain is, that, of all the governments which preceded or 
which have followed the consulate and the empire, not one has, even during 
peace, accomplished one thousandth part of that for the prosperity of France 
Avhich the emperor accomplished during war. 

"Open the magnificent work of M. de Cormenin upon centralization, and 
you will read this remarkable passage : ' The departmental division of 
France, the legislative codification, the financial accountability, the interior 
administration, the army discipline, the organized police, the national unity, 
excite the envy and the admiration of Europe.' Very well, except the divis- 
ion of territory, all these creations are the work of the emperor. 

"Let M. de Lamartine have the goodness to recall the organic laws of 
the empire, and he will see, that, notwithstanding their defects, the senate 
with its elected members, the legislative corps with its salaried representa- 
tives, the electoral colleges, and the canton assemblies, had a base more 
democratic than the Chambers of to-day. Let him study the organization 
of the imperial council of state, composed of distinguished men from all the 
most important departments of business, and then let him say if he believes 
in the charters of 1814, or in those of 1830 with their spurious aristocracy, 
with their hastily-constructed laws, voted at a sitting, and clogged with con- 
tradictory amendments, — if he believes, I repeat, that thus it will be pos- 
sible to continue the immortal work of the civil code, and to anchor pro- 
foundly, in France, respect for law. 

« Let him consult the report to the king, of M. ViUemain, upon public 
instruction, and he will see that the emperor, who organized primary and 
secondary instruction, and who created then the university, had, in 1812, 
more lyceums and colleges, and more pupils in these establishments, than 
they had in France in 1840. 

" Let him consult the criminal statistics, and he will see, that, since the 
empire, crime has advanced in ever-increasing progression. 

" Let him consult the interests of the working-classes, and he will be con- 
vinced that wages under the empire were double what they are to-day ; that 
they have neither developed nor improved the institution for skilful work- 
men ; in fine, that they have destroyed the asylums for the poor without re- 
placing them by other establishments. 

"Let him cast his eyes over the official documents gathered by the captain 
of the ship ' Laignel,' and he will see that the emperor, notwithstanding the 
disasters of Aboukir and Trafalgar, notwithstanding the Continental wars, 
had in ten years reconstructed three hundred ships of the line ; while, since 
1814 to 1812, the Restoration and the present government have built entirely 
only four. 



POLITICAL, SCIENTIFIC, AND HISTORICAL WRITINGS. 233 

"Let him enumerate all the marshes drained, all the canals dug, all the 
harbors deepened, all the roads opened, all the monuments erected, and the 
manufactures established, during fourteen years of war ; and let him compare 
these results with those obtained in twenty-eight years of peace, with a 
budget of above six hundred millions a year. 

" In fine, even the state-prisons were established under a system more 
humane, more legal, less arbitrary, than the prisons of the Restoration, than 
the prisons of Doullens and of Mont St. Michael of the present regLne- 
Under the Restoration, political prisoners were mingled with the galley- 
slaves : to-day they can enter their comj>laints only before the inspectors or 
the prefects, — men too dependent to dare to undertake the defence of the 
enemies of the government. Under the empire, the state-prisons were 
visited by councillors of state in special missions, public functionaries occu- 
pying the highest positions next to the ministers, and who, by their politi- 
cal character, could, without fear, promote the interests of justice and hu- 
manity. 

" Let a philosopher, a conscientious man, such as I am happy to believe 
Monsieur Lamartine to be, examine impartially the acts of Napoleon, and he 
will render him justice as the first organizer of French democracy, as the 
most earnest promoter of civilization. 

" Napoleon had his faults and his passions; but that which wall eternally 
distinguish him from other sovereigns in the eyes of the masses is that he 
was the king of the people, while others were the kings of the nobles and of 
the privileged classes. 

" As a citizen, as a man devoted to the liberties of ray country, I make a 
great distinction between the consulate and the empire : as a philosopher, 
I do not make any, because, consul or emperor, the mission of Napoleon was 
always the same. Consul, he established in France the principal beneficial 
results of the revolution ; emperoi-, he spread throughout all Europe these 
same results. His mission, at first purely French, then became as wide as 
humanity. 

" I cannot comprehend how a man, who accepts the magnificent position of 
the advocate of democratic interests, can remain insensible to the prodigies 
which were born of the struggle of all the European aristocracies against 
the representative of the revolution. How can he be inexorable in view of the 
errors of the emperor, pitiless in regarding his reverses? — he whose harruo- 
nious voice has always accents of compassion for the misfortunes, and excuses 
for the faults, of the Bourbons ! How is it that Monsieur de Lamartine has 
regret and tears for the violences of Minister Polignac, and yet his eye can 
remain dry, and his words bitter, at the spectacle of our eagles falling at 
Waterloo, and our plebeian emperor dying at St. Helena ? 

" It is in the name of historic verity, the most sacred thing in the world 
next to religion, that Monsieur de Lamartine has addressed to you his lettei'. 
It is equally in the name of that same historic verity that I address to you 
mine. Public opinion, that queen of the universe, will judge which of us two 
has presented under its true aspect the epoch of the consulate and of the 
empire. 



234 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

" I avail myself, with pleasure, of this occasion to express to you, sir, the 
high esteem with which I regard you ; and I pray you to re(;ei\ e the assur- 
ance of my distinguished sentiments. 

" Napoleon Louis Bonaparte." * 

* " It has, no doubt, been already noticed that the prince signed himself indifferently, ' Louis 
Napoleon,' or ' Napoleon Louis.' At the elections, however, which took place after the revolu- 
tion of February, 1848, this disorder in the prefixes having occasioned some confusion, he de- 
cided on finally adopting the signature of Louis Napoleon, by which he is best known." — Zi • 
of Napoleon III. by Edward Roth. 




CHAPTER XIV. 



SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE CAPTIVE OF HAM. 

Rhetorical Skill. — " Project of Law upon the Recruitment of the Army." — The Prussian Or- 
ganization. — Military Necessities of France. — " Mathematical Studies of Napoleon." — 
Anecdotes of the Emperor. — Philosophic Views. — " The Extinction of Pauperism." — 
Character of the Treatise. — Testimony of Be'ranger. — The Past and Future of Artillery. 
— " The Canal of Nicarauga." — Interesting Correspondence. 

E have spoken of the peculiar charm of freshness and orighiality 
with which the prince was able to invest apparently the dryest 
subject. Endowed by nature with powers of the first order, 
which had been disciplined by the most assiduous training, and 
with a mind stored with information gleaned from the science, 
philosophy, and literature of the three most intellectual nations 
of the globe, he threw around whatever theme he touched the combined 
radiance of learning and of genius. The extracts which we have already 
given from his writings elucidate this statement. In further illustration, let 
us introduce a few passages from his work entitled " Project of Law upon the 
Recruitment of the Army." The theme, important as it is, surely does not 
promise much of interest to the general reader. We must also premise that 
it is, perhaps, never possible in a translation to preserve the full spirit of the 
original. 

"One of the reproaches," writes the prince, "the most severe which can be 
addressed to a government, — a reproach which every day ought, if we have 
an opposition truly national, to ring in its ears, — is not to have profited by 
twelve years of peace to organize militarily the country in such a manner that 
France should have never to fear an invasion. 

"Since 1830, the budgets of war have risen to the immense sum of more 
than three milliards and a half; * and when, in 1840, rumors of war came to 
alarm men in power, they avowed openly in the tribune that France was not 
ready: for the infantry needed officers; the cavalry, horses; the artillery and 
the fortified places, supplies ; and the entire army, a reserve : that is to say, 
during twelve years we have expended more than three thousand millions, with- 
out securing sufficient supplies or any good raiUtary organization. 

"It is not sufficient to-day that a nation should have a few hundred cava- 
liers barbed in seel, or a few thousand co7idottiere and mercenaries, to maintain 

* 3,500,000,000 francs, equal to 700,000,000 dollars. 

235 



236 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

its rank and its independence: it needs millions of armed men ; for, when war 
bursts forth, the nations dash against each other in a mass ; and, once engaged 
in the struggle, it is the genius of the chief and the bravery of the troops 
which decide the victory. But it is the organization alone which resists in re- 
verses, and saves the country. ' A nation,' the emperor has said, ' never wants 
men, even after the most disastrous wars ; but it frequently wants soldiers.' 

" This maxim is for us of the highest importance. It ought to be engraved 
upon every mind. Our political role, our isolation, our position as a people, 
impose upon us the duty to organize our forces, not to march anew to conquer 
the world, but to make ourselves forever secure from all invasion. Let us 
profit, then, by our own misfortunes, and from the example of foreign nations. 

"In 1792, there was a people in Europe which lived only on its military 
reputation. Having had at their head a great man who had covered himself 
with glory, and having triumphed in many battles over the Austrians, the 
Russians, and the French, they placed all their security in their past history. 
Frederick was no more ; but the Prussian army had still at its head some of 
his celebrated generals. Confident in the talent of their chiefs and in the 
prestige of the past, this nation plunged proudly into battles. But in the first 
marches a few French battalions put them to flight, and the lieutenants of 
Frederick bit the dust; and, when the French Republic produced a man who 
surpassed the Prussian hero by all the difference which there was in the 
impulses which had elevated them, Prussia was lost in a single battle. 

" But the Prussians knew how to profit by their reverses ; and, in order to 
prevent that another Jena should come to destroy in a day their country, 
they established among themselves the noblest military organization which 
has ever existed among civilized nations. 

" Well, we also, we, live upon our past glory. We have at our head the 
old generals of the emperor ; but the terrible example of Waterloo has not 
profited us. We are without defence. 

" We urge the comparison to prove that we are not here considering a law 
of details, but a question of principle, a question of existence. The problem 
to be resolved is this : — 

" To resist a coalition, France needs an immense army composed of disci- 
plined men ; more, it needs that that army should still be able to re-organize 
itself with disciplined men in case of a first reverse. Now, since there is no 
state which can, without exhaustion, maintain constantly in service hundreds 
of thousands of men, it is necessary to have recourse to a system which may 
oflTer the greatest possible advantages in time of war, without occasioning too 
heavy burdens in time of peace. 

" Such is the problem ; and consequently, thus stated, the question grows in 
magnitude. 

" Indeed, if the military organization of a people need not always conform 
itself to the nature of that people, to its political position, to its social state, 
it would i-equire but little time to decide upon the best means of having a 
good army; for the question would limit itself to the endeavor to raise' the 
largest possible number of soldiers, and to keep them under the flag for the 
longest possible time. For the vcjin who has remained six years in a regiment, 



PKINCIPLES OF THE CAPTIVE OF HAM. 237 

as in France, is better disciplined than he who has been there but three years, 
as in Prussia ; but he whose engagement lasts ten years, as in England, or 
tweiity years, as in Austria and in Russia, will be a much better soldier still. 
The question is political rather than military." 

We regret that our space will not permit us to copy the whole of this valu- 
able paper, every page of which is full of interest and instruction. A few 
sentences more only will we quote: — 

"Montesquieu has remarked, that that which contributed most to render the 
Romans masters of the world was, that, having fought successively against all 
the nations, they always renounced their own usages as soon as they found 
others which were better. Without pretending to the empire of the world, 
let us follow their example ; and let us take fi-om foreign nations all which 
can, with advantage, be adapted to our manners ; but let us, on the contrary, 
repel with energy those things which are opposed to our nature and our 
needs. 

" The great art consists in choice. Thus, instead of attempting to introduce 
into France the aristocratic constitution of England, we could wish that our 
statesmen would adopt from Great Britain the institutions which protect 
individual liberty; which develop the spirit of association, and form the spirit 
of law. We could wish that they would import from Germany her system 
of public instruction, of municipal and military organization." 

After minutely describing his plan for arming the nation, and the expense 
the prince continues : — 

" France would then have for two hundred and thirty-nine million francs a 
milUon and a half of disciplined men ; for it is important to observe that these 
fifteen hundred thousand men would have all either passed four years under the 
flag, or have manoeuvred during seven years, twice a year, with the troops of 
the line. And this military force would be the more imposing, since a tele- 
gi-aphic order would suffice to put these whole fifteen hundred thcusand men 
under arms, ready to march, and almost without any extraordinary expense. 

"To-day, on the contrary, France expends, with supplementary credits, 
nearly four hundred millions for her army ; and exclusive of the eSective force 
of thirty thousand men necessary for Algeria, the fourteen thousand gen- 
darmes, the veterans, the garrison of Paris and of Lyons, it has not two 
hundred thousand men to defend our frontiers ; while, upon the line of the 
Rhine alone, more than five hundred thousand men could be marshalled 
against us in fifteen days. 

" Now, we ask all candid men, Is it not time to profit by this season of peace 
to put France in a state to resist invasion ? and is not a system analogous to 
that which we have proposed the best which can be adopted?— -a system 
which the emperor himself suggested to the council of state when he wrote, 
' Pursue, then, the organization of the National Guard ; let each citizen know 
his post in time of need ; let M. Carabaceres, for instance, be prepared to seize 
a musket if danger require it ; and then you will have truly a nation of solid 
masonry which can defy the ages and men.' " * 

* CEuvres de Napoleon III., torn. iii. pp. 301-323, first published in the Progres du Pa» 
de-Calai3, mai. 1843. 



238 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

One more example we will give, mainly to show the rhetorical ability with 
which the prince invested, with the charm of eloquence, themes apparently the 
most forbidding. The intelligent reader will also observe, that, upon whatever 
subject he writes, every thought is directly or indirectly brought to bear 
upon the one great object of his ambition, — the restoration to France of the 
democratic principles of the empire of Napoleon. The celebrated philoso- 
pher, M. Arago, had made inquiries of the prisoner of Ham, through his 
colleague in the municipal council of Paris, respecting " The Mathematical 
Studies of Napoleon." The prince replied in the following letter to M. 
Thayer, dated Sept. 6, 1842 : — 

"My dear Moxsieub Thayer, — The letter you have written me has 
afforded me much pleasure ; for it is a long time since I have heard from you. 
I shall be very happy to be of any service to the celebrated savant of whom 
you have s^Doken to me, in furnishing him with new details upon the mathe- 
matical studies of the emperor : but, unfortunately, I know but little upon 
the subject ; and General Montholon, whose memory I have interrogated, can 
recall but few important facts. Nevertheless, I will give you my ideas and my 
personal recollections. You can make such use of them as you may wish. 

"It is certain that the emperor was distinguished at the school at Brienno 
by his application to mathematics. He had studied them in Bezout, and 
Bezout remained his favorite author. He has never forgotten the friends of 
his youth. His taste for the exact sciences it is easy to explain. That which 
distinguishes, I think, great men, that which inspires their ambition, that 
which renders them absolute in their wishes, is the love of truth. Thus the 
emperor, in his youth, preferred to other sciences those which always give 
results incontestable, and uninfluenced by trickery and unfairness ; but his 
mind, entirely pi-actical, had, from the beginning, retained, above all, that por- 
tion of mathematics which was available to solve all the problems of general 
use. 

" In science, as in politics, he rejected theories or principles in which he 
saw no immediate application ; and it is perhaps for that reason that he pre- 
ferred the practical genius of Monge to the transcendent genius of Laplace. 
He certainly highly esteemed the latter; but he did not like that a philoso- 
pher should always shut himself up within himself, and should be approach- 
able only by the initiated. To promote the advancement of science was 
doubtless a great merit ; but to diffuse science among the people was, in his 
eyes, a much greater merit still. Therefore how greatly would he have ap- 
preciated your illustrious colleague, M. Arago, who possesses in so eminent 
a degree those two faculties so difficult to be united in the same man, — to be 
the grand priest of Science, and to know how to initiate the common people 
into her mysteries ! 

"The emperor had an astonishing memory for numbers; and he never 
forgot the numbers expressing the products of the different elements of our 
civil and military organization. My mother has frequently mentioned having 
Been the emperor calculate before her the most complicated movements of 
his troops ; remeu bering the position of each corps, the relative position of 



PRINCIPLES OF THE CAPTIVE OF HAM. 239 

the forces to each other, the number of the regiments, and the time which 
each one would require to traverse a given distance. 

"You know, perhaps, that on one occasion, while verifying the accounts of 
the treasury, in which was recorded the passage of troops through Paris, lie 
affirmed, in contradiction to the statement of the administration, that the 
Thirty-second Regiment had never passed through Paris. Inquiry was m ide, 
and it was found that it had only gone to St. Denis ; but, as that city had 
no military paymaster, the sum which had been furnished to the regiment 
had been credited to the account of Paris. 

"In judging only superficially, one would say that this facility of calcu- 
lation, and this surprising memory, indicated a mind arithmetical rather than 
mathematical. But, in analyzing, one perceives that that which appears to us 
as a simple proportion is indeed the result of high combinations. The banker, 
who seeks the product of a simple or compound interest, only performs the 
ciphering of a schoolboy: but he who introduces into his combinations as 
the unknown quantities of an equation all the physical and moral causes 
which support life, which assist to move or to conquer an ai'my ; he who cal- 
culates how far a grand word, which penetrates to the soul of his soldiers, 
can multiply their force ; and who fixes their number according to the sym- 
pathies or the repulsions which the flag of French democracy must expect 
to encounter among foreign peoples, — surely he is more than an arithmeti- 
cian : he resolves the grandest problems of transcendent mathematics ; for 
at the end of his calculations are to be found, as the result, glory, nationality, 
civilization. 

" Frequently the emperor interested himself in the house-keeping expenses 
of his family. One day, probably pre-occupied by some question of finance, he 
stepped forward to my mother, in the presence of a large company, and said 
aloud, — 

" ' Hortense, how much do you spend for your kitchen, and how much for 
your stable ? ' 

" ' Sire,' she replied, ' I do not remember.' 

"'Well,' he added, 'you are a simpleton. One can always, with a few 
figures, retain the memory of one's expenses. In every house well regulated, 
there is expended not more than one-quarter of the income for the kitchen, 
and one-fifth for the stable.' 

"At another time, reducing to a formula rules for our conduct, he said, 
* In every thing which one undertakes, it is necessary to give two-thirds to 
reason, and one-third to chance. Augment the first fraction, you will be 
pusillanimous; augment the second, you will be rash.' 

"At St. Helena, his soul imbittered with so many chagrins, he wished to 
divert himself by occupying his mind with subjects which would not recall 
painful memories : then he revelled among figures as a poet dreams in verse. 
Sometimes he planned, as General Montholon has informed me, new con- 
structions for military bridges, and calculated their powers of resistance; 
sometimes he compared the rapidity of his strategic movements with the 
movements of the ancient generals ; sometimes he verified upon paper if it 
would be possible that an army corps should intrench itself every night as 



240 LIFE OF. NAPOLEON IIL 

the Roman legions did, and in that event he calculated the amount of ex 
cavation and of embankment it would be possible to execute in so short a 
time. In fine, he occasionally occupied himself with statistics, and sought 
the solution of a problem, which, under his reign, had intensely interested him, 
— the extinction of mendicity. 

" To recapitulate : the emperor had thoroughly studied mathematics, and 
placed that science above all others. Nevertheless, being a man of synthesis 
rather than a man of analysis, he only occupied himself with problems of 
direct application. He said that drawing and the exact sciences gave 
accuracy to the mind ; that drawing taught one to see, and mathematics 
taught one to think. He believed, nevertheless, that it was important not 
to overtask the brain of the young, or to fatigue the mind by the study of 
analysis too profound. 

"Permit me to close by a general philosophic view. Great men have 
always a great influence upon the generations which follow them, although 
that influence may be frequently denied and combated. It is thus that the 
influence of Charlemagne made itself felt through many ages ; and, even to 
the present day, the education of the young obeys the impulse given by that 
great man. At the epoch in which Christianity arose among the barbarians 
outside of the Roman Empire, the Church was the light of science, the hope 
of civilization. By it alone was it possible to soften the manners and control 
the conduct of men of arms. 

"Charlemagne availed himself of the prestige of the Church, recalled it to 
the severity of its principles, and gave it a grand preponderance. To gain 
access to the Church, which then held possession both at Constantinople and 
at Rome, it was necessary to understand Latin and Greek. Tliese two 
languages were then the base of all science ; the necessary road which one 
must traverse in order to pass from ignorance to knowledge, from barbarism 
to civilization. 

" Now, though our social state has entirely changed during a thousand years, 
though the gates of science have been broken open by the laity, it was still, 
until within fifty years, the ecclesiastical method which was followed in 
education: and it required a revolution like that of 1789, and a man like Na- 
poleon, to elevate above the dead languages the physical and mathematical 
sciences, which ought to be the aim of our present society ; for they form 
workers instead of creating idlers. 

"In politics, as in education, to replace the edifice of Charlemagne — such 
was the mission of the emperor ; but time failed him in that as in every thing 
else. And is it not inconceivable, that, at the present day, there should be 
required an examination in Latin to enter the polytechnic and military 
schools? Latin in the nineteenth century to learn to construct ships of war 
or fortified places! — Latin, to learn to throw cannon-balls, or to apply to the 
arts chemical and mechanical sciences ! 

"It is in making such comparisons that one acquires the sad conviction, that 
even enlightened minds are often the slaves of prejudice and of routine. 
Habits the most futile and useless have wide-spreading roots in the past ; 
and though, at first view, it would seem that a breath would destroy them, 
they often resist the convulsions of society and the efibrts of a great man. 



PiUNCIPLES OF THE CAPTIVE OF HAM. 241 

"If this letter does not entirely respond to the letters which you have 
addressed to me, you will, nevertheless, see in it, I hope, the wish to do some- 
thing which may be agreeable to you and to M. Arago, whose scientific genius 
no one can admire more than I do. Have the kindness to remember me to 
Madame Thayer and to the Duke of Padua, and believe in my sentiments of 
high esteem and friendship. " Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." * 

The pen of the prince was never idle. Scarcely has he written a page 
which is not worthy of preservation. His collected works fill eleven volumes, 
— two in folio, three in quarto, and six in royal octavo. We have hardly 
space even to allude to many of these writings. They nearly all bear directly 
upon questions of great practical interest. In the quotations we have made, 
we have been guided by the endeavor to introduce the reader to the mind 
of the prince, to his political views, to his social and moral instincts. One of 
the most important works which he published from his prison in Ham was 
upon "The Extinction of Pauperism." It was published in May, 1844. In 
his preface, he says, — 

" I ought to say a word in explanation of the title of this pamphlet. It 
may be said, as a literary man of much merit has already remarked to me, 
that the words, 'Extinction of Pauperism,' do not well express a writing which 
has for its single aim the welfare of the working-class. It is true that there 
is a great difference between the misery which arises from the unnatural 
stagnation of labor and that pauperism which is often the result of vice. 
Yet it may be affirmed that the one is the immediate consequence of the 
other ; for to diffuse through the working-classes, which are the most numer- 
ous, comfort, instruction, and morality, is to extirpate pauperism either en- 
tirely, or, at least, in great part. 

" Thus to propose measures capable of initiating the masses into all the 
benefits of civilization is to dry up the sources of ignorance, vice, and misery. 
I think that I may, therefore, without too much boldness, preserve for my 
work the title of 'The Extinction of Pauperism.' I submit my reflections to 
the public, in the hope, that, developed and put in practice, they will be use- 
ful for the solace of humanity. It is natural for the unfortunate to think of 
those who suffer." 

The first chapter is thus introduced : " The riches of a country depend upon 
the prosperity of agriculture and of industry ; upon the development of com- 
merce, interior and exterior; upon the just and equitable division of the public 
revenues. There is not one of these elements of material prosperity which 
may not be undermined in France by defects in our social condition. All men 
of independent minds acknowledge this. They differ only as to the remedies 
to be applied. 

" Agriculture. 

" It is evident that the extreme division of properties tends to the ruin of 
agiiculture ; and yet the re-establishment of the law of primogeniture, which 
maintained the large estates, and favored agriculture upon a large scale, is an 

* Progrl's du Pas-de-Calais, 6 decembre, 1842. 



242 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

impossibility. We must even congratulate ourselves in a political point of 
view that it is so. 

" Industry.* 

"This source of wealth has at the present time neither rule nor organization 
nor aim. It is a machine which works without a regulator : it regards but 
little the motive-force which it employs. Crushing equally beneath its wheels 
men and materials, it depopulates the rural districts, crowds the population 
into narrow spaces without air, weakens the mind as well as the body, and 
then casts out into the streets, when it can no longer make use of them, mtn 
who have sacrificed, to enrich her, their strength, their youth, their existence. 
A true Saturn of labor. Industry devours her children, and lives only by their 
death. 

" Must we, to repair these defects, place her under a yoke of iron ? wrest 
from her that liberty which is her life ? kill her, in a word, because she ^ills, 
without taking account of the immense benefits she confers? But it is ne- 
cessary to do something : for society is not a fictitious being ; it is a body of 
flesh and bones, which can prosper only when all the parts which compose it 
are in a state of perfect health. A remedy is required for the evils of indus- 
try : the general good of the country, the voice of humanity, the interests 
even of the government, imperiously demand it. 

"Interior Commerce. 
" Interior Commerce suffers, because Industry, producing too much in com- 
parison with the small remuneration she returns to Labor, and Agriculture not 
producing enough, the nation finds itself composed of producers who cannot 
sell, and of consumers who cannot buy. And the want of equilibrium of the 
situation constrains the government here, as in England, to go even to China 
to seek some thousands of consumers in the presence of millions of French 
or of English who are destitute of every thing; and who, if they were able to 
purchase food and clothing, would create a commercial movement far fnore 
considerable than the most advantageous treaties. 

" Exterior' Commerce. 
" The causes which paralyze our exportation from France are too nearly 
allied to politics for us to speak of them here. Let it suffice us to say that 
the quantity of merchandise which a country exports is always in direct pro- 
portion to the number of bullets which she can send to her enemies when her 
honor and. her dignity demand it. The events which have recently passed in 
China are a proof of this truth. Let us now speak of taxes. 

" Impost. 

" France is one of the most heavily taxed countries of Europe. She would, 

perhaps, be the richest country, were the public fortune distributed in a more 

equitable manner. The raising of taxes may be compared to the action of 

the sun, which draws up the vapors from the earth, to distribute them again 

* L' Industrie. — By this word, the French convey the idea which we would convey by the two 
words " trades " and " manufactures." 



PRINCIPLES OF THE CAPTIVE OF HAM. 243 

in the form of rain, over all those places which have need of water, that they 
may be fruitful and productive. When this restitution operates regularly, 
fertility ensues ; but when the sky, in its wi-ath, pours down the absorbed 
vapors in storms, in waterspouts, in tempests, the germs of production are 
destroyed, and sterility is the result, because it gives to some places far too 
much, and to others not enough. Still, whatever may have been the action of 
the atmosphere, beneficial or hurtful, it is almost always, at the end of the 
year, the same quantity of water which has been taken up and given back. 
The distribution alone makes, then, the difference. Equitable and regular, it 
creates abundance ; lavish and partial, it causes dearth. 

" It is the same in the effects of a good or a bad administration. If the 
sums raised each year from the generality of the inhabitants are employed for 
unproductive purposes, — as in creating useless appointments, erecting sterile 
monuments, in maintaining in the midst of profound peace an army more 
expensive than that which conquered at Austerlitz, — the tax, in that case, be- 
comes an insupportable burden ; it exhausts the country ; it absorbs without 
returning. But if, on the contrary, these resources are employed to create 
new elements of production, to establish the equilibrium of riches, to destroy 
misery in promoting and organizing labor, to cure, in fine, the evils which 
Civilization brings with her, then, certainly, the tax becomes, as was once said 
by a minister at the tribune, the best investment for the public. 

" It is, then, in the budget that we must seek the first support for every sys- 
tem which has for its aim the relief of the working-class. Savings-banks are, 
doubtless, useful for the class of workmen who are in easy circumstances : 
they furnish them the means of making an advantageous investment of the 
small sums which their economy can save. But for the numerous class which 
has no superfluity, and consequently no means of saving, that system is en- 
tirely useless. To attempt to alleviate the miseries of men who have nothing 
to live upon, in proposing to them to lay aside every year something of that 
which they have not, is derision or absurdity. 

"What is, then, to be done? This is our reply. Our law for the equal 
division of landed estates ruins agriculture. We must remedy this evil by an 
association, which, employing all the unoccupied hands, re-creates large estates 
and extended culture without any injury to our political principle. 

"Manufacturing interests (^^/^(?i^s<rie) continually call men into the cities, 
and enervate them. We must recall into the country the overplus of the 
cities, and renovate their minds and their bodies by the fresh air. 

" The working-classes possess nothing : we must make them landholders. 
They have no fortune but their hands : we must give to these hands employ- 
ment useful for all. They are as a tribe of Helots in the midst of a tribe of 
Sybarites : we must give them a place in society, and attach their interests 
to the soil. They are now without organization, and without ties ; without 
rights, and without a future : we must give them rights and a future by rais- 
ing them to self-respect through association, education, and good order." 

We can only give very briefly the plan which the prince proposes and 
minutely elucidates for the accomplishment of these important results. He 



244 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IH. 

says, that, for the promotion of a project so worthy of the democratic and 
enlightened sj^irit of the present age, there is necessary, — first, a law; 
secondly, the wise investment of funds taken from the budget ; and, thirdly, 
organization. He states, that in France, according to official statistics, there 
are about twenty million acres of uncultivated land which are almost profit- 
less. He proposes that the government should assign these lands to the 
Workmen's Association, to be cultivated by agricultural colonies; and that the 
state should furnish the necessary funds, which, he says, would prove a " mag- 
nificent investment." The most minute and careful calculations are made to 
show the mode of operation and the wisdom of the measure. No impartial 
man can read these pages without admiring the spirit of wisdom and humanity 
displayed upon every page, without being convinced that the writer has at 
heart the welfare of the people. 

" The masses, without organization," he writes, " are nothing ; organized, 
they are every thing. Without organization, they can neither speak, nor make 
themselves understood ; they can neither hear, nor receive a common impres- 
sion. On the one hand, the voice of twenty millions of men scattered over a 
vast territory is lost in echo ; on the other hand, there is no voice sufficiently 
powerful and persuasive to carry from a central point to the consciences of 
twenty millions of men the always severe doctrines of power, Avithout recog- 
nized intermediums. 

" To-day the reign of castes is ended. One can only govern by the masses. 
It is necessary, then, to organize them, that they may give expression to their 
wishes ; and to discipline them, that they may be directed and enlightened as 
to their true interests. To govern is no longer to dominate over the people 
by force and violence : it is to conduct them towards a better future in mak- 
ing an appeal to their reason and their hearts. But since the masses have 
need to be instructed and rendered morally better, and since, in its turn, 
authority needs to be restrained and enlightened respecting tlie interests of 
the greatest number, it is above all things necessary that there should be in 
society two movements equally powerful, — an action of government u^ion 
the masses, and a re-action of the masses upon government. 

" Guided by these considerations, we would wish to create, between the 
workmen and those who employ them, an intermediate class, invested with 
rights legally recognized, and chosen by the totality of the workmen. We 
would have the workmen every year choose these representatives, or middle- 
men, one for every ten. Good conduct should be the only condition of 
eligibility. Every head of a manufactory or a farm should be obliged by law, 
whenever he employed as many as ten workmen, to have a middle-man to 
direct them, and to give him a salary twice as much as he pays the common 
laborers. 

" These middle-men would fill, in the working-class, the same office which 
the sub-officers fill in the army. They form the first degree in the social 
hierarchy ; stimulating the laudable ambition of all, and presenting to them a 
recompense easily to be obtained." 

Chapter three treats of agricultural associations, and chapter four contains 
the estimated expenses and receipts of such establishments. According to 



PRINCIPLES OF THE CAPTIVE OF HAM. 245 

his calculations, by an immediate expenditure of about sixty million dollars 
by the government, these agricultural associations would in twenty-three 
years clear a net pi-ofit of one hundred and sixty million dollars, and two 
hundred thousand families would have been supported. France would be 
enriched by twelve millions of new cattle, and the government would receive 
a revenue of seven million dollars from the ground-rent alone of the improved 
property. 

In the concluding chapter, he writes, " All men who feel themselves ani- 
mated by a sincere love for their fellow-creatures desire that justice should 
at length be done to the working-classes, which still seem deprived of all the 
advantages which civilization procures. Our project gives them every thing 
which elevates the condition of man, — competence, education, good order, 
and to each the possibility of raising himself by merit and skill. Our organiza- 
tion tends to nothing less than to render at the end of a few years the 
poorest class of to-day the richest association in all France. 

" That is a grand and holy mission, well worthy of exciting the ambition 
of men, which consists in the endeavor to appease hatreds, to heal wounds, 
to soothe the sufferings of humanity, by uniting the citizens of the same 
country in a common interest, and in accelerating a future Avhich civilization 
must sooner or later introduce. 

" Two centuries ago, Fontaine uttered this sentence, too often true, and yet 
so sad, so destructive of all society, of all order, of all sacred authority: '■I tell 
you in plain terms, — our enemy, he is our master.'' To-day the object of 
all enlightened governments should be to devote its efforts to hasten the 
period when men may say, — 

" ' The trium^yh of Christianity has destroyed slavery ; the triumph of the 
French Hevolution has put an end to serfdom; the triuv)%ph of democratiG 
ideas has caused the extinction of pauperism^ " * 

This treatise, like the others from the pen of the captive prince, was, widely 
circulated, eagerly read, and warmly commended. The expression of sym- 
pathy for the sufferings of the masses touched the popular heart in France, 
and led the people to regard Louis Napoleon as the heir of the principles as 
well as of the great name of their beloved emperor. They regarded his 
attempts at Strasburg and Boulogne as attempts to come to their rescue. 
The most accomplished scholars in France admitted the great ability which 
the prince displayed in these writings, as will be evident from the following 
letter from the poet Beranger. It was dated June 30, 1844, and was in 
acknowledgment of the reception of a copy of his pamphlet upon " The 
Extinction of Pauperism." f 

* (Euvres de Napoleon ITT., torn, deuxieme, pp. 107-125. 

t " At Boulogne and Strasburg, the prince had proved how faithfully he had followed the 
first part of his uncle's motto, 'All by the people.' At Ham, he showed, by this pamphlet on 
' The Extinction of Pauperism,' that he equally understood the second part of the device, ' All 
for the people.' This work, the result of long meditation on the lot of the working-classes, 
after dwelling on the means of increasing the agricultural wealth of the country, suggests a 
plan for the organization of labor, having for its object the employment of unoccupied hands. 
No greater proof can be given of the consistency and truth of his character, of the agreemenl 



246 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III, 

" Pkince, — I have the honor to thank you for sending ine your work. 
It deserves the admiration of all the friends of humanity. The idea to 
which you give utterance in this too short pamphlet is one of the best cal- 
culated to ameliorate the condition of the industrial and laboring classes. 
It is not my part, prince, to judge of the accuracy of the calculations by 
which you maintain it ; but I can fully appreciate their value. I have too 
often indulged in dreams which had the same objects in view as your gener- 
ous intentions, not to do so. By a good fortune, of which I am very proud, 
my fireside Utopias singularly approach those projects which you develop so 
clearly, and support by such unanswerable arguments. 

" It is less through vanity, prince, that I here allude to my speculations, 
than to show you the satisfaction that your work was calculated to afford me. 
It is noble in you, in the midst of the tediums and sufferings of captivity, to 
interest yourself thus, prince, with that portion of your fellow-countrymen 
whose evils are so numerous and menacing. It is the best means, and the 
worthiest of the name you bear, to prove the injustice of those statesmen 
who hesitate so long in restoring you to your liberty and your native land. 
With the best wishes that you may soon recover both, receive, prince, the 
assurance of my sentiments of high consideration. I have the honor, prince 
to be your very humble servant, " Bekanger." 

The next work upon which the studious captive entered was entitled 
" The Past and Future of Artillery." It was his intention to complete it in 
five large volumes, accompanied with numerous illustrations from his own 
pencil. He was engaged upon this theme when other subjects of more im- 
mediate and pressing importance called off his attention. The diligence 
with which he must have devoted himself to this work may be inferred from 
the fact, that what he then Avrote now fills the fourth volume of the emperor's 
writings, — a royal octavo volume of four hundred and twenty-four pages. It 
is sufficient to say that it is a work which no man could write who was not 
thoroughly conversant both with the teachings of history and the deduc- 
tions of science. "It is a remarkable production," say Gallix and Guy, 
"and is regarded by men conversant with the subject as one of the most 
perfect works upon the theme of which it treats." * 

We now come to a work of very great political importance, entitled " The 
Canal of Nicaragua ; or, A Project for the Junction of the Atlantic and 
Pacific Oceans by Means of a Canal." It is not improbable that it was the 
writing of this work which turned his attention to Mexico, and which im- 
pressed him so deeply with the importance of the construction of the canal 
for the commerce of the world as to lead him to the endeavor to establish 
a stable government in tumultuous and anarchic Mexico, under whose pro- 
tection moneyed men would venture to employ their capital in so magnifi- 
cent an enterprise. 

of deeds with loords, than the manner in which, since his accession to the throne, he has carried 
out these ideas, and the great decrease of mendicity in consequence." — The Early Life of Louis 
Napoleon, collected from Authentic Records. London : p. 134. 
* Histoire complete de Napoleon III., p. 117. 



PEINCIPLES OF THE CAPTIVE OF HAM. 247 

It apjoears that tlie fame of the prisoner of Ham for science and for far- 
reaching views had readied Central America, where many Europeans were 
reading. Several persons of distinction wrote to him, through a French 
gentleman established at Jamaica, to induce him to solicit permission to leave 
his prison, and go to America, where they said that the prince would be re- 
ceived with enthusiasm, and where he could engage in enterprises worthy of 
his name and of his active energies. 

It was well known that the French Government was very much embar- 
rassed by the presence of its formidable adversary in France; that the 
public sympathy was daily becoming stronger in his favor; that the liberal 
party were more and more regarding his name as their rallying-cry ; and that 
Louis Pliilippe and his friends would be only too happy to throw open the 
gates of Ham, if the captive would but leave France, and expend his tireless 
energies upon the other side of the ocean. 

But the prince did not wish to leave France. He still clung with strange 
tenacity to the belief that he was destined by Providence to sit upon the 
throne of his native land, and that it was to be his privilege to consecrate 
the high abilities which he was conscious that God had given to him to the 
promotion of the wealth and power and happiness of his own countrymen. 
He therefore declined the invitation. Still, touched by the marks of sympathy 
which had come to him from such a distance, and which had even penetrated 
the glooms of a prison to reach him, he entered into a correspondence with the 
gentlemen who had so earnestly applied for his services. Enclosed within 
the walls of the fortress, the feet of the prince could traverse a space of but a 
few yards. But the spirit cannot be chained. When the body is immured in a 
cell, the mind will launch forth, perhaps with more vigorous wing, to traverse 
the expanse, and to contemplate those achievements which only the most 
perfect liberty can execute. 

It so happened that just at this time the prince received a visit from an 
oiRcer of the French marine, who was upon the point of sailing for Central 
America. He engaged this officer to make some investigations upon the 
possibility of cutting a canal, navigable for ships, which should connect the 
Atlantic and the Pacific through the Lakes of Nicaragua and Leon. By a 
singular coincidence, just at this time, when Louis Napoleon was earnestly 
investigating the question of the best route for a ship-canal to connect the 
two oceans, the French Government sent an engineer, M. Garella, to draw 
the plans and to prepare the estimates for a canal across the Isthmus of 
Panama. 

In the year 1844, the States of Guatiraala, San Salvador, and Honduras, 
sent M. Castellon as minister jilenipotentiary to the court of Louis Pliilippe, 
to implore for those States the protection of the French Government, and 
to offer to France, in return, signal commercial advantages. The French 
Government did not accept the overtures of M. Castellon ; and he con- 
sequently then solicited permission to visit the prisoner of Ham. This 
request was granted ; and M. Castellon had an interview with the prince, in 
the course of which he discoursed at length upon the importance and the 
possibility of a junction of the two oceans; and earnestly entreated the prince 



248 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

to repair to Central America to place himself at the head of so mnjostic 
an enterprise. His efforts, however, were unavailing; and he subsequently 
entered into an arrangement with a company in Belgium. 

A few months passed away, when the report was widely circulated that 
the French Government Avas about to grant a decree of amnesty to the cap- 
tive prince. This led Louis Napoleon to think very seriously of America, 
and to weigh in his mind the grand project which had so recently been 
submitted to him, and the execution of which would confer such honor upon 
his name. 

M. Castellon, during his visit at Ham, had perceived that the prince was 
quite familiar with all the points connected with the project in question, and 
that he fully comprehended the vast benefits which would be conferred upon 
the States of Central America by the contemplated canal. He therefore en- 
treated him to write out for publication his thoughts upon the subject. In 
response to this request, the prince addressed a letter to M. Castellon, con- 
taining his views upon this great enterprise of world-wide importance, and 
stating, that, if he should be set at liberty, he had decided to cross to America, 
and embark in the undertaking. 

M. Castellon, having received this communication, translated it into 
Spanish. It was eagerly read, and produced so deep an impression in 
Central America, that immediately a large number of the most distinguished 
inhabitants addressed a petition to their government, praying that the execu- 
tion of the projected canal might be confided exclusively to Prince Louis 
Napoleon Bonaparte. In consequence of this action, M. Castellon wrote to 
the prince the following letter, dated Leon de Nicaragua, Dec. 6, 1845 : * — 

"Prince, — I have received with the greatest pleasure the letter of your 
Highness, dated Aug. 12, which brings to me the expression of your esteem 
and friendship, with which I feel highly honored. You have joined to it the 
development of your ideas relative to the canal at Nicaragua, viewed in the 
light whichseems to me best calculated to promote the prosperity of Central 
America. You at the same time acquaint me that you are far more disposed 
than when I first paid you a visit at Ham to come to this country, in order 
to advance by your presence and exertions the execution of this great work, 
— sufficient of itself to satisfy the most noble ambition; and that you are 
ready to accept the direction without any other view than that of accomplish- 
ing a task worthy of the great name you bear. 

" When I went to France as minister plenipotentiary, I was very desirous, 
before my departure from Europe, of visiting you at Ilam. I aspired to the 
honor of seeing you, not only on account of the popularity which invested 
your name throughout the world, but because I had myself witnessed in your 
native country the high esteem which was attached to your character, and the 
sympathy which your misfortunes inspired. 

" I admired, prince, your resignation, and your love for that France where 
you are imprisoned ; but I had a secret joy in seeing your spirit exalt itself 

* CEuTi-es de Napoleon IIL, torn. iv. : Le Canal tie Nicaragua; on, Projet de Jonction dcs 
Oceans Atlantique et Pacifique au Moyen d'un Canal. Introductioa. 



PRINCIPLES OF THE CAPTIVE OF HAM. 249 

in view of the immense work which ray country was about to undertake, and 
wliich would so effectually promote the progress of civilization. The inten- 
tions which you have announced, and the notes added to your letter, have 
excited here the liveliest enthusiasm, with which is blended the profoundest 
gratitude. 

" I am happy to inform your Highness that tlie government of this State, 
fully convinced that the true way of raising the capital necessary for this enter- 
prise is to place it under the patronage of a name, independent, like yours, in 
fortune and position, and which, in securing the confidence of the two worlds, 
will dispel all fear of foreign domination, — that this government relies upon 
your Highness as the only person who can fulfil these diverse conditions. Your 
Highness, brought up in a republic, has shown by your noble behavior in 
Switzerland to what extent a free people may rely on your self-denial. And 
we feel convinced that if your uncle, the great Napoleon, has rendered himself 
immortal by his victories, your Highness may acquire among us an equal 
glory by works of peace, which cause only tears of gratitude to flow. From 
the day in which you shall place your foot upon our soil, a new era of pros- 
perity will commence for its inhabitants. 

" If we do not send you immediately the necessary powers for the commence- 
ment of these great works, it will be in consequence of the absence of the 
Legislative Chambers, whose intervention is necessary for the examination of 
a treaty, signed by me the last year with Monsieur the Count of Hompesch, Pres- 
ident of the Belgian Colonization Company. That treaty not having been as 
favorably received as I had expected, it is more than probable tliat the gov- 
ernment will be authorized to address itself to you, and will be able thus to 
satisfy the national will. It seems resolved to send me to you with the neces- 
sary instructions to enable your Plighness and myself to come to an under- 
standing upon the subject. 

"Another cause of delay is the recent popular outbreak in the country. 
But as the number of malecontents is very small, and the government has the 
support of public opinion, I think that this revolution will soon be appeased, 
and that the ensuing calm will permit us to give to our grand enterprise the 
most energetic impulse. The government is convinced that the construction 
of the canal, in giving employment to all the unoccupied hands, will be a new 
means of pacification and prosperity for a people so long a time harassed by 
the horrors of civil war. 

" I pray your highness to receive, &e. 

" Franc Castellon." • 

* This letter will be found in the Works of Napoleon III., vol. ii. p. 167. 
82 



CHAPTEE XV. 



FAMILY REMINISCENCES. 




The Death of Joseph Bonaparte. — Sketch of his Career. — Anecdote of Napoleon. — Petitions 
for the Release of the Prince. — Sickness of his Father, King Louis. — His Dying Plea to see 
his Son. — Efforts of the Prince to visit his Dying Father. — Correspondence. — Measures of 
the Government. — Public Dissatisfaction, 

TIILE these great plans were under consideration, it was gen- 
erally understood that the imprisoned prince had but to sug- 
gest to the government his I'eadiness to retire to America, no 
more to return to France, and his prison-doors would be in- 
stantly thrown wide open. Joseph Bonaparte was the first 
heir to the empire. This man, who had worn two crowns, the 
eldest brother of the emperor, and his most intimate friend, died at Florence, 
the 2Sth July, 1844, after a long and painful illness. The universal press 
of Europe spoke of the departed in terms of respect and regret. He was 
one of the most amiable and virtuous of men ; and died in a foreign land, at 
the close of twenty-nine years of exile from hts native country. 

The death of Joseph Bonaparte brought Louis Napoleon, according to the 
laws of hereditary descent, one step nearer to the imperial throne. There 
was now but one person between the young prince and the crown ; and that 
was his own father, Louis Bonaparte, then aged, sick, and dying. Louis Philippe, 
occupying a throne which was based neither upon hereditary right nor popular 
suffrage, was increasingly unpopular; and it was manifest to all thoughtful 
observers that there must soon be another revolution in France. The captive 
of Ham, by his pen, was ever keeping his name before the public; and his 
democratic ideas were daily inspiring the Liberal party with more confidence 
in his ability and in his political principles. The Fortress of Ham had become 
the tribune from which the prince was continually addressing his listening 
countrymen ; and his name had become such a power, that it was mani- 
festly inexpedient for him to withdraw from Europe in view of the approach- 
ing crisis, even though, by so doing, he should escape from a prison whose 
glooins were beginning to weigh heavily upon his soul. 

Upon the death of Joseph Bonaparte, there immediately appeared from tlie 
pen of the prince a beautiful tribute to his memory. We can quote but a few 
passages from this work. They will be read with interest, as indicating the 
views entertained by the writer respecting the duties of a sovereign 

250 



FAMILY EEMINISCENCES. 251 

" Shortly after the campaign of Austerlitz," writes the prince, "Joseph Avas 
placed at the head of an army which was to make the conquest of the kingdom 
of .Naples, and to expel the English and the Russians, who there upheld the 
cruel and tyrannical regime of Caroline. Forty thousand Frenchmen ad- 
vanced, and soon the enemy were put to rout at Capua, at San Firenzo, at 
Lago Negro, at Campo Tenese ; and the brother of the emperor ascended the 
ancient throne of the house of Anjou. 

" Surely the conquest of the kingdom of Naples, and the regeneration of 
that part of Europe, are events the importance of which disappear before 
Marengo, Austerlitz, and Jena. But it is the duty of impartial history to 
render to each one the justice which is his due, not judging of the merits of the 
actor from the grandeur of the theatre upon which he performs. 

"Joseph profited by his transient authority to plant deeply, in that corner 
of Europe, those institutions, those French ideas, those principles of equality, 
which have survived his fall. He undertook the difticult task of diffusing 
through the country, debased by the most cruel despotism, the light of 1789. 
Twice he traversed all the provinces of his realm, inquiring in each locality 
respecting the wants of its inhabitants, striving to banish that crushing misery 
of the people, which, in so fine a climate, contrasted so conspicuously with the 
beauties of Natm-e. And it is to him that we owe the diminution and the com- 
mencing civilization of that numerous class at Naples called the lazzaroni. 
lie employed them in labor in the fields and on the roads ; and it was through 
them that the beautiful passage of Capo di Monte was opened. 

"Plans were drawn up for executing the ancient project of uniting, by a 
canal, the waters of the Ionian and the Tyrian Seas. And thus, while the 
emperor, in the midst of his gigantic labors, formed the plan to deepen the bed 
of the Seine, and to make Paris a seaport, his brothers imitated outside of 
France the same civilizing example. For while Joseph, at the extremity 
of the Italian peninsula, labored to realize an idea which dated from the Ro- 
mans, Prince Eugene commenced deepening the b«d of the Po, — a work of 
the greatest utility for Upper Italy, and which, according to the design, was 
to be finished in 1830. On the other hand, King Louis, in Holland, was pre- 
paring to drain the Lake of Haarlem. 

" As soon as Joseph found himself at the head of a government, he sur- 
rounded himself, after the example of his brother, with a council of state, 
composed of the most distinguished men, whom he divided into special sec- 
tions. It was by this united assembly that all plans were discussed by men 
of the greatest ability: by them all the important changes were made in the 
finances, the administration, the courts of justice. The taxes were impartially 
distributed; the law was proclaimed equal for all; and the judiciary was 
placed in the hands of the most upright and independent men. 

"By his conciliatory spirit, and by the creation of a national guard, Joseph 
brought to an end that brigandage which had long infested the country. By 
his sagacious measures, he destroyed feudal rights, through the intervention of 
the nobles themselves ; he suppressed convents by the personal intervention 
of the clergy; and he prepared the future of a new and enlightened genera- 
tion by establishing a great number of civil and military schools, many of 



252 LIFE OF KAPOLEON IIL 

which exist to the present day. In fine, he opened a grand road even to 
Reggio; he brought under cultivation a large part of the territory called 
Tavoliere di Puglia ; he moved back the custom-houses to the frontiers ; he 
commenced the embellishments of tlie capital ; and, at the end of the short 
space of two years, this country, lately barbaric, was pacified, regenerated, 
enriched, by the persevering efforts of a wortliy son of our revolution. 

" But it was needful that the oldest brother of the emperor should have a 
task more arduous to fulfil. His cares could not be bounded by the kingdom 
of Naples when Europe was in flames, and when the old thrones were crum- 
bling, one after another, before the thunderings of our artillery. It was not 
without regret that Joseph left the charming shores of Capri and of Ischia to 
submit himself to his brother in 1808 at Bayonne. It required a combination 
of imperious circumstances to force him to accept the crown of Spain, But 
the emperor had informed him that Charles IV. had declared his unwillingness 
to return to Spain without the prince of peace, who was the object of popular 
hatred ; that Ferdinand was a man without merit, and faithless, who could not 
be trusted ; and, besides, that the example of a son dethroning his father was 
a spectacle too revolting to be exhibited to Europe ; that, in fine, the Junta 
assembled at Bayonne regarded his acceptance as the only means of escaping 
from their difiiculties. Joseph accepted, not from ambition, but through a 
sense of duty. 

" The first congratulations which the new king received were from Ferdi- 
nand, — from the very man whose throne he was occupying; a convincing 
proof of the worthlessness of him whom he had replaced. Strong in the 
support of all the Spaniards assembled at Bayonne, Joseph thought that the 
Spanish soil was as prepared as that of Naples for thorough regeneration. 
Faithful to his antecedents, wishing to employ only persuasion and gentleness 
to establish his authority, he requested his brother to withdraw all the Fi-ench 
troops from Spain, that he might obtain the suffrages of the nation without the 
presence of foreign troops^ and trusting to the success of a loyal appeal made 
to the chivalric character of the Spanish people. 

" If the course of events rendered this result impossible, we must at least 
admit that it was not wanting in grandeur ; and that it was not the love of 
power alone which inspired the ambition of Joseph, but the desire to promote 
the happiness of Spain. As at Naples, he began to gather around him the 
most distinguished men, and to replace all the abuses of the ancient regime 
by institutions modelled from those of France. But neither the elevated spirit 
of Joseph, nor the valor of our troops, could conquer Spanish f maticism, 
excited against us by the hatred of the monks, and sustained by the armies 
of England. The mission of Joseph, which was in entire accord with the 
goodness of his heart and the philosophical cast of his ideas, was entirely 
pacific. Events forced him to be only a soldier. Although he was wanting 
neither in courage, nor in that decision of character so essential in the midst 
of the critical events of war, he could not always impress upon the movements 
of the different corps of the army that unity of action so necessary to success, 
because there was no one but the empei'or capable of repressing that jealousy 
among the marshals which often caused the failure of the wisest combi- 
nations. 



FAMILY REMINISCENCES. 253 

" Nevertheless, Joseph aceomphshed all the good which it was possible to 
accomplish in the short interval which the cares of Avar left to him ; and all 
his efforts tended especially to avoid the effusion of blood, and to receive the 
crown from the free consent of the Spanish people. With this end in view, 
he issued a solemn declaration, through which he summoned a central congress 
at Grenada to decide this simple question, — 

" ' Shall we, or shall ice not, accept the Jcing and the constitution offered by 
the Congress of Bayonne f ' 

"If the nation accepted, at the gathering of this national assembly, Joseph 
promised the withdrawal of the French troops, and his entire submission to 
the will of the nation legally expressed. But what are intentions the most 
pure, in the midst of events which dash onwai'd, and passions roused to frenzy? 
Stakes planted in the path of a rushing torrent. The fury of the flood sweeps 
them away. History alone collects them." 

After describing briefly the events which speedily ensued, he writes, " Jo- 
seph saw clearly that his plans of pacification could not be realized ; and he 
wrote then to his brother the following letter, which depicts completely the 
honorable character of the man : — 

"'Madrid, March 23, 1812. 

" ' SiEE, — "When, a year ago, I asked the advice of your Majesty, before 
my return to Spain, you induced me to return : therefore I am here. You had 
the kindness to say to me that I could at any time leave the country, if the 
hopes we had conceived should not be realized. In that case, your Majesty 
assured me an asylum in the southern part of the empire, between which and 
Morfontaine I could divide my residence. 

"'Sire, events have deceived my hopes. I have not done any good, and I 
have no longer the hope of doing any. I entreat, therefore, permission of 
your Majesty to allow me to restoi-e to his hands the right to the crown of 
Spain, which he condescended to transmit to me four years ago. In accepting 
the crown of this country, I have never had any other object in view than the 
happiness of this vast monarchy. It has not been in my power to accomplish 
it. I entreat your Majesty to receive me as one of his subjects, and to be 
assured that he will have no one to serve him more faithfully than the friend 
whom Nature has given to him. " 'Joseph.' " 

This beautiful memorial from the pen of the prince, which from beginning to 
end is full of historic interest, occupies forty-five pages in the second volume 
of" Les CEuvres de Napoleon III." A few of the closing paragraphs we must 
quote, not merely in view of their inherent interest, but as containing a strik- 
ing exhibition of the general opinions and social affections of the writer. It 
can hardly be necessary to apologize for the copiousness of these quotations, 
since the object of this biography is to make the reader acquainted with the 
whole character of that extraordinary man who now occupies the throne of 
France, with his intellectual abilities, his political views, his moral senti- 
ments ; and this can in no way be so unexceptionably done as in producing 
appropriate selections from the varied effusions of his pen : — 



254 LIFE OF NAPOLEOiSr III, 

"Until 1840, Joseph retained all his force, all his energy, all the brilliant 
faculties of his soul ; but he had then an attack of paralysis, from which he 
never entirely recovered. In the last years of his life, the misfortunes of his 
fomily alone seemed to occupy his mind. He often gave expression to the 
grief with which he was afflicted by the captivity of his nephew upon the soil 
of France, and his sense of injustice that France should leave those men to 
die in exile who had so faithfully served her. 

" Having Queen Julia by his side, who was always an angel of consolation, 
and whose devotion never failed, and attended by his brothers Louis and 
Jerome, whom he loved tenderly, he gently sank away. And, as a just man, 
he would have seen the approach of death without regret, if the phantom of 
exile had not come, even in his last moments, to lacerate his heart and to 
imbitter his final adieus. Joseph died the 28th of July, at nine o'clock in the 
morning; and the news of his death was a subject of poignant grief, not only 
to his family, but to all those Avho had known and loved him. And upon this 
subject there is one very painful reflection : it is that an absence of twenty- 
nine years from his native country had naturally diminished the number of 
those in France wdio were attached to his person, while it had continually 
augmented the number of those, who, in foreign lands, had 'been able to 
appreciate his noble qualities. So that, (sad effect of exile !) though at Paris a 
general sentiment of regret was manifested, it is, perhaps, at Florence, in the 
United States, and at London, that the most sincere tears have bpen shed at 
the death of the brother of Napoleon. 

" That which appears to us as one of the principal merits of Joseph is that 
he remained always, even to his last hour, a true patriot of 1789. The 
struggle of the people against the ancient regime had profoundly impressed his 
soul. Under the purple, as under the cloak of exile, the man had remained 
ever the same, — the resolute adversary of all oppression, of all aristocratic 
privilege, of all abuse, the impassioned advocate of the equality and the 
liberty of the peoples. 

" Joseph, like all actors who have retired from the scene, like all who have 
had a long past and have a short future, loved to recall the events which he 
had witnessed ; and the incidents which he charmingly recounted moved the 
soul by their touching simplicity or by their exciting interest. He recalled 
with pleasure the plebeian origin and the humble circumstances of that family 
which had counted so many kings among its members. One day he men- 
tioned that his brother Louis — for whom he had cherished from his infancy 
all the cares and tenderness of a father — was about to leave Marseilles to 
prosecute his studies in Paris. Joseph accompanied him to the diligence, 
and, at the moment of taking leave of him, perceived that it was cold, and 
that his brother had no cloak. Then, not having the means to purchase him 
one, and not wishing to expose his brother to the severity of the weather, he 
took off his own cloak, and wrapped it around Louis just as the coach was 
departing. This incident, which they mutually recalled when they were both 
kings, remained always engraved on their hearts as a tender souvenir of their 
unvarying affection. 

" When Joseph, as minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic, was 



FAMILY EEMINISCENCES. 255 

journeying with bis colleagues towards Amiens, in 1802, to conclude a peace 
with England, they were much occupied, he said, during the route, respecting 
the. ceremonial to be observed when they should meet the English diplo- 
matists. In the interests of their mission, they were anxious not to fail in 
any of the proprieties of etiquette. Being, however, representatives of a 
Republican State, tbey did not wish to show too much forwardness in their 
attentions (prevenance) to the grand English lords who had come to treat 
with them. The French commissioners were therefore much embarrassed in 
deciding whose duty it was to make the first visit. Quite inexperienced, they 
were not aware that foreign diplomatists always conceal the inflexibility of 
their policy under the suppleness of forms. Thus they were very soon 
extricated from their embarrassments ; for, to their great astonishment, tliey 
found, immediately upon their arrival at Amiens, Lord Cornwallis, who was 
waiting for them at the door of his hotel, and who, without any ceremony 
whatever, himself opened the door of their carriage, and cordially grasped 
them by the hand. 

" King Joseph related many other interesting anecdotes, which will be 
found in his memoirs. We will limit ourselves to repeating after him a saying 
of the emperor, which is the more interesting, since it explains, in a manner, 
why the men who have governed us since 1830, notwithstanding their per- 
sonal distinction, have accomplished nothing. The emperor said one day to 
his brother Josejih, — 

"' T has very great abilities. Is it not so? Very well! Do you know, 

Joseph,- why he never accomplishes any thing great? It is because great 
thoughts never come but from the heart ; and T has no heart.' 

" Although kindness and gentleness were the foundation of the character 
of Joseph, he was often violently agitated when one touched any of those 
sympathetic chords whose vibration recalled to his heart the misfortunes of 
his brother or those of his country. There were two subjects which he could 
never allude to with calmness, — St. Helena, and the policy of the French 
Government since 1830. The heart-rending remembrance of the anguish of 
his brother invariably caused a burst of indignant words from his lips ; tears 
flooded his eyes : and the feeble policy of the French Government since 
1830 — a policy so ungenerous towards the Bonaparte family — roused emo- 
tions of anger which could not easily be appeased. 

" We have passed rapidly in review the principal incidents in the life of 
King Joseph. It is evident, that, if his participation in the events which 
have illustrated the republic and the empire were obscured by the immense 
figure of his brother, it is because every thing appears small by the side of a 
giant. For if to-day there lived among us a man, who as deputy, diploma- 
tist, citizen, or soldier, was constantly distinguished by his patriotism and his 
brilliant qualities ; if that man could boast of his oratorical triumphs, and of 
treaties which he had concluded advantageously for the interests of France ; 
if that man had refused a croAvn because the conditions which it imposed 
upon him wounded his conscience ; * if that man had conquered a kingdom, 

* " Tlie crown of Lombardy was offored to Joseph, who refused it because the emperor had 
imposed upon him, as the conditions, that he should renounce his rights to the tlirone which 



256 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

gained battles, and had carried to two thrones the light of French ideas; 
if, in fine, in prosperous as in adverse fortune, he had always remained faith- 
ful to his oatlis, to his country, to his friends, — that man, we say, would 
occupy the highest position in public esteem ; statues would be erected to 
his memory ; and civic crowns would adorn his whitened locks. 

" Now, that man lately lived with all these glories, with all these honorable 
antecedents. Nevertheless, upon his brow we see only the imprint of mis- 
fortune. His country has recompensed his noble services by an exile of 
twenty-nine years. 

"We mourn over this without being astonished. There are but two 
parties in France, — the conquerors and the conquered of Waterloo. The 
conquerors are in power, and all that is national feels the crushing weight of 
defeat. 

"At a period in which all patriotic and generous sentiments are condemned 
as crimes ; at a period when our flag is continually falling back before foreign 
demands; when, to adduce but one foct, the Grand Cross of the Legion of 
Honor is given to the Duke of Baylen, a man who compelled our troops to 
pass under the Caudine Forks,* and who sent twenty thousand Frenchmen 
to die in English hulks, — at such a period, it is natural and consistent even 
that the relatives of Napoleon should languish in prisons or die in exile." 

Still the months of imprisonment lingered slowly and sadly away. The 
prince received a letter from M. de Montenegro, minister of foreign affairs, 
officially conferring upon him all the powers necessary to organize a company 
in Europe for the construction of the Nicaragua Canal, and informing him 
that the government of Nicaragua had resolved to give to their gi-eat work, 
which was destined to open a new era to the commerce of the world, the 
name of the " Canal Napoleon of Nicaragua." In consequence of these 
governmental acts, M. de Marcoletta, charge d'affaires from Nicaragua, 
visited Ham, in accordance with the instructions which he had received from 
his go/ernment, to sign with the prince a treaty conferring upon him full 
powers for the accomplishment of the object in view. 

During the course of these negotiations, the friends of the prince were 
making active but fruitless exertions in Paris to effect his release. Still he 
seems to have retained his fortitude unshaken. After five years of exile, he 
wrote, — 

"Years roll by with disheartening monotony. It is only in the promptings 
of ray conscience and my heart that I find strength to stand up against this 
atmosphere of lead which surrounds and suffocates me. But I still believe, 
with absolute confidence, that a better future is approaching." t 

the emperor had just founded, and that he should pay annually a tribute to France." — QLuvres 
deNapoUon III., torn. ii. p. 419. 

* Furc(E Caudince, a mountain-pass near Naples. A Eoman army, three hundred and 
twenty-one years before Christ, was captured in this defile by the Samnites. They were all 
compelled to pass under the yoke, like slaves. 

t " In the year 1844, very numerous petitions were sent to the Chambers, praying that the 
law of banishment against the Bonaparte family might be abrogated, and that the prison- 



FAMILY REMINISCENCES. 257 

About the middle of August, 1845, the father of Louis Napoleon, then 
fast sinking into the grave beneath the burdens of age and sorrow, was 
extremely anxious to see his only surviving son before he died. He sent a 
confidential agent to Paris, with a touching appeal to the government that 
in his old age, his sickness, his exile, his utter isolation, his only child might 
be permitted to come to him to receive his last breath, and close his eyes in 
death. Marshal Soult, one of the renowned generals of the empire, was 
then president of the council ; M. Guizot, minister of foreign affairs ; and 
M. Duchatel, minister of the interior. "Weeks passed away, and no answer 
could be obtained. At last, the prince, his heart bleeding in view of the 
anguish of his dying father, wrote as follows to the minister of the interior. 
The letter was dated Fortress of Ham, Dec. 25, 1845. 

"Sir, — My father, whose age and infirmities require the attention of a 
son, has asked the govei-nment that I may be allowed to join him. His ap- 
plication has met Avith no response. The government, I am told, requires a 
formal guaranty from me. Under such circumstances, my determination 
cannot be doubtful. I ought to be ready to do every thing in ray power 
compatible with my honor, that I may offer to my father those consolations 
to which he has so many claims. 

"I now, therefore, declare to you, sir, that, if the French Government con- 
sent to p'ermit me to go to Florence to discharge a sacred duty, I promise 
upon my honor to return and place myself at the disposal of the government 
as soon as it shall express a desire that I shall do so. 

" Accept the assurance of my high esteem. 

"Napoleon Louis Bonaparte." 

This letter was transmitted to the minister through the hands of M. 
Poggioli, the confidential agent whom King Louis had sent to Paris with 
his application. Several days passed before Poggioli could get any response. 
At length, upon presenting himself at the house of the minister, he received 
this curt reply : — 

"Send this answer to the prince," said M. Duchatel :" His request cannot 
be acceded to, for it is contrary to law; because it would be granting a full 
and free pardon without the king having the merit of it." 

M. Poggioli suggested to M. Duchatel, that, as the prince had written to 
him directly, it would seem proper that he should receive a direct and official 

limits of Prince Louis Napoleon might be extended to embrace the village of Ham and its 
vicinity. One of the deputies, M. Boulay de la Meurthe, speaking upon this subject, said, — 

" * Gentlemen, — I am the courtier of no one ; not even of misfortune most nobly sup- 
ported. I have already said that I deplored the attempts of Prince Louis. But I am con- 
vinced, that if he had not been urged on by the baleful counsels of exile, if he had been in 
France, he never would have conceived such a thought. I am led to this opinion by the grave 
studies, the severe labors, to which he has devoted himself in his captivity ; by the response 
which he gave to those who offered to open the doors of his prison upon condition that he 
would return to exile. " I prefer," he said, "a prison in France, to exile in a foreign land."" 
— Uistoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, par B. Renault, p. 260. 
83 



258 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

answer. Upon this, M. Duchatel wrote to the commander of the Fortress of 
Ham, the jailer of the captive, saying to him, — 

" Be good enough to inform the prince from me, that I have laid his re- 
quest before the council, and that the council has npt thought it within its 
power to grant it. This provisional liberation would be a disguised pardon ; 
and, whatever maybe the rank of those condemned, pardon can only issue 
from the clemency of the king." 

Under these circumstances, the prince decided to write directly to Louis 
Philippe. His letter, which was dated the 14th January, 1846, was as 
follows : — 

"Sire, — It is not without a lively emotion that I approach your Majesty, 
and ask, as a favor, permission to quit France, even for a very short time. 
For five years I have found, in breathing the air of my native country, ample 
compensation for the torments of captivity ; but my father is now aged and 
infirm, and calls for all my attention and care. He has applied to persons 
known for their attachment to your Majesty in order to obtain my liberation ; 
and it is my duty to do every thing which depends upon me to meet his 
desires. 

"The council of ministers not having felt itself competent to accede to the 
request which I made to be allowed to go to Florence, pledging myself to 
return and again become a prisoner as soon as the government might desire 
me to do so, I approach your Majesty with confidence, to make an appeal to 
your feelings of humanity, and to renew my request, by submitting to your 
high and generous intervention. 

" Your Majesty, I am convinced, will appreciate a step, which, beforehand, 
engages my gratitude; and affected by the isolated position, in a foreign 
land, of a man who upon a throne gained the esteem of Europe, you will 
accede to the wishes of my fiither and myself 

"I beg your Majesty to receive the expression of my profound respect, 

" NAPOLEOisr Louis Bonaparte." 

This letter was presented to Louis Philippe by a son of Marshal Ney. 
According to his report, the king seemed very kindly disposed ; for, even 
before breaking the seal, he remarked that he thought that the guaranties 
which the prince had previously offered were sufficient. But no letter could 
leave the fortress which had not been previously read by the commandant. 
He took a copy, and, with the consent of the prince, sent it to the ministers. 
They took the matter into very grave deliberation ; and, on the 25th of 
January, M. Duchatel replied, that, "the council having deliberated upon that 
copy, the result of the deliberation was, that it was necessary, before the king 
could exercise his clemency, that the act of grace should be merited, and that 
it should be frankly acknowledged." * 

Thus the government sought to humble and degrade the prisoner by eom- 

* For all the facts here stated, see Eistoire du Prince Louis NapoUon, sur des Documenti 
■particuliers et authentiques, par B. Renault. 



FAMILY REMINISCENCES. 259 

polling him to avow himself a criminal, and, as such, to implore forgiveness. 
The knowledge of this coarse pursued by the government excited the strong 
disapprobation of many influential persons, who could by no means be re- 
garded as the partisans of the prince. Many members of the Chamber of 
Deputies, without distinction of party, remonstrated strongly against it, — 
Messrs. de Vatry and de Lascazes, who were friends of the reigning dynasty, 
as well as MM. Arago, Lamartine, and Odillon BaiTot, who were in the 
Opposition, A. Thiers, the illustrious historian of the empire, and an ex-minis- 
ter of Louis Philippe, wrote from the Chamber of Deputies to the prince as 
follows : — 

"The desire to embrace a dying father, accompanied by the promise to 
return to your prison at the first requisition of the minister of the interior, 
ought to have been gratified. It seems to me that such a measure could 
have been adopted without endangering the position of the ministry. I 
regret, prince, that I cannot render you any service in this matter. I have no 
influence with the government. Whenever there shall be an occasion in 
which it may be possible for me to solace your misfortunes, I shall be happy 
to give proofs of my sympathy with the glorious name you bear. Receive, 
prince, the homage of my respect. " A. Thiers." * 

The government was evidently not a little disturbed by the reproaches 
which it was drawing down upon itself, and by the rapidly-increasing sym- 
pathy for the captive. The question of his continued imprisonment was 
daily becoming more embarrassing. Under these circumstances, the minister 
of the interior, summoning to his aid M. Odillon Barrot, drew up a paper iu 
the form of a petition to the king, and sent it to the prince, with the assur- 
ance, that, if he Avould sign that paper, he could at once be liberated. The 
paper was taken to the prince by M. Poggioli. He read it, but unhesitatingly 
refused to attach to it his signature ; saying, — 

" I shall die in prison, if rigors so unexampled condemn me to it ; but 
nothing shall induce me to degrade my character. My father, moreover, 
who has always adopted for his motto, 'Do your duty, whatever may happen,' 
— my father, I am sure, would regard my liberty as too dearly pui'chased at 
the expense of my dignity and of the respect which I owe to my name." 

The next day he sent to Odillon Barrot, by the hands of M. Poggioli, the 
following response, dated Feb. 2, 1846 : — 

" Sir, — Before replying to the letter which you have been good enough to 
address to me, allow me to thank you, as well as your political friends, for 
the interest you have shown, and the spontaneous steps which you have 
thought it consistent with your duty to take in order to lighten the weight 
of my misfortunes. Be assured that my gratitude will never be wanting to 
those generous men, who, in such painful circumstances, have extended 
towards me a friendly hand. 

" I no"' ought to inform you why I do not consider it my duty to sign 

* Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, President de la Re'publique, par B. Renault 



260 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

the letter of which you have sent me a copy. The brave man who finds 
hhnself alone, facing adversity in the presence of enemies interested in de- 
preciating his character, ought to avoid all subterfuge, all equivocation, and 
take all his measures with the greatest frankness. Like Caesar's wife, he 
must not even be suspected. Should I sign the letter which you and many 
other deputies have recommended me to sign, I should, in fact, ask paidon 
without having the magnanimity to avow that I do so. I should take shelter 
behind the request of my father, like the coward who hides behind a tree 
to escape the enemy's fire. I consider such conduct unworthy of me. If I 
thought it consistent with my condition and honor simply and purely to 
invoke the royal clemency, I should write to the king, ' Sire, I ask pardon.' 

"But such is not my intention. For six years I have endured, without 
complaining, an imprisonment which is one of the natural consequences of 
my attacks against the government; and I shall endure it for ten years 
longer, if necessary, without accusing either my destiny or the men who 
inflict it. I suffer ; but I say to myself every day, ' I am in France ; I have 
preserved my honor unstained.' 

"I live without enjoyments, but also without remorse; and every evening 
I fall asleep in peace. No steps would have been taken by me to disturb 
the calm of my conscience and the repose of my life, had not my father 
signified an earnest desire to have me near him during his last days. My 
duty as a son roused me from my resignation ; and I decided upon a measure, 
all the gravity of which I weighed, but which was marked by that frankness 
and honesty which I desire should characterize all my actions. 

" I wrote to the head of the State, — to him who alone had the legal right 
to change my position. I asked of him to be allowed to go and see my 
father. I spoke to him of goodness, of humanity, of gratitude ; for I did not 
hesitate to call things by their right names. The king appeared satisfied 
with my letter, and said to the worthy son of Marshal Ney, who had the 
kindness to place my letter in his hands, that the guaranty which I offered 
was sufficient. But he has, as yet, given no intimation of his decision. His 
ministers, on the contrary, founding their resolution on a copy of my letter 
to the king, which I had sent them from deference, taking advantage of my 
position and their own, caused an answer to be transmitted to me which 
showed only great contempt for misfortune. Under the blow of such a 
refusal, and still unacquainted with the king's decision, it is my duty to 
abstain from taking any step ; and, above all, not to subscribe to a request 
fjr pardon under the disguise of filial duty. 

" I still maintain all that I said in my letter to the king, because the senti- 
ments which I there expressed were deeply felt, and were such as appeared 
suitable to my position ; but I shall not advance a line farther. The path of 
honoris narrow and slippery, and there is but a handbreadth between the 
firm ground and the abyss. 

" Moreover, believe me, sir, that, should I sign the letter in question, more 
exacting demands would be made. On the 25th of December, I wrote rather 
a dry letter to the minister of the interior, requesting permission to visit my 
father. The reply was politely worded. On the 14th of January, I deter- 



FAJSIILY REMINISCENCES. 261 

mined on a very serious step. I wrote a letter to the king, in which I spai-ed 
no expression wliich I thought conducive to the success of my request. I 
was answered with an impertinence. My position is clear and simple. I am 
a captive ; but I am consoled in breathing the air of my country, 

"A sacred duty summons me to my father's side. I say to the government, 
* An imperious circumstance compels me to ask, as a flxvor, permission to leave 
France. If you grant my request, you may depend on my gratitude ; and it 
will be of the more value, as your decision will bear the stamp of generosity : 
for the gratitude of those who would consent to humiliate themselves in order 
to obtain an advantage would be valueless.' 

" Finally, I calmly await the decision of the king, — of that man, who, like 
me, has lived through thirty years of misfortune. I rely on the support of 
generous and independent men like you. I commit myself to destiny, and 
prepare to resign myself to its decisions. 

" Accept, sir, &c. " Napoleon Louis Bonaparte." 

This letter was widely circulated, and was greatly applauded by his friends. 
It gave another impulse to that sentiment of sympathy and enthusiasm in 
behalf of the prince, which was so resistlessly spreading through France. 
Even Odillon Barrot, who had aided in drawing up the paper for the signa- 
ture of the prince, in a public reply said, — 

" Though lamenting the determination which you have taken, I cannot 
blame the sentiment by which it is dictated. In such times as the present, 
elevation and nobility of soul I meet with too seldom not to be ready to honor 
them, even if carried a little too far." 

Thirty of the most distinguished gentlemen, members of the Chamber of 
Deputies, with M. Barrot at their head, sought and obtained an interview 
with the king. In the report of that interview, it is said that the king 
expressed great dissatisfaction with the reply which his minister, Duchatel, 
made to the prince, calling it " a jailer's answer." Still Louis Philippe did 
not venture to act without the consent of his ministers. A few weary weeks 
passed away ; when Odillon Barrot, on the 25th of February, wrote to the 
prince that there was no longer any hope of his liberation. The king was not 
strong enough to consult the dictates of his own judgment and heart in 
opposition to the views of the ministry ; and the ministry would not consent 
oven to his temporary release, unless he would humble himself by a confession 
of crime and by imploring pardon. His letter closed with the following 
words : — 

" It is with great pain that I inform you of this result. I had begged Valmy 
to say to the king, that, if we had completely differed since 1830 in political 
opinions, I hoped that at least we agreed in sentiments of humanity and 
generosity. I now see that this is another of my Utopian ideas which I shall 
be compelled to renounce." * 

* In a debate upon the subject of granting the petition of the captive, M. Lherbette said in 
the Chamber of Deputies, — 

" The prince asks, as the only favor, peiinission to go and receive the last breath of his dying 



262 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

It will be remembered that the prince had neither mother, brother, nor 
sister living. His father only remained to him. That father was aged, sick, 
and dying. His imploring cry to see his only surviving child ever rang in 
the ears of the prince. There was no longer any hope that the petition of the 
dying king would be listened to by those in power. The prince then resolved 
to resort to other means in the attempt to reach the couch where his father 
was languishing. 

father ; engaging upon his honor and upon his written word that he will return to his prison. 
One of two things is inevitable, — either he will violate his parole, which is improbable, or he will 
respect it. On the first hypothesis, he will ruin himself forever; and you ought, in ]5olicy, to 
furnish him with the opportunity to destroy himself. For how can you have any fear that the 
man who has forfeited his honor can retain the least influence in France, — that classical land of 
honor ? In the second hypothesis, he will have been disarmed by the kindness you will have 
shown him. You can thus have all the merit of conferring a favor without incurring any danger. 
You have lost the opportunity. But he will not lose the opportunity to cause you to regret it, — 
Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, par B. Renault, p. 262. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



THE ESCAPE FROM HAM. 



Plans for Escape. — Devotion of Dr. Conneau and the Valet The'lin. — Rumorfj of Approach- 
ing Release. — The Plan adopted. — DifiSculties and Embarrassments. — Details of the 
Event. — Wonderful Success. 




HE only hope which now remahied to the prisoner was to 
eflect his escape by stratagem. To make the attempt and to 
fail would not only expose him to more rigorous imprisonment, 
but would inflict upon him that which is much harder to bear, — 
the derision of his enemies. He had endured his long captivity 
with fortitude which had excited almost universal admiration. 
Under very tx-ying circumstances, he had proved that he possessed that physi- 
cal courage which no ordinary material danger can daunt. He was now to 
encounter the most severe ordeal in exposing himself to the poisoned shafts 
of ridicule and aifected scorn. 

We have previously described the precautions which had been adopted to 
hold the captive so firmly, that escape would be impossible. Still the prince 
escaped. In all the narratives of such adventures, it would be difiicult to find 
one in which there has been displayed more self-possession, courage, and 
sagacity. Dr. Conneau and Thelin — both of whom have been previously 
introduced to our readers — were the assistants of the prince in this extraor- 
dinary adventure. A minute narrative of the event, from its first inception 
to its successful accomplishment, was drawn up by one of the actors, to which 
we are indebted for the narrative which we here give.* After anxious delib- 
eration, having decided to make the attempt, the next thing to be done was 
to mature the plan. In the mean time, in order to induce the commandant of 
the fortress to relax his diligence, it was necessary to instil into his mind the 
belief that the prisoner was expecting an immediate amnesty. It was easy to 
satisfy him, from the secret information which the prince had received from 
his friends in Paris, that the ministry were contemplating as a popular meas- 
ure, just before the approaching elections in June, the liberation of the 
prince and of all those of his friends who were engaged in the attempt at 
Boulogne. 

* The account in full in the original French will be found in Histoire du Prince NapoleoH; 
par B. Re'nault, p. 209. 

263 



264 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

After hesitating between several plans, the prince adopted the most simple 
one. This consisted of an endeavor to have some workmen brought into 
the prison to make repairs : the prince was then to find an opportunity to 
dress himself in the clothes of one of the workmen, and under that disguise 
to efiect his escape. Here what is called chance wonderfujly assisted the 
prince ; for while he was endeavoring to devise some pretext to call for 
repairs, the commandant informed him that the ministry had decided, 
in compliance with a request made a year before, to repair the staircase 
and the corridors of the building, which the prince occupied with General 
Moniholon, Dr. Conneau, and Charles Thelin. 

About a year before this. Dr. Conneau's period of five years' imprisonment 
having nearly expired, the government had remitted the remainder of his 
punishment. But the doctor, with cliaracteristic devotion, had written to the 
government, imploring permission still to share the captivity of the prince as 
his physician.* This request was granted. The doctor was, however, now 
free in his movements; and he and Charles Thelin could go in and out of the 
fortress at pleasure, subject only to those military rules to which all the 
garrison paid obedience. 

Though one might naturally infer from the conduct of the prince, during 
the five dreary years of his captivity which had now passed away, that he 
had no intention to attempt an escape, and notwithstanding the rumors 
of a general amnesty which were widely spread and generally credited, still 
the commandant of the fortress, naturally suspicious, and fully conscious that 
the escape of the prisoner would pi'ove his own utter ruin, adopted precau- 
tions which his subalterns regarded as useless and even ridiculous. 

Nightfall invariably brought an increase of vigilance. At ten o'clock, the 
commandant, who habitually came to pass the evening Avith the prisoner, 
never failed to assure himself that the guards were on duty at the bottom of 
the stairs. Then he retired, locking the outer door himself, and putting the 
key in his pocket. Of the three keepers charged with the immediate surveil- 
lance of the prince, two were always stationed at the bottom of the stairs. 
The prince had observed, that, on certain days of the week, one of these 
guards who went to get the public journal absented himself for a quarter of 
an hour, leaving, during that short space of time, the guard of the post to 
his comrade alone. 

It was decided to select this as the moment in which to endeavor to pass 
that one keeper. After that it would be necessary to pass the sentinels ; but 
this did not cause much anxiety. From the commencement of his captivity, 
the government had not entertained much fear that the jjrince could by any 
artifice break away from his keepers, and escape through the massive walls 
and ponderous gates of the fortress. The most they feared was, that, through 
some popular outbreak of enthusiasm in behalf of the nephew of the emperor, 
a troop of his partisans might suddenly appear, overpower the garrison, and 
effect his release. The strictest orders were therefore given that no one 
should be permitted even to approach the fort. It was not the going-out 

* Life of Napoleon III., by Edward Roth, p. 251. 



I 



THE ESCAPE FEOM HAM. 265 

which was so much guarded against as the coming-in. Accordingly, the 
sentinels were placed on the top of the ramparts, and outside of the walls, to 
prevent surprise. The fort was not very large ; and, with comparatively a 
small number of sentinels, it was easy to watch all its approaches. It would 
be impossible to go out without being seen ; but still the sentries would not 
be likely very carefully to scrutinize any one quietly walking out. 

This, then, was the plan. Charles Theliu was to ask permission of the com- 
mandant to go to St. Quentin, as he had frequently done; and then, for this 
ostensible purpose, he was to hire a carriage. As he was leaving the fortress 
to obtain the carriage, the j^rince, disguised as a woi'kman, was to go out with 
him. This combination offered two advantages. It enabled Theliu to attempt 
to divert the attention of the guard from the pretended workman by playing 
with Ham, the prince's dog, which was a great favorite with the garrison. It 
also gave him the opportunity, in other ways, sagaciously to call the attention 
of the guard to himself, to avoid the too strict scrutiny of the assumed 
workman. 

For eight days, the carpenters had been now engaged in their repairs ; and 
during all this time the captive had been carefully studying their ways, and 
all the precautions which were adopted in their entering and leaving the for- 
tress. These precautions were very rigid. Whenever they entered through 
the first gate of the chateau, they were obliged to defile one by one, and to 
pass under the inspection of a sergeant and of a keeper esj^ecially appointed 
for the service. The same minute inspection was observed when they went 
out in the evening, the commandant himself being then always present. None 
of these particulars escaped the prince and his friends. They observed also, 
that, if any of the workmen stepped aside to any retired part of the citadel, 
they were always carefully watched. When, however, they went out of the 
fort for the purpose of getting any tools or Avorking materials, as they followed 
the direct road across the grand court, under the windows of the commandant, 
and in view of all the garrison, thus being in sight for a considerable distance, 
they excited no distrust, and passed out of the gate and over the drawbridge 
freely. It required great coolness and nerve to attempt to escape in that way; 
but there was no other chance. 

Seven o'clock in the morning was the hour fixed upon for the enterprise. 
There were several reasons for the selection of this hour. The commandant, 
all whose fears were for the evening, seldom rose before eight o'clock. At 
this hour, also, they might expect to find but one keei^er at the bottom^ of the 
stairs ; and, moreover, it was very important that they should reach Valen- 
ciennes, in their carriage, in season to take the four-o'clock train for Belgium. 
The prince had not confided his project to General Montholon. He did not 
wish to compromise his friend's safety by making him a confidant in a plan, 
in which, under the circumstances, he could render no essential aid. It would 
have been difficult, however, to have concealed from the count the design, 
had he not chanced then to be sick. 

Every thing was ready by Saturday the 23d of May, the day and the hour 
when, by Ihe regular course of service, there would be but one sentinel at the 
foot of the stairs ; but, by what appeared a very unfortunate accident, the prince 



2G6 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

received on that very day a visit from some friends who had known hira in 
England, and whom he had expected to soe sooner. It therefore became 
necessary to postpone the attempt until Monday the 25th. The consequences 
of this delay might be very serious. They were not certain that the workmen 
would return on Monday in as large a number as had been employed thus far; 
and it was also certain that on Monday there would be two keepers at the 
bottom of the stairs, instead of one. Calmly the prince bore the terrible dis- 
appointment; but, wishing to derive some advantage from a visit which seemed 
so calamitous, he borrowed from his friends their courier's passport for Thelin, 
his valet de chamhre^ who was about to take a journey. Thelin was thus in 
regular travelling order. As to the prince, he had already procured through 
a friend in Paris a passport ; of which, however, he had not occasion to make 
any use. 

Sunday passed slowly away; while the heaviest anxieties oppressed the 
mind. The repairs being nearly finished, it was doubtful whether there was 
enough work still to be done to bring back many workmen ; but, in order to 
add to the work, the thoughtful Thelin had asked for some shelves to be put 
up in a small recess which was used as a cellar. 

The difficulty did not consist alone in passing under the eyes of sixty men 
acting as guards and doorkeepers ; but it was also necessary to avoid encoun- 
tering the workmen themselves, who were moving in all directions, and were 
constantly superintended by a contractor of the works and an officer of the 
engineers. One can imagine the emotion of the prisoner when the decisive 
moment arrived. There was but little encouragement to be found in reflect- 
ing upon past adventures. He had twice risked his life for a cause which he 
had thought it his duty to attempt to revive, even at the price of the great- 
est sacrifices. Twice had these unfortunate attempts proved entire failures; 
and those who worship success alone had overwhelmed him with their ridicule. 
Should he fail again, would he not be universally regarded as a madman ? 

The sympathy which had been enlisted in his behalf by six years of suffering 
heroically endured, the reputation he had gained by his writings, even the 
cause which had inspired him to brave so many dangers, — all would be at 
once forgotten, "What a theme for ridicule and caricature would be furnished 
to the wits of Europe, should he be detected and brought back in the soiled 
and tattered dress of a workman ! " Decidedly," they would say, " the prince 
is a fool. No language can suitably describe such folly. He thought that he 
would be able, in broad daylight, to pass without recognition before the eyes 
of keepers who had watched him for six years ; that he could achieve such an 
adventure, notwithstanding the vigilance of sixty persons on guard ; and that 
then he could take a carriage held in waiting for him outside of the fortress, 
by a valet de chamhre who was under the constant surveillance of the pohce." 
" It was the extreme of madness and folly," the world would say. These were 
hours of mental sufiering such as few men have been called to encounter. 

His highly intelligent and devoted friend. Dr. Conneau, was charged with 
the diplomatic role, — to conceal the flight of the prince as long as possible 
after his departure. The hour of hope and dread drew nigh. On Monday 
morning the 25th, the prince, Dr. Conneau, and Charles TheUn, all three 



THE ESCAPE FEOM HAM. 267 

without shoes, that they might not make any noise, and concealed behind 
the window-curtains, watched the court-yard, and impatiently awaited the 
arrival of the workmen. As yet, all was silent in the court. The only 
sounds to be heard were the steps of the sentinels pacing their rounds. By 
a singular chance, the only soldier in the garrison whom the prince had 
especially wished to avoid was that morning placed as a guard at his door. 
This man, who had for a long time been the special confidant of the com- 
mandant, had exercised the most rigid surveillance over the workmen, ex- 
amining them with the greatest attention, making himself perfectly familiar 
with their persons, and questioning them upon all their movements. The 
zeal of such an Argus as this was terrible. The prince was the more annoyed 
by his presence, since it was not probable that he would be relieved before 
seven o'clock, and it was important to avoid meeting the three guards, who, 
after that hour, would be at the wicket. 

Happily, however, by a chance not less singular, the hour of mounting 
guard had been changed, in consequence of a review on Sunday; and at six 
o'clock the dreaded grenadier was removed. It had been arranged between 
the prince and his two faithful friends that Thelin should entice the work- 
men and their two supervisors into the dining-room to offer them a morning 
dram ; after which he was to precede the prince down stairs, that he might 
attract to himself the attention of the keepers. They had thought of en- 
deavoring to entice one of these sentinels to leave his post for a few moments 
on some pretext or other; but a circumstance had occurred which now ren- 
dered tliis impossible. On the previous evening, the commandant, not having 
found them exactly at their post, had enjoined it upon them, under penalty 
of immediate punishment, that two of them, at least, should be always at the 
wicket, so long as there were workmen in the prison. This command was too 
recent to be disobeyed. 

The prince, on reaching the court-yard, was to continue his passage across 
it, followed at a short distance by Thelin, who was to endeavor to divert the 
attention of any one who might, by chance, meet the prince and address 
him. At the usual hour, a little after five o'clock, the drawbridge was 
lowered, and the workmen were introduced into the fortress. They entered 
between two files of soldiers under arms. They were but few in number, 
and were, for the most part, more neatly dressed than usual ; perhaps on 
account of its being Monday. The weather being fine, they had laid aside 
their sabots, and were all barefooted. The masons and the painters came 
first. The carpenters had not yet arrived ; and it was in the disguise of one 
of these that the prince was to make his escape. It was at first proposed 
that the prince should lay aside his sabots, or wooden shoes, as no one else 
was wearing them ; but he renounced that idea, for those which had been 
prepared for him, and which he could wear over his high-heeled boots, added 
nearly four inches to his height, thus making a very important change in his 
appearance. 

To conceive of a plan, and to execute it, are very different things. Here 
the plan was very simple; but the great difficulty consisted in seizing with 
resolution the propitious moment for rapidly descending the stairs, and pass* 



268 LIFE OF NAPOLEON UI. 

ing out of the door, while the workmen should be kept drinking, and while 
the doctor and Thelin were engaged in distracting the attention of the gate- 
keepers from the vigilant watch which had been so strictly enjoined upon 
them. It was necessary, therefore, that every thing should be prepared 
beforehand, that the favorable moment might not bo lost. It was necessary 
that the prince should be dressed in his disguise, and his mustaches shaven 
off; and yet, should any thing occur to prevent his departure for that day, 
the act of haviug cut off his mustaches would excite such suspicion in the 
mind of his wary jailer as to frustrate his scheme entirely. The doctor, 
therefore, entreated the prince to defer until the last moment an operation 
so insignificant in itself, but which, in the present circumstances, was alarming, 
as indicative of a settled purpose. Even in these fearful moments, the prince 
could not refrain from smiUng at the consternation depicted on the counte- 
nances of his two friends as the razor commenced this unusual operation. 

During the hour which was still to elapse before the assigned moment for 
leaving the prison, how many accidents might occur, how many circum- 
stances might arise, which would compel them to postpone the departure 
until another day ! From that moment the serious danger had commenced, 
and with it a tumult of swelling emotions which cannot be described. 
Though eacli heart throbbed violently, it was not with the palpitations of 
cowardice. The prince was well aware that he was to pass by the bayonets 
and to be exposed to the muskets of those who had orders instantly to shoot 
down any prisoner who should attempt to escape. Even such a termination 
of the attempt was now contemplated calmly by him and by his friends. It 
seemed better thus to die than to continue to languish hopelessly in the 
glooms of the prison. The only thing now to be dreaded was recapture, 
and consignment to a more rigorous doom. The writer of the narrative to 
whom we are indebted for this account says, — 

" The prince possessed a talisman, a sort of sacred amulet. It was a little 
portfolio, containing two letters, — one from his mother, the other from the 
Emperor Napoleon. He never parted with these precious pledges of a tender 
and abiding love, and of the dearest recollections. The idea occurred to him, 
that, should he be searched on the frontiers, he might be betrayed by these 
papers. For a moment, he hesitated about taking them : but Dr. Conneau, 
whom he consulted, appeared to approve of this sacred superstition of the 
heart ; and sentiment triumphed over the counsels of prudence. The prince 
concealed religiously in his breast the two only relics which hie then had 
of the past grandeur of his noble family. The letter of the emperor was 
addressed to Queen Hortense. It contained the prophetic words, — 

'"I hope that he will grow in greatness {grandera), and render himself 
worthy of the destinies which await him.' " 

It was in speaking of the prince that the emperor thus expressed himself. 
The preparations of the toilet were actively continued. He first put on a 
dress resembling that of a travelling clerk or commercial courier. Over this 
he passed a w'orkman's blouse and a pair of well-worn trousers. A blue 
apron tied in front, a wig of long, black hair, and an old cap, completed the 
costume. Wlien he had greased his face and blackened his hands, nothing 
was wanting to complete the metamorphosis. 



THE ESCAPE FEOM HAM. 269 

The moment for action was now at hand. The prince seemed to have 
perfect control of his feelings, and ate his breakfast as usual. It must have 
been a moment of fearful mental tumult ; for scarcely can one read the narra- 
tive without turning pale, and trembling with emotion. The repast was soon 
terminated. He put on his wooden shoes, took a blackened clay tobacco- 
pipe in his mouth ; and, as he observed that many of the workmen in 
coming or going carried long boards in or out, he loosened one of the long 
shelves of his library, took it upon his shoulder, and prepared to set out with 
this load, by means of which he hoped to be able to conceal at least one sido 
of his face. 

At a quarter before seven o'clock, Thelin called all the workmen employed 
upon the staircase into the dining-room, where Laplace, one of the employes 
of the prison, who was also invited in, was charged to pour out the wine for 
them to drink. This Avas the sure means of getting rid of him. This being 
done, Thelin hastened to inform the prince that all was ready, and that there 
was not a moment to be lost. Immediately Thelin descended the stairs, at 
the bottom of which were two ke-epers, Dupin and Issale, and also a work- 
man employed upon the balusters. Thelin exchanged a few words with 
Dupin, who bade him good-morning, and who, presuming, as he saw that he 
had his overcoat upon his arm, that he was going to St. Quentin, wished him 
a pleasant journey. To insure the safe passage of the prince, it was neces- 
sary to draw off the attention of at least one of these keepers. Thelin, 
therefore, under pretext of having something of interest to commimicate to 
him, drew Issale towards the wicket, and placed himself in such a manner, 
that the latter, in order to hear, was obliged to turn his back to the door. 

At the moment in which the prince left his chamber, several workmen 
were coming from the dining-room, which was situated at the other ex- 
tremity of the corridor. The rencounter might have been perilous, had not 
Dr. Conneau, with great presence of mind, called them back with several 
questions which his ready wit suggested; and not one of them observed the 
prisoner, who slowly descended the stairs. On reaching the last steps, the 
prince found himself face to face with the guard Dupin, who drew back to 
avoid the plank, whose horizontal position did not permit him to see a profile 
with which he was very familiar. The prince then passed through the 
wicket, going behind Issale while Thelin held him in close conversation. 
Then he entered the court-yard. A journeyman locksmith, who had im- 
mediately followed him down stairs, hastened his steps as if about to speak 
to him. The faithful and sagacious Thelin called to the man, and devised a 
pretiixt for sending him up the stairs again. 

On passing before the first sentinel, the prince accidentally dropped from 
his mouth the pipe, which fell at the feet of the soldier. Without being 
apparently in the least disconcerted, he stopped, and stooped to pick it up, 
The soldier looked at him mechanically, and continued his monotonous walk. 
It was almost a miracle, that, notwithstanding his disguise, the prisoner, 
whose figure had been the principal study of all those whose mission it was 
to watch over him, could avoid being recognized. At every step, he met 
persons deeply interested in detecting him. Near the sutler's shop, he 



270 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

passed close to the officer of the guard, and a little farther on encountered 
an officer of engineers and a contractor of the works, who were busily en- 
gaged in examining some papers. The path he was compelled to follow led 
him through a score of soldiers, who were basking in the sun before the 
guard-house. The drummer looked with an insulting glance, proud of his 
own official superiority, upon, apparently, the humble workman trudging 
before him, with a plank upon his shoulders ; but the sentinel did not ap- 
pear to notice him. 

The gate-keeper was standing before the door of his lodge, whence he 
earnestly watched Thelin, who, in order to attract his attention, was play- 
ing noisily with Ham, the prince's dog, which, as we have mentioned, was 
a great favorite with the garrison, and which he held by a leash. The ser- 
geant, who was standing by the side of the wicket, looked steadily at the 
prince ; but the examination was interrupted by a sudden and apparently 
accidental movement of the plank, which brought one of the extremities near 
the face of the soldier, obliging hira to turn quickly aside. He therefore 
drew the bolt, and opened the door with his head averted. The prince 
passed out; and Thelin, wishing the gate-keeper "good-day," in his turn 
followed. 

Between the two drawbridges, the prince saw coming directly towards 
him, and on the side on which his face was not concealed by the plank, two 
workmen, who, from the distance at which they still were, seemed examining 
his appearance in a very disquieting manner; when, in a loud voice, they 
expressed their astonishment in meeting in that place a carpenter with 
whom they were not acquainted. Fearing lest their surprise might not 
limit Itself to this simple expression, and that they might seek an explanation, 
the prince, pretending to be tired of carrying the plank on his right shoulder, 
moved it to the left. Still the men seemed very curious to find out who he 
was, and for an instant his heart sank in despair. Just then, when they were 
almost at his side, and seemed ready to address him, he had the unsjjeakable 
satisfaction of hearing one of them exclaim, " Oh, it is Berthoud ! " Yes, it was 
Berthoud for them; and the prince was saved. He owed to this inconceiva- 
ble mistake his final escape from those walls in which he had been imprisoned 
five years and nine months. 

The prince was not acquainted with the town of Ham; but a map sketched 
for him by Dr. Conneau served as a guide. He took, without hesitation, 
the path along the ramparts which would conduct him towards St. Quentin ; 
while Thelin went to get the cabriolet which he had engaged the preceding 
evening. 

We shall not attempt to describe the tumultuous emotion which must 
have agitated the heart of the prince. The blue sky was above him, the 
wide fields of beautiful France spread out around him : he was free. In that 
thought there was rapture. But he was still surrounded by a thousand perils. 
Behind him rose the gloomy towers of his prison ; before him there was 
nothing but exile, — a doom to him almost worse than the glooms of captivity 
from which he had escaped. He was alone in the world. His father, sinking 
beneath the weight of care and sorrow, was sadly dying. His mother was 



THE ESCAPE FROM HAM. 271 

already asleep in the tomb. He had no brother or sister to ^yolcorne him. 
The government of one of the most powerful monarchies upon the globe was 
pursuing him with deadly hostility. Hard must be the heart that does not 
breathe the prayer, " May God help the captive ! " 

The prince hastened his steps, and, notwithstanding his clumsy wooden 
shoes, soon arrived at St. Sulpice, a distance of two miles from the town, 
There he waited for the carriage which Thelin was to bring to him. A rough 
wooden cross stood in the burial-ground. The fugitive prostrated himself 
before this symbol of human redemption, and from the depths of his heart 
thanked the Ruler of all things, who had led him, as by the hand, through so 
many dangers. 

Soon the sound of an approaching carriage was heard. It was Thelin with 
the cabriolet. The prince was about to throw aside his plank, when he 
perceived another vehicle coming from St. Quentin. He therefore continued 
his walk in order to give the carriage time to pass ; and Thelin slackened his 
pace with the same intent. At length the prince threw away his plank, 
which had been truly a plank of safety ; took off his wooden shoes, and threw 
them into the ditch; and, assuming his new character of coachman, seized the 
reins, and drove rapidly towards St. Quentin. Immediately afterwards, the 
two travellers saw a couple of mounted gendarmes, evidently from Ham, 
issue from the village of St. Sulpice, and follow them at full speed. It was a 
momentary alarm, but did not last long; for soon the two cavaliers turned off, 
taking the route to Peronne. 

The five leagues which separate Ham from St. Quentin were rapidly passed 
over. Thelin, at each change of horses, concealed his face with his handker- 
chief; but this did not prevent his being recognized by several persons, and 
particularly by the president of the tribunal of St. Quentin, who was then on 
his way to Ham. It is also said that a woman, who had often observed the 
valet de chamhre of the prince, could not repress her surprise in seeing him 
accompanied by a man so badly dressed. As they approached St. Quentin, 
the" prince took off the soiled trousers, the dirty blouse, and the workman's 
cap, retaining only the wig. He then put on a" more respectable-looking 
blouse which Thelin had prepared for him, and a braided cap. Soon after, he 
alighted from the cabriolet to pass around the town of St. Quentin on foot, 
through the fields, to gain the Cambray Road, where Thelin was to rejoin him 
with fresh horses. 

The master of the post-house in St. Quentin, M. Abric, was absent; but 
Thelin, who knew Madame Abric very well, said to her, that having business 
at Cambray, and desiring to return as soon as possible, he wished her to 
provide him immediately with a carriage and horses : in the mean time, he 
wished to leave his horse and carriage there. Madame Abric served him 
with the greatest eagerness, furnishing him with a light carriage of her 
husband's. 

The good woman pressed him to stay to breakfast. Finding, however, that 
he was anxious to continue his journey, she helped him on his way. Thelin, 
however, thinking that his master might by this time need refreshments, 
having praised in the warmest terms the appearance of some cold pie upon 



272 LIFE or NAPOLEON IIL 

the taole, accepted a slice, which he carefully wrapped in paper, and which 
soon furnished the prince with a breakfast, for which his long walk had 
supplied him with a good appetite. 

Thelin, nowithstanding his impatience and the obliging spirit of Madame 
Abric, did not dare to hurry the post-people too much, lest he should excite 
suspicions. The prince, therefore, having already attained the Carabray Road, 
and Thelin not appearing, began to be very anxious. He feared that the chaise 
might have gone on while he was making his way ai-ound the town, and that 
he was now left behind. Seeing a gentleman approaching in a carriage from 
Cambray, he asked him if he had met a post-chaise. The gentleman, who 
answered in the negative, chanced to be the procurator, or prosecuting attor- 
ney, of St. Quentin. 

Taking a seat on the side of the road, the anxiety of the prince was every 
moment increasing, when suddenly he heard a noise behind and very near 
him. He had scarcely turned round his head when his noble dog Ham 
came bounding to greet him. By some singular instinct, he ran in advance 
of the carriage, and tlius announced to his master that Thelin was coming. 
Soon the faithful valet appeared in a small carriage to which two good horses 
were harnessed. The prince jumped in, and the rapid journey was resumed. 
From this moment the fugitives had but little to fear. Notwithstanding the 
distance traversed on foot, and the time lost in procuring the carriages, it was 
not yet nine o'clock. And, even upon the supposition that the escape of the 
prince had been discovered immediately after his departure, the authorities 
must have lost some time in making a reconnoissance, in closely examining 
the fortress, in writing despatches, and in sending the gendarmes in all direc- 
tions. Even when the event was known, it was to Amiens and to Paris that 
the first despatches were sent. 

The voyagers, however, anxious to use all speed, unceasingly urged the 
postilion to increase the pace of his horses. At last he became impatient, and 
exclaimed angrily, " You torment me ! " Still he did not fail to make the pave- 
ment smoke beneath the horses' feet. While they were changing horses at 
the first relay, a horseman in the uniform of a police-officer arrived at full 
gallop. At first, they thought that it was a gendarme in pursuit of them. 
They soon discovered, to their great relief, that he was but a sub-officer of the 
National Guard. No other incident occurred until they reached Valenciennes, 
which, thanks to the gratuities (pourboises) lavished on the postilion, they 
reached by two o'clock. There only were their passports demanded. Thelin 
showed his, which was that of an English courier. The passport of the 
prince was then not called for. 

The train for Brussels did not leave until four o'clock. It seemed perilous 
to wait two hours. The prince, therefore, wished still to take post-horses, 
that he might gain the frontiers of Belgium ; but, since the opening of the 
railroad, this mode of travelling had been so seldom adopted, that the attempt 
to travel in that way would certainly excite remark, and might lead to suspi- 
cion. It was therefore decided to wait patiently for the starting of the train. 
Though there was now but little probability that the fugitives could be 
overtaken, still Thehn, who was not without uneasiness, kept a close watch to 



THE ESCAPE FROM HA3I. 273 

see if any gendarmes should approach. Suddenly he heard himself called by 
name; and, quite terrified, he turned round to see one of the gendarmes 
from Ham, dressed in plain citizen's clothes. It was a fearful moment. Still 
the sagacious man assumed an unconcerned look, and, concealing all agitation, 
exclaimed cordially, " Ah ! is it you ? How did you come here ? " — " Why, I 
live here," was the reply. " I have quitted the gendarmery, and am employed 
on the railroad." 

Thelin was partly re-assured by this intelligence ; and, on the ex-gendarme 
making inquiries for his master, he answered in such a manner as to throw his 
questioner quite off his guard, even if he were not what he pretended to be. 
His great anxiety was to prevent the man from seeing the prince, lest he 
should recognize him, and, of course, think it his duty to prevent his depart- 
ure. At length, the signal was given for the moving of the train. The iron 
hoi'se, " whose sinews are steel, and whose provender is fire," swept them 
along at the rate of forty miles an hour. The frontiers were passed ; Brussels 
was reached ; the prince was in comparative safety. He immediately, for still 
greater security, repaired to Ostend, and embarked for England. Upon that 
hospitable island, which ever welcomes the political refugee, the prince found 
friends and rest. The drama of his captivity was closed; but again he 
entered upon the almost equally tragic scene of exile. 




CHAPTER XVn. 



EMPLOYMENT IN EXILE. 

Heroism of Dr. Conneau. — Governmental Persecution. — Death of King Louis. — Funeral 
Honors. — Letters-from Prince Louis Napoleon. —His Character in Exile. — Testimony of 
Walter Savage Landor. — The Duke of Wellington. — Testimony of " The Journal du Lo- 
riet." — Treatise upon the Canal of Nicaragua. — Noble Sentiments. 

ELDOM has there been a deed of greater heroism performed 
than that which was enacted by Dr. Conneau on this occasion. 
It will be remembered that the term of his imprisonment had 
expired, and that he had solicited permission to remain and 
share the captivity of the prince as his physician : he was thus 
regarded as a member of the garrison, who could go in and out 
at his leisure. By aiding the captive in his escape, he had subjected himself 
to a very severe penalty, — he knew not how severe. Immediately after the 
departure of the prince, and before his escape was known, Dr. Conneau might 
probably, without any difficulty, have left the fortress, hurried across the 
frontier, and joined in England the friend to whom he was so devoted. But, 
inspired by the noblest spirit of self-sacrifice, he resolved to remain behind, 
that he might conceal by every adroit artifice, as long as possible, the escape, 
so as the more effectually to secure for the prince the chance of reaching a 
place of safety. The doctor preferred to encounter all the terrors of the law 
rather than fail in this. He was very anxious to give the prince, if possible, 
twenty-four hours in advance of his enemies. 

The first thing he did was to send to the commandant of the fortress a 
letter which the prince had left for the priest who was in the habit of per- 
forming mass in the fort. This letter requested the priest to postpone his 
visit until the next day, pleading, as an excuse, that he was indisposed. 

It was about half-past eight when the servant delivered the letter, saying 
that the prince was indisposed, and would not attend mass that day. " That 
matters very little to me," said the commandant curtly. " Take the note to the 
cure." 

The doctor then placed a stuffed figure in the bed of the prince, covering 
it up with clothes so as strongly to resemble a human form. He closed the 
door which led from the saloon into the bedroom, and kindled a fire to heat 
some coffee for his patient ; circulating the story that the prince was sick. For 
reasons which we have stated, Count Monlholon was not apprised of the 
274 



EMPLOYMENT IN EXILE. 275 

plan of escape. His astonishment may be conceived, when, soon after the 
disappearance of the captive, and when as yet not one in the castle, save 
the- doctor, knew of his departure, the following confidential epistle was placed 
in his hands : — 

" My dear General, — Believe how much I regret not being able to 
shake you by the hand before I go ; but it is impossible. My emotion would 
betray the secret which it is so important for me to keep. I have taken 
measures to insure your pension being regularly paid ; but, as you may be in 
need of money, I have left with Dr. Conneau two thousand francs ($400), 
which he will give you. Thus your pension will be paid until the end of 
September. Adieu, ray dear general ! Receive the assurance of my friend- 
ship. «L. K" 

At nine o'clock, the ever wary and suspicious commandant came to the 
saloon, and inquired for the prince. 

" He is not quite well," said the doctor, " and does not wish to be seen. If 
you have nothing particular to say, pray do not disturb him." 

With characteristic caution the commandant peeped in at the door, and 
perceiving, as he thought, the prince in bed, withdrew without suspicion. 
The doctor had ordered of the apothecary medicine and an emetic. To lull 
suspicion, it is said that he actually took the emetic himself, that the noise 
of the vomiting might be heard and the contents of the stomach seen. About 
one o'clock, the commandant returned, and inquired again for the prince. 
Learning, however, from the doctor, that he had just taken a bath, and was 
then enjoying a refreshing slumber, he again retired without disturbing him. 
Feeling some slight uneasiness, he sent for Laplace, the man of all work, who 
took care of the rooms of the captive, and asked him, in a careless air, — 

" Well, how goes the prince ? " 

" He is rather better," replied the man, whom the doctor had also com- 
pletely deceived. 

" What is he doing? " resumed the commandant. 

" He is sleeping now," the man replied ; " though, a little while ago, he was 
in the saloon talking with the doctor." 

From this precise statement, the commandant supposed that the man had 
both seen and talked with his prisoner. He consequently remained during 
the rest of the day somewhat free from anxiety, and yet instinctively restless. 
About seven o'clock in the evening, the commandant met Laplace again, and 
inquired how the patient was. The servant replied that he did not know. 

" When did you see him last?" the commandant asked. 

The simple-minded, unsuspecting man replied, " 1 have not seen him since* 
six o'clock this morning." 

The commandant was alarmed ; and, hurrying to the saloon, inquired, with 
an expression of much uneasiness, where the prince was. 

"The prince is much better," was the doctor's evasive reply. 

" His sickness need not prevent me from speaking to him," said the com- 
mandant. " I must speak to him," he added, in a tone which plainly indi- 
cated that all further dissimulation was at an end. 



276 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

irpon this the doctor entered the room where it was assumed that the 
prince was sleeping, and pretended to call him. There was no response. 
With a light and careful tread he came back, making signs that his patient 
was still asleep. 

" Well," said the commandant, " he cannot sleep forever. I shall wait until 
he wakes ; " and he took his seat in the saloon. In the course of the conver- 
sation in which the doctor busily engaged him, he remarked that it was very- 
strange that Thelin had not yet returned. The doctor made some ingenious 
excuse for the absence of the valet; when the commandant, whose anxiety 
was evidently increasing, rose from his seat, saying, " The prince has moved : 
he must be awake." He stepped to the door of the chamber, and listened 
attentively; but no sound of breathing and no movement could be heard. 

The doctor could with difficulty keep a serious face ; but he exclaimed 
good-naturedly, " Oh, let him sleep on ! " 

The commandant approached the bed, and discovered the stuffed figure. 
His consternation was justly great. He had met a calamity which boded 
his own utter ruin. Turning ashy pale, he cast a reproachful glance upon 
the doctor, and inquired in tones which terror alone could inspire, " Has the 
prince escaped ? " 

"Yes," was the reply. 

« When did he go ? " 

" At seven o'clock this morning." 

" Who were the persons on guard ? " 

" I do not know." 

Not another word was exchanged. The commandant hastily withdrew to 
prosecute the most energetic measures to obtain traces of the fugitive. His 
wife, on hearing of the escape of the prince, fainted away. Dr. Conneau was 
immediately placed in close confinement. All those who were suspected of 
having, either through negligence or connivance, favored the escape, were 
also locked up. Three days after, the commandant was summoned to Paris 
to give an account of his conduct. He was deposed from command, and 
placed under arrest. A judicial inquiry was ordered, and the public prosecu- 
tor was charged with a vigorous inquest of all the parties imjjlicated. The 
trial took place on the 10th of July, and lasted three days. The principal 
persons criminated were Dr. Conneau; Charles Thelin, who was absent ; the 
commandant of the fort, Demarle ; the servant Laplace ; and Dupin andlssale, 
the keepers at the first wicket. Dr. Conneau, upon being interrogated, gave 
the following account of his past history : — 

" I am forty-two years of age, and was born at Milan, of French parents, 
my father being paymaster to the army. My profession is that of a surgeon, 
having taken my degree at Rome and Florence. My first visit to France Avas 
in 1831, and my second in 1840. In the year 1820, I was private secretary 
to King Louis Bonaparte, the father of Prince Louis Napoleon. Some time 
after, I went to Florence to walk the hospitals ; after which I went to Rome, 
where I completed my studies, and practised for three years. Two circum- 
Btances obliged me to leave that city. 

" One night, two of my friends who were implicated in a conspiracy came 



EMPLOYMENT IN EXILE. 277 

to me for an asylum. I obtained refuge for them in a house with which I was 
acquainted, and furnished them with passports and money. I conducted 
them to Furmicino, and saw them embark in a fishing-boat, which conveyed 
them to a place of safety. This became known ; and I was already compro- 
mised by this simple fact, when a graver event completed the mischief 

"In a revolt in 1831, one of my friends received five stabs with a bayonet. 
A decree of the Roman Government ordered all doctors, under penalty of ten 
years at the galleys, to denounce all the wounded persons confided to their 
care. In spite of this, I tended my friend until he was recovered, and then, 
as I had myself been denounced, took to flight. 

"At the time of the insurrection of 1831, 1 formed one of the revolution- 
ary staff at Ancona. Thence I proceeded to France, and wrote to Prince 
Louis Napoleon to request him to furnish me with letters of recommenda- 
tion. His only reply was to invite me to Arenemberg. There I was loaded 
with kindness by Queen Hortense, who even thought proper to remember 
me in her will. She entreated me to remain with her son. Such a request 
was a command, and I have obeyed it." 

He then gave a minute account of the circumstances of the escape as we 
have already narrated them. He was condemned to three months' imprison- 
ment. It would probably have been difiicult to find in France, at that time, 
a court which would very severely have punished such an ofience. Thelin, 
who was beyond the reach of the law, was sentenced to six months' imprison- 
ment. The others of the accused were acquitted. Count Montholon, whose 
devotion to the emperor at Saint Helena has embalmed his memory in every 
noble heart, soon obtained pardon from the royal clemency. He died a few 
years ago, leaving children who have inherited their father's virtues and his 
devotion to the cause of the empire. Thelin has been received by the prince 
into the position of a friend, ever serving his sovereign with unabated affection ; 
and Dr. Conneau is at the present day the beloved and revered medical 
attendant of his Majesty Napoleon III. 

Meanwhile, the prince, as we have seen, had arrived in England. His one 
all-engrossing desire was to reach his dying father. Though he seems still to 
have remained firm in the belief that the baseless government of Louis Philippe 
would be overturned, and that the French people would re-establish the prin- 
ciples, if not the forms, of the empire, he apparently had relinquished all inten- 
tions of attempting to hasten that result. His maxim had now become, " Learn 
to labor and to wait." He deemed it important to satisfy not only the French 
Government, but also the English, that he no longer indulged in revolutionary 
designs. He was now thirty-eight years of age. The ardor of youthful hopes 
had vanished. Bereavement, disappointment, and long years of captivity, had 
chastened his spirit, which was by nature silent, thoughtful, and pensive. 

Hardly had the prince arrived on the soil of Great Britain, ere he wrote to 
Sir Robert Peel and to Lord Aberdeen, acquainting them with his intentions, 
and explaining the reasons of his conduct. Sir Robert Peel i-eturned a cautious, 
non-committal reply, simply acknowledging the receipt of his letter. Lord 
Aberdeen, endowed with a more genial and hospitable spirit, and perhaps lese 
shackled by the trammels of diplomacy, wrote him a polite and cordial letter; 



278 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IK. 

assuring him, that, after the exj^lanations which he had given, his residence iu 
England could neither be unwelcome to the queen nor to her government.* 

The prince then wrote to the French ambassador at the court of Saint James, 
M. le Comte de St. Aulaire, whose former relations with his family seemed a 
guaranty to him of kindly sympathies. His letter, dated May 28, 1846, was 
as follows : — 

" Monsieur le Comte, — I wish fi-ankly to declare to the man Avho was 
my mother's friend, that, in leaving my prison, I was not instigated by any 
desire of renewing against the French Government a struggle which has proved 
so disastrous for me, but solely by the wish to return to my aged father. 

" Before resorting to this extremity, I had used every means in my power 
to obtain permission from the French Government to go to Florence. I offered 
every guaranty compatible with my honor. But, having beheld all my 
requests rejected, I determined, as a last resource, to resort to an expedient 
adopted under similar circumstances by the Duke de Nemours and the Duke 
de Guise. 

" I beg of you. Monsieur le Comte, to acquaint the government with my 
pacific intentions; and I hope that this voluntary assurance on my part will 
shorten the captivity of my friends who still remain in prison. Receive the 
assurance of my sentiments. " Napoleon Louis Bonaparte." 

The prince, however, found, to his great disappointment and grief, that the 
French Government still held him in such dread, that they closed all the gates 
of the Continent against him ; so that he could not reach his father's dying bed. 
When he presented himself at the Austrian embassy in London to obtain his 
passport, the ambassador who represented at that time the Austrian Empire 
and also the Grand Duchy of Tuscany gave him a direct and positive refusal. 
"I cannot," he said, "neglect the regard which I owe to the French Govern- 
ment." 

The prince then addressed a letter to the Grand Duke of Tuscany himself, 
having no doubt that he would at once grant his request, and allow him to 
visit his father in Florence. Indeed, the languishing king was quite revived 
by the anticipation of soon folding in his arms his only child. Bitter was 
the disappointment when the prince received a reply from the duke, stating 
that he could not be permitted to enter Tuscany, even for twenty-four hours. 
"I regret it," said Leopold; "but the influence of France obliges me to act 
thus." t 

The government of Louis Philippe had sent an army-corps to drive Louis 
Napoleon from his peaceful home at Arenemberg. And now the Grand Duke 
of Tuscany was threatened with all the vengeance of the French Government, 
should he permit the nephew of the Emperor Napoleon to visit the dying bed 
of his own father, the brother of the emperor. The course thus pursued was 
as impolitic as it was cruel. It excited powerfully in behalf of the prince, 

* Histoire du Prince Napoleon, par B. Renault. 

t Histoire complete de Napoleon III., par MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 124. 



EMPLOYMENT IN EXILE. 279 

who had ah-eady suffered so severely, the sympathies of every feeling heart. 
The terrible disappointment was a fotal blow to the dying king. In his utter 
isolation, he lingered a few weeks in the gloom of the deepest despondency 
until he died, on the 25th of July, 1846, at the age of sixty-eight.* 

As we have mentioned, the Ex-King of Holland, during the latter years of his 
life, took the title of the Count of St. Leu. In his will, which was opened the 
day after his death, he expressed the wish that he might be buried at St. Leu 
by the side of his second son, who had died in Italy in 183 L He left sixty 
thousand francs for a tomb to be erected there. After deducting a few lega- 
cies to the poor, and a few tokens of remembrance to relatives, his son Louis 
Napoleon was constituted his sole heir. Though Louis Bonaparte, while liv- 
ing, could not be permitted to enter France, his lifeless remains were allowed 
to mingle with the dust of his native land.f 

Several months passed away ere the remains of the King of Holland were 
consigned to their last resting-place in the tomb of St. Leu, in France. His 
son was not permitted by the French Government to be present at the funeral 
solemnities ; but nearly all the surviving officers, and many of the privates, 
of the old imperial armies were assembled on the occasion, anxious to pay the 
last earthly honors to the brother of their venerated emperor. The prince 
wrote the following letter to Captain Lecomte, who commanded the Guard of 
Honor on the occasion. It was dated London, Oct. 4, 1847. 

" Sir, — The testimonies offered to the memory of my father on the 29th 
of September have deeply affected me; and I was, above all things, touched, 
on hearing that a large number of the ancient soldiers of the empire had 
assisted at this pious ceremony. I come to-day to thank those glorious veter- 
ans of our army, through the medium of their worthy leader, for the tribute 
of homage they have bestowed on an ancient companion in arms. 

"It is not the man whom chance and the fortunes of war made king for a 
brief period whom you have honored with your regrets, but the old soldier of 
the republican armies of Italy and Egypt, — a man who remained but a short 
time upon the throne, and who paid for a few years of glory by forty years of 
exile, and died alone in a foreign land. The sympathy which has attended 

* " The singular severity with which Louis Philippe caused the rigors of diplomacy to inter- 
vene between the father and the son sullies still more his memory, since he forgets his own fam- 
ily obligations. The king was not ignorant, that in 1815 his mother had not vainly addressed 
the generosity of the mother of Louis Napoleon ; and that Queen Hortense had obtained from 
the emperor at that epoch, for the Duchess-Dowager of Orleans, a pension of four hundred thou- 
sand francs ($100,000)." — Gallix et Guy, p. 125. 

" This severe penalty proved clearly, that, in proscribing the Bonaparte family, they had 
always wished to proscribe national sovereignty, which, having reigned with Napoleon, had been 
dethroned with him. Royalty quasi-legitimate, like legitimate royalty, had wished to warn all 
who should come hereafter what it would cost to accept a crown from the hands of the sovereign 
people." — Histoire politique et populaire da Prince Louis Napoleon, par iSmile Marco de Saint- 
Hilaire, torn, troisieme, p. 165. 

t One of the deputies, M. Cremieux, speaking of the banishment of the whole Bonaparte fam- 
ily, said, " The law of 1832 is not only unjust, but it is absurd ; for the law proscribes the aunts- of 
the emperor, and he never had any." — Histoire du Prince Louis Napoleon, par B. R^nautty p. 2£0< 



280 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

his obsequies is something more than an act of homage : it is a reparation for 
the past. 

"Permit me, therefore, to thank you for your attendance. Thus to express 
to you my sentiments of gratitude is somewhat to mitigate the bitter grief 
which I experience in not having an opportunity of kneeling before the tomb 
of my family; and makes me forget, for a moment, that I am condemned, as 
it apjiears, to remain forever removed from the men whom I love the best, and 
from objects most dear to me. Receive, &c. 

"Napoleon Louis Bonaparte." 

A few days after the arrival of the prince in London upon his escape from 
Ilam, he called upon his cousin the Duchess of Hamilton, then Lady Douglas. 
It is said, we know not upon what authority, that the lady addressed him in 
the following reproachful words : — 

" Well, you are free at last. Will you now be quiet ? Will you lay aside 
those fallacies which have cost you so dear, and the cruel delusion of those 
dreams which have caused those who love you so much anxiety?" 

The prince responded, "My dear cousin, I do not belong to myself: I 
belong to my name and my country. It is because my fortune has twice 
betrayed me that my destiny is nearer its accomplishment. I bide my time."* 

The world-worn, weary exile lived in comparative obscurity in the neigh- 
borhood of London, endeavoring, as usual, to divert his mind from painful 
reflections by intense devotion to study. Responsible men who knew the 
prince at that time, and who write over their own signatures, testify to the 
respect with which he inspired them by his character and his genius. The 
works which caine from his pen during the year and a half he remained in 
England prove beyond all controversy that he must have been a very close 
student. The esteem in which he was held by some of the best minds in Eng- 
land may be inferred from the following letter, written soon after the prince 
was chosen President of the French Republic. It was from Walter Savage 
Landor, " a brilliant scholar, a profound original thinker, and a highly independ- 
ent and honorable man." The letter was addressed to Lady Blessington, 
under date of Jan. 9, 1849. 

"Possibly you may have never seen the two articles which I enclose. I 
inserted in 'The Examiner' another, deprecating the anxieties which a truly 
patriotic, and, in my opinion, a singularly wise man was about to encounter 
in accepting the presidency of France. Necessity will compel him to assume 
the imperial power, to which the voice of the army and the people will call 
him. 

" You know, who know not merely my writings but my heart, how little I 
care for station. I may therefore tell you safely, that I feel a great interest, 

* "In London, he found his old friends Count d'Orsay and Lady Blessington, who welcomed 
him most cordially. In addition to these, he had the countenance and support of a great English 
connection which his cousin the Princess Maria of Baden had formed by espousing the Marquis 
of Douglas, eldest son of the Duke of Hamilton. To her more than to all others he is said to 
have confided his projects and ho^QS." — Italy and the War of 1859, by Julie de Marguerittes, 
p. 80. 



EMPLOYMENT IN EXILE. 281 

a great anxiety, for the welfare of Louis Napoleon, I told him, that, if he were 
ever again in prison, I would visit him there ; but never, if he were upon a 
throne, would I come near him. lie is the only man living who would adorn 
one. But thrones are my aversion and abhorrence. France, I fear, can exist 
in no other condition. Her public men are greatly more able than ours; but 
they have less integrity. Every Frenchman is by nature an intriguer. It 
was not always so to the same extent; but nature is modified, and even 
changed, by circumstances. Even garden-statues take their form from clay. 

"May God protect the virtuous Louis Napoleon, and prolong in happiness 
the days of my dear, kind friend. Lady Blessington ! 

"Walter Savage Landor." 

"P. S. — I wi-ote a short letter to the president, and not of congratulation. 
May he find many friends as disinterested and sincere!"* 

Even the blunt Duke of Wellington wrote in reference to the same event 
to the Count d'Orsay, under date of April 9, 1849, "I rejoice at the pros- 
perity of France, and the success of the President of the Republic. Every thing 
tends towards the permanent tranquillity of Europe, which is necessary for the 
happiness of all."f 

In the extracts from the writings of the prince which we have already given, 
the reader will see why the Liberal party in Fi-ance, and in Europe generally, 
should have regarded him as, like his uncle, the representative of tlieir cause. 
In alluding to a letter from the prince, in which he had fully expressed the 
sovereignty/ of the people as constituting the foundation of all his political 
faith, the " Journal du Loriet " remarks, — 

"This letter bears testimony to the power of democratic principle. It is an 
example of high import, — this spectacle of a man of royal blood ; an heir to 
the throne; a prince, young, proud, and intelligent, popular through the name 
he bears and the glorious recollections he awakens ; casting aside his monar- 
chical prejudices, resigning the privileges of his race, and rendering a solemn 
homage to the sovereignty of the people." 

"We congratulate Prince Louis on the generous sentiments expressed in 
his letter. They are those of a man of noble heart and of elevated mind. 
Whilst a member of the Napoleon family declares in the face of the world 
that he admits the sovereigtity of the people as the fundamental base- of all 
political organization, another candidate, the Duke of Bordeaux, disavows, 
through an official organ, all those members of the Legitimist party who are 
disposed to separate themselves from the body upholding absolute doctrines^ 

* " Such testimonies as these, coming from such sources, give very slight countenance to the 
reports we so often hear relating to the unprincely associations in which Louis Napoleon is 
charged by his unscrupulous enemies to have been concerned, and to the wild pranks in which 
he is said to have indulged. One fact is worth a thousand assertions. Could a gentleman of the 
exalted genius and high social position of Walter Savage Landor have written such a letter as 
we have given, of one whom he did not know by intimate acquaintance to be highly honorable 
and upright in his conduct? " — Life of Napoleon III., bj Edward Roth, p. 277. 

t Ibid., p. 277. 



282 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

and to side with the sentiments of the country. In the name of those of 
whose ideas we are the organ, we address ourselves to Prince Louis Na- 
poleon, and offer to him our sympathy. Prince Louis is more, in our eyes, 
than a mere candidate : he is a fellow-citizen, a member of our party, a 
soldier ready to fight beneath our flag." * 

While the prince was in England, in addition to other literary labors upon 
the most serious political questions, he wrote the very important work to 
which we have before alluded, upon " The Canal of Nicaragua, or A Project 
for the Junction of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by Means of a Canal." 
A few quotations from this work will show the grandeur of the themes upon 
which the prince was employing his mind, and the enlargement of view 
under which he contemplated all the great interests of humanity. His first 
chapter is upon " The Importance of the Geographical Position of Nicaragua, 
and the General Course of the Canal." The chapter opens with the fol 
lowing words : — 

"The junction of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by means of a canal 
traversing the centre of the New World is a question whose importance can- 
not be doubted. This junction of the two oceans will have for its effect to 
shorten by three thousand miles the distance which separates Europe from 
the western shore of America and from Oceanica; to render communica- 
tions with China, Japan, New Zealand, and New Holland, rapid and easy, by 
steamboat navigation ; to increase immediately, to a prodigious degree, the 
prosperity of the countries which such an enterprise will cause to be trav- 
ersed each year by two or three thousand merchantmen ; to open new 
avenues for commerce, and new markets for European productions ; to hasten, 
in a word, by many ages, the progress of Christianity and of civilization over 
one-half of the globe. 

" The enterprise in question presents itself under an aspect equally favora- 
ble to the interests of humanity in general and those of America in particu- 
lar. This point admitted, it remains to consider under what conditions a 
canal for ship navigation can contribute the most efficiently to the develop- 
ment of European commerce and to the prosperity of Central America. If 
we prove that there is but a single route which at the same time satisfies 
this double interest, that that route is the one which presents the fewest 
difficulties and which requires the least expense, we shall have greatly sim- 
plified the problem. 

" We can consider Central America as a grand isthmus, which separates 
the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and which extends from the Isthmus of 
Tehuantepec to the Gulf of Darien. It has about twelve hundred milea 
of seacoast. Its surface extends over twenty-six thousand six hundred and 
fifty square leagues; that is to say, it is almost equal in territory to France. 
It has a population of three millions of inhabitants, descendants of the 
ancient Spaniards and the aboriginal Indians. Slavery does not exist among 
them. 

" The north of Central America belongs to Mexico ; the south, to New 

* The Early Life of Louis Napoleon. London, p. 165. 



EMPLOYMENT IN EXILE. 283 

Grenada: the intermediate region forms the Republic of Guatimala, which 
in 1823 organized itself under a federal form, composed of five States, — 
Costa Rico, Guatimala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and San Salvadoi'. These 
States are at present independent each of the others; but, in their diplomatic 
relations, Honduras, San Salvador, and Nicaragua act in concert. Accord- 
ing to Thompson and Montgomery, vast extents of territory, advantageously 
situated, enjoying an admirable climate and soil of wonderful fertility, are 
still uninhabited and entirely uncultivated. Immense forests are found there, 
abounding in all varieties of timber. Such is the richness of the soil, that 
each year three crops can be gathered of nearly all cereals, particularly of 
maize, which produces from one hundred to five hundred for one. All the 
productions of torrid and temperate climates thrive here. The temperature 
is as varied as the aspect of the countiy. The coast and the lowlands near 
the sea are exposed to tropical heats ; while upon the plateaux, and in the 
interior, perpetual springtime reigns. Fruits, like other productions of the 
earth, succeed each other without interruption. In the plains and the valleys, 
the soil is formed of alluvial matter to a depth of from five to six feet. It 
is sufficiently rich to serve as dressing for lands less fertile. 

"There are in this part of the American continent five princijial points 
which have been designated as suitable for the opening of a comm uiication 
between the two seas, — the first at the north of Central America, upon the 
Mexican territory, across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec; the second aci'oss 
the Isthmus of Nicaragua; the third across the Isthmus of Panama; and two 
otners by the way of the Gulf of Darien." 

After discussing the claims of these several routes, he says, " There re- 
main, then, but two projects worthy of being taken into serious considera- 
tion, — the cut by the Isthmus of Panama, and that by the River San Juan 
and the Lakes of the State of Nicaragua. 

" There are certain countries, which, by their geographical position, are 
destined to a very prosperous future. Riches, power, all natural advantages, 
meet there, provided that man does not neglect to take advantage of the 
resources which Nature has placed at his disposal. The countries occupying 
the most favorable positions are those placed upon the grand routes of com- 
merce. Behold how Tyre, Carthage, Constantinople, Venice, Genoa, Am- 
sterdam, Liverpool, and London have attained to so high a degree of pros- 
perity ; rising from the state of petty villages to the condition of grand 
commercial cities, and presenting to the astonished nations the spectacle 
of powerful states springing suddenly from lagoons and insalubrious marshes! 
Venice, in particular, owes its wonderful grandeur to its geographical posi- 
tion, which made it for ages the entrepot of the commerce of Europe with 
the Levant. It was only after the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope had 
opened to navigators a new route to the East that the prosperity of Venice 
began to decrease. Nevertheless, such was its opulence, and consequently 
its commercial influence, that it was able to contend successfully for three 
centuries against the formidable competition which that discovery brought 
against her. 

"There exists another city, famous in history, which to-day is shorn of 



284 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

its ancient splendor, hut whose admirable position is an object of attention 
10 all the great powers of Europe. They are agreed to endeavor to main- 
tain there a government which appears to them to have less tendency than 
any other to derive the advantages which Nature has lavished upon the posi- 
tion. The geographical situation of Constantinople made that city the 
queen of the Eastern World. Occupying a central point between Europe, 
Asia, and Africa, it became the warehouse of the commei'ce of all these 
countries, and acquired an immense preponderance over them. 

" Seated between tAvo seas which were like two great lakes, whose 
entrances she commanded, she could assemble there, safe from the attacks 
of all other nations, the most formidable fleets, by the aid of which she could 
make sure of her supremacy in the Mediterranean and in the Black Sea. 
Commanding the mouths of the Danube, which opened to her the route 
to Germany, and also commanding at the same time the sources of the 
Euphrates, which opened to her the route of the Indies, she could dictate 
the laws of commerce to Greece, France, Italy, Spain, and Egypt. Such was 
the proud position of the ancient city of Constantino. Such is its condition 
no longer; because, according to the thought of Montesquieu, the re-estab- 
lishment of an empire threatening the equilibrium of Europe cannot enter 
into the mind of the Turks. 

"There exists in the New "World a country as admirably situated as 
Constantinople, and, we ought to add, even to this day uselessly occupied. 
It is the State of Nicaragua. As Constantinople is the centre of the Old 
"World, so is Leon, or rather Massaya, the centre of the New ; and, if a canal 
were cut across the tongue of land which separates its two lakes from the 
Pacific Ocean, it would command by its central position all the coasts of 
Northern and of Southern America. Like Constantinople, Massaya is placed 
between two great natural harbors, where the largest fleets could ride in 
safety, secure from all attack. Better still than Constantinople, Nicaragua 
might become the necessary route for the great commerce of the world ; 
for it would be for the United States the shortest route to China and the 
East Indies, and for England and the rest of Europe the shortest route to 
New Holland, Polynesia, and all the western coasts of America. 

" The State of Nicaragua seems, then, destined to an extraordinary degree 
of prosperity and of grandeur. That which renders its position, indeed, 
more advantageous than that of Constantinople, is that the great maritime 
powers of Europe will with pleasure, and not with jealousy, see it take a 
rank among the nations not less favorable to its own individual interests 
than to the commerce of the world. 

« France, England, Holland, Russia, and the IJnited States, have a grand 
commercial interest in the establishment of a communication between the 
two oceans. But England has, more than any other power, a political 
interest in the execution of the project, England cannot but rejoice to 
see Central America become a flourishing and important State, which will 
re-establish the equilibrium of power by creating in Spanish America a new 
centre of industrial activity, sufiiciently powerful to give birth to a grand 
sentiment of nationality, and to prevent, in sustaining Mexico, new encroach- 
ments on the side of the north. 



EMPLOYMENT IN EXILE. 285 

" England will see with satisfaction the opening of a route which will 
.furnish her with more raj^id communication with Oregon, China, and New 
Holland. She will find, indeed, that the progress of Central America will 
have for an effect the revival of the languishing commerce of Jamaica and 
the other English Antilles, and will arrest their decay. It is a happy coinci- 
dence, that the political and commercial prosperity of the State of Nicaragua 
is in intimate accordance with the political interests of the nation which is in 
possession of maritime prejoonderance. 

"The proposed canal should not be a simple cut, designed only to open a 
passage from one sea to another for European products : it is particularly 
important that it should make of Central America a maritime state, prospered 
by the exchange of its interior products, and powerful in the extent of its 
commerce. With that object in view, it is important to adopt a route which 
presents in its course, and especially at its extremities, the best anchorage, 
and which may be in communication with the largest number of rivers. 

"If we could cross the territory of Central America by a canal, which, 
commencing at San Juan de Nicaragua upon the Sea of the Antilles, should 
terminate at Realejo upon the Pacific Ocean, the canal woidd perfectly meet 
these required conditions; for Realejo is an excellent port, and San Juan offers 
a good roadstead, sheltered from the north-east winds, — the only ones which 
blow with violence upon that coast. Thei-e cannot be found, either at Pana- 
ma or at Chagres, or at any other point upon the coast, anchorage which can 
be compared with it. 

"But it is not enough that the canal should have two good ports at its 
extremities : it must possess along its course a suite of natural basins serving 
for docks, where a large number of ships can load and unload their cargoes 
with promptitude and safety. At London, at Liverpool, at Venice, at Cher- 
bourg, at Havre, at Antwerp, the different governments of Europe have, 
during the last five centuries, expended hundreds of millions to create artifi- 
cial basins of a few hundred yards in dimensions; while there exist at Leon 
and at Grenada two natural basins, which present upon a vast scale, without 
expense or labor, that which we have obtained in Europe upon a small scale, 
only at the expense of enormous toil and pecuniary sacrifice. It is in vain 
that we seek at Panama, or at any other point higher up, a route in all 
respects so advantageous. 

" If it be wished that the canal should become a principal element in the 
progress of Central America, it is important that it should traverse, not the 
shortest route across the tongue of land, but that part of the country 
the most densely inhabited, the most healthy, the most fertile, watered by 
the largest number of rivers, that its activity may communicate itself to the 
most distant points in the interior. Now, a canal running from San Juan to 
Realejo would profit by the River San Juan, which receives many K^sraall 
tributaries, three of which in pai-ticular are navigable by boats for a consider- 
able distance into the interior. 

" From the mouth of this river to the Pacific Ocean, the canal would run 
in a direct line about two hundred and seventy -eight miles ; diffusing along 
its banks prosperity over a thousand miles of territory, if we have regard to 



286 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

the sinuosities of the lakes and the course of the interior rivers. Let one 
imagine the almost miraculous effects which would be produced by the 
annual passage, across this beautiful country, of two or three thousand vessels 
which should exchange their foreign productions with those of Central 
America, and which would cause the circulation everywhere of activity and 
wealth. One can figure to himself these shores, now solitary, crowded with 
cities and villages ; these lakes, to-day gloomy and silent, covered with ships ; 
these fields, now uncultivated, waving with harvests ; these forests and mines 
contributing their opulence ; and these rivers, which flow into the lakes and 
into the San Juan, bearing to the heart of the country all the benefits of 
civilization." 

The second chapter gives an account of the places through which the 
Canal of Nicaragua would pass, and the length of its course. The chapter is 
full of minute statements and accurate calculations, which we have not space 
here to quote. The following are its opening sentences : — 

" The proposed canal between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, commencing 
at the port San Juan and terminating at the port of Realejo, would traverse, 
first the River San Juan which, with its sinuosities, has a length, according to 
M. Baily, of ninety English miles, and of one hundred and four according to 
the journal of M. Lawi-ence, assistant engineer on board the ship " Thunder," 
charged in the year 1840 with an exploring mission ; second, the Lake of 
Nicaragua, which is ninety geographical miles in length ; third, the River 
Tipitapa, twenty miles long, which unites the Lake of Nicaragua with that 
of Leon ; fourth, the Lake of Leon or of Managua, which is thirty-five miles 
in length ; and fifth, the isthmus, which separates the port of Leon from 
Realejo, twenty-nine miles in breadth; making a total of two hundred and 
seventy-eight miles. But we hasten to say, that, over all that route, it will 
be necessary to excavate only for a distance of ninety-two miles." 

The desci'ii^tions of these harbors, lakes, rivers, and plains, are given with 
that charm of freshness and originality which pei'vades every theme touched 
by the pen of the prince. Every statement is confirmed by convincing 
authorities ; and no point which can be of any material importance is over- 
looked. 

The third chapter is upon " The Dimensions of the Canal." It opens as 
follows : " Before entering upon the calculation of the probable expense 
of the canal, we will speak of the dimensions it should have ; adopting the 
figures proposed by M. Garilla in his work upon Panama, although the breadth 
of forty-four metres,* given by him, may be a little more than is necessary. 
The Caledonian Canal, the largest of all existing canals, has but thirty-six 
and thirty-six one-hundredths metres in breadth at the water-line. But, to 
render it more easy for towage by steam, we will adopt the sum of forty-four 
metres. M. Garilla has calculated the dimensions of his canal so as to admit 
of merchant-ships of twelve hundred tons." 

* A Trench measure of length, equal to thirty-nine and thirty-seven one-hundredths English 
inches. 



EMPLOYMENT IN EXILE. 287 

The fourth chapter contains a " Calculation of the Expense of the Con- 
struction of th.e Canal." Every item is here brought forward with the utmost 
care ; proving that the prince has as much skill as a practical engineer as he 
has ability in devising magnificent schemes for the welfare of humanity. The 
fifth chapter is upon "The Probable Revenue of the Canal." We will quote 
but a few sentences, which close the chapter and the treatise: — 

" The prosperity of Central America is connected with the best means of 
civilization in general ; and the best means of promoting tlie well-being of 
humanity is to break down tlie barriers which separate men, races, and 
nations. It is the course which is indicated to us by Christianity, and by the 
efibrts of those great men who have appeared at intervals upon the stage of 
the world. The Christian religion teaches us that we all are brothers ; and 
that, in the eye of God, the slave is equal to his master; as are also the 
Asiatic, the African, and the Indian equal to the European. 

" On the other hand, the great men of the earth have, by their wars, 
blended together the diiferent races; and have left behind them some of those 
imperishable monuments, such as the levelling of mountains, the penetrating 
of forests, the canalization of rivers, — monuments which, in fiicilitating com- 
munications, tend to bring together and to unite individuals and peoples. 
War and Commerce have civilized the world. War has had its day. Com- 
merce alone can now pursue its conquests. Let us open to her new routes. 
Let us, from Europe, approach the ti'ibes of Oceanica and of Australia, and 
cause them to participate in the benefits of Christianity and of civilization. 

" In order to secure the execution of this grand enterprise, we make an 
appeal to all religious and intelligent men ; for it is worthy of their zeal and 
of their sympathies. We invoke the support of all statesmen; for all the 
nations are interested in the establishment of new and easy communications 
between the two hemispheres. In fine, we address ourselves to capitalists, 
because, in embarking in so glorious an enterprise, they have the certainty of 
securing great pecuniary rewards." 

While Louis Napoleon in London was devoting himself to these studies 
and labors, suddenly the astounding news reached him that the throne of 
Louis Philippe had crumbled ; that the monarch, deserted by the whole 
nation, was a fugitive ; and that France, in a state of fearful excitement, rent 
by diverse parties, was struggling for the establishment of a new govern- 
ment. The narrative of these exciting events must be reserved for the next 
chapter. 




CHAPTER XVIII. 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 

Childhood and Youth of Louis Philippe. — Execution of the Duke of Orleans. — Flight of the 
Family. — The Return of Louis Philippe with the Bourbons. — His Elevation to the 
Throne. — Unpopularity. — The Banquets. — Their Prohibition. — Indignation and Insur- 
rection of the People. — Triumph of the Insurgents. — Flight of the King. — Heroism of 
the Duchess of Orleans. — Her Peril and Final Escape. 

PIE history of Louis Philippe is so intimately blended with that 
of Louis Napoleon ; and the Orleans party, uniting with the 
Bourbon party, is still so zealous in efforts to overthrow the 
empire, and to re-establish the monarchy in the person of 
the Count de* Paris, the grandson and heir of Louis Philippe, 
— that a brief sketch of the life of that unfortunate monarch 
will not, I trust, be deemed inappropriate. 

Louis Philippe was born on the 6th of October, 1773, in the Palais Royal 
in Paris, then the property and the princely residence of his father, the Duke 
of Orleans, who Avas regarded as the richest man in Europe. The duke had 
imbibed those principles of French infidelity and philosophy which warranted 
one to plunge, unrestrained, into every excess of sensual pleasure. Having 
unbounded wealth at his command, he became, perhaps, the most thorough 
libertine in France. But the mother of Louis Philippe was a woman of the 
highest moral and religious excellence. Silently, meekly, and patiently, like 
thousands of others the martyrs of a husband's profligacy, she endured all 
her wrongs until she found refuge in the grave. 

Louis Philippe was her eldest child ; and it was undoubtedly the influence 
of his Christian mother which saved him from that ruin in which so many 
of his companions were whelmed. The celebrated Madame de Genlis 
superintended the education of his childhood and of his early youth. The 
religious fidelity with which she fulfilled her trust may be inferred from the 
fact, that every evening, in her presence, he read from his journal the follow- 
ing questions, to each of which he returned an answer in writing : — 

1. Have I this day fulfilled all my duties towards God my Creator, and 
prayed to him with fervor and affection? 

2. Have I listened with respect and attention to the instructions which 
have been given me to-day with regard to my Christian duties ? 



OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 289 

3. Have I fulfilled all my duties this day towards those I ought to love 
most in the world, — my father and my mother ? 

4. Have I behaved with mildness and kindness towards my sister and my 
brothers ? 

5. Have I been docile, grateful, and attentive to my teachers ? 

6. Have I been perfectly sincere to-day, disobliging no one, and speaking 
evil of no one ? 

7. Have I been as discreet, prudent, charitable, modest, and courageous as 
may be expected at my age ? 

8. Have I shown no proof of that effeminacy and weakness which are so 
contemptible in a man ? 

9. Have I done all the good I could ? 

10. Have I shown all the marks of attention I ought to the persons, 
present or absent, to whom I owe kindness, respect, and affection ? 

After returning an answer to each of these questions, the young princo 
repeated his prayers, and then retired. Under this discipline, he developed a 
character of the purest morality, which he retained unstained through life. 
In the midst of the tumult of the Revolution which in his early years over- 
whelmed his family with reverses, consigning his father to the guillotine, he 
at one time writes in his journal, — 

"O my mother! how I bless you for having preserved me from those 
vices and misfortunes into which so many young men fall, by inspiring me 
with that sense of religion which has been my whole support ! " 

Louis Philippe was but sixteen years of age at the commencement of the 
French Revolution. His intellectual training had been such, that he then 
possessed unusual maturity of character, and was an active colonel in a 
regiment of dragoons. At Valmy and Jemappes, under the generalship of 
the veteran Dumunez, he fought heroically. Lamartine says of him, — 

"Louis Philippe had no youth. Education suppressed this age in the 
pupils of Madame de Genlis. Reflection, study, premeditation of every 
thought and act, replaced nature by study, and instinct by will. At seven- 
teen years of age, the young prince had the maturity of advanced years." 

Being the oldest son, he was the legal heir to the almost boundless estates 
and to the title of his father, the Duke of Orleans. But when, during the 
progress of the French Revolution, a decree was enacted by the Constituant 
Assembly that this law of primogeniture should be annulled, that titles of 
nobility should be abrogated, and that paternal estates should be equally 
divided among the children, it is said that Louis Philippe embraced his 
brother, exclaiming, — 

" It is a good law which lets brothers love each other without jealousy. 
It only enjoins upon me what my heart had done before. You all know 
that Nature had created that law between us." 

During that reign of terror which was ushered in by the Revolutbnj Cten- 

eral Dumouriez conceived the idea of attempting to arrest its horrors^ by 

elevating, through the agency of the army, Louis Philippe to the throne 

from which Louis XVI. had just been hurled, and dragged to the guillotine. 

87 



290 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

The effect of this was to direct the whole fury of the Revolutionary tribunal 
against the Orleans fimily. The mother of Louis Philippe, his sister, and his 
revered instructor Madame de Genlis, were exposed to the most cruel persecu- 
tion. His father, though he had ostentatiously and noisily joined the Revo- 
lutionary party, assuming the democratic title of Egalite, after a mock trial 
was condemned to death. He was a proud man ; and he looked down upon 
his judges with openly-avowed contempt. The only favor he asked of them 
was that he might be led to his execution immediately, and without any 
delay. His request was granted ; and in the evening twilight he was .taken 
from the court-house to the scaffold. An eye-witness, who took his station 
in the Rue St. Ilonore, opposite the palace of the Duke of Orleans, that he 
might observe with what emotions lie would cast his last glances upon his 
princely residence as he was earned by in the cart of the condemned, thus 
describes the scene : — 

"The crowd was immense, and aggravated by its unjust reproaches and 
insults the agony of the sufferer. The fatal cart advanced at so slow a pace, 
that it seemed as if they were endeavoring to prolong his torments. There 
were many other victims of Revolutionary cruelty in the same vehicle. They 
were all bent double, pale, and stupefied with horror, Orleans alone, a 
striking contrast, with hair powdered, and otherwise dressed with care, in the 
fashion of the period, stood upright, his head elevated, his countenance full 
of its natural color, with all the firmness of innocence. 

"The cart, for some reason, stopped for a few minutes before the gate of 
the Palais Royal; and the duke ran his eyes over the building with the 
tranquil air of a master, as if examining whether it required any additional 
ornament or repair. The courage of the intrepid man faltered not at the 
place of execution. When the executioner took off his coat, he calmly 
observed to the assistants who were going to draw off his boots, 'It is only 
loss of time. You will remove them more easily from the lifeless limbs.' In 
a few minutes, he was no more. Thus died in the prime of life — his forty- 
sixth year — the rash and imprudent though honest Philippe i<]galite, adding, 
by his death, one to the long list of those who perished from the effects of a 
poUtical whirlwind which they had contributed to raise." 

Louis Philippe fled to Switzerland an emigrant, and penniless, with all the 
immense property of his father confiscated. In disguise, and under a feigned 
name, to avoid the pursuit of revolutionary France, he wandered for many 
months among the defiles of the Alps, and for nearly a year and a half 
supported himself by teaching a village school. But his enemies sought for 
him with so much persistence, that, to elude them, he set out on foot, with an 
empty purse, to traverse the dreary regions of Denmark, Sweden, Norway, 
and Lapland. His mother at length succeeded in forwarding to him some 
funds ; and he embarked for the New World. 

In June, 1796, he landed upon the wharves of Philadelphia, and remained 
in the TJnited States and the West Indies for a period of nearly four years. 
His younger bi'other accompanied him on this tour. This brother, on the 14th 
of August, 1797, wrote from Philadelphia the following letter to his sister 
Adelaide ia Paris : — 



OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OP LOUIS PHILIPPE. 291 

"I hope you received the letter which we wrote you from Pittsburg two 
months ago. We were then in the midst of a great journey, whicli it took 
us two months to accompUsh. We travelled during that time a thousand 
leagues, and always upon the same horses, except the last hundred leagues, 
which we performed partly by water and partly on foot, partly on hired 
horses, and partly by the stage-coach or public conveyance. We have seen 
many Indians, and we remained several days in their country. They received 
us with great kindness ; and our national character contributed not a little to 
this reception, for they love the French. After them, we found the Falls of 
Niagara, which I wrote you from Pittsburg we were about to visit, the most 
interesting object upon our journey. It is the most surprising and majestic 
spectacle I have ever seen. I have taken a sketch of it; and I intend to 
paint a picture in water-colors from it, which my dear little sister will cer- 
tainly see at our tender mother's. But it is not yet commenced, and will 
take me much time; for truly it is no small work. To give you an idea of 
the agreeable manner in which they travel in this country, I will tell you, 
my dear sister, that we passed fourteen nights in the woods, devoured by all 
kinds of insects, after being wet to the bone, without being able to dry our- 
selves ; eating pork, and sometimes a little salt beef and corn-bread." 

From America, Louis Philippe went to England, where he joined the sur- 
viving exiled members of the royal family, with Avhom he was intimately 
connected by blood relationship. The King of Sicily, becoming interested 
in his adventm-es, invited him to visit his court. Here he met the Princess 
Amelia ; and, a strong attachment immediately springing up between the 
young people, they were soon united in marriage. 

Upon the overthrow of Napoleon, he returned with the Bourbons to Paris 
in the uniform of a lieutenant-general of the Bourbon armies. When Na- 
poleon landed from Elba, and commenced his triumphant march to Paris, 
Louis Philippe again fled, with the Bourbons, to seek the aid of foreign 
armies. After the terrible disaster of Waterloo, he again returned to Paris, 
in the rear of the armies of the allies. His titles and his wealth were 
restored to him. Weary of the strife of parties and of the vicissitudes of 
fortune, he studiously avoided all political complications, and devoted himself 
to the improvement of iiis vast possessions. He was thus Hving in opu- 
lence and dignity, when the new storm arose which drove Charles X. 
frcra France, and which swept the Duke of Orleans upon the throne of tlie 
Bourbons. In a pi-evious chapter, we have described the establishment of 
the throne of Louis PhilipjDe by the adroit management of a few influential 
men in Paris, and have spoken of the ever-increasing discontent which — 
in the form of insurrections, conspiracies, and attempts at assassination — 
was continually surging against his throne. 

We must now proceed to the narrative of those stormy scenes through 
which the thi'one of Louis Philippe was demolished, and which forced the house 
of Orleans again to follow the house of Bourbon into exile. 

There probably never was a m.onarch so unrelentingly and persistently 
jxssailed as Louis Philippe. It at last became unsafe for him to appe.n- in the 



292 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

streets on any day of public festivity; and, with all the precautions which he 
could adopt, he could not take a ride with his family in a carriage without 
being made the target of some distant sharpshooter. He thus obtained the 
sobriquet of "the target-king." It would require a volume to give the details 
of the various insurrections, and attempts at assassination, during his reign. 

Louis Philippe was one of the most correct of men in all the relations of 
private life. He had passed through very severe discipline in the school of 
misfoitune. He was not a man of warm and generous affections; was exceed- 
ingly greedy of wealth; and devoted himself with great singleness of aim to 
the promotion of the opulence and the grandeur of his family. It is very cer- 
tain that he was not in heart a corrupt or ill-designing man : yet power is 
corrupting; and there certainly is not too much severity in the following 
statement from "The North-American Review" of July, 1848: — 

"During a reign in Avhich his real authority and influence were immense, he 
did little for his country, little for the moral and intellectual elevation of his 
people, and nothing for the gradual improvement of the political institutions 
of his kingdom; because his time and attention were absorbed in seeking 
splendid foreign alliances for liis children, and in manoeuvring to maintain a 
supple majority in the Chambers, and to keep those ministers at the head of 
affairs who would second more heartily his private designs." 

Public gatherings of the people to discuss political affairs had long been pro- 
hibited. To evade this prohibition, large dinner-parties, called "banquets," 
were introduced. Instantly, they spread all over France. The king's health 
was always studiously omitted in the toasts which were given ; and, in the 
after-dinner speeches, the government was often fiercely assailed.* 

Arrangements were made for a mammoth banquet in Paris on the 2'M of 
February, 1848. The Legitimists and the Liberal party, both of which were 
broken up into sundry organizations, were united in opposition to the exist- 
ing government. It was universally understood that the "banquet" was 
intended merely as an opportunity for making a vigorous assault upon the gov- 

* The seventy with which the government was assailed at these banquets may be inferred 
from the following extracts from a speech of Lamartine at a banquet at Macon : — 

" If the government deceives the hopes which the country has placed in 1830, less in its nature 
than in its name; if, in the pride of its constitutional elevation, it seeks to isolate itself; if it fails 
entirely to incorporate itself with the spirit and legitimate interests of the masses ; if it surrounds 
itself by an electoral aristocracy instead of the entire people ; if it distrusts the people organized 
in the civic militia, and disarms them, by degrees, as a conquered enemy; if, without attempting 
openly to violate the rights of the nation, it seeks to corrupt it, and to acquire under the name of 
liberty a despotism so much the more dangerous that it has been purchased under the cloak of 
freedom ; if it has succeeded in making of a nation of citizens a vile band of beggars, who have 
only inherited liberties purchased by the blood of their fathers to put them up at auction to the 
highest bidder; if it has caused France to blush for its public functionaries, and has allowed her 
to descend, as we have seen in a recent trial, in the scale of corruption, till she has arrived at her 
tragedies ; if it has permitted the nation to be afflicted, humiliated, by the improbity of those in 
authority, — if it has done all these things, that royalty will fall : rest assured of that. It will not 
slip in the blood it has shed, as did that of 1789; but it will fall into the snare which itself has 
dug. And, after having had the revolution of blood and the counter-revolution of glorj^, you will 
have the revolution of public conscience, and that springing from contempt." — M. de Lamar- 
tine' s Speech at Macon, Sept 20, 1847. 



OVEKTHP.OW OF THE THEONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 293 

ernment. Seventeen hundred guests, of all the shades of Opposition, were 
invited. Two hundred deputies were to assemble in the Place de la Made- 
leine at twelve o'clock at noon. Fifteen hundred other guests, consisting of 
deputations from the colonies and from the various schools of learning, were 
to meet in the Place de la Concorde. The two bodies were then to unite, and 
march in procession to the spot appointed for the entertainment.* The 
National Guard, ten thousand in number, in uniform, but unarmed, were to 
line the route in double file along the magnificent avenue of the Champs 
Elysees to the Arc de Triomphe. 

These gigantic preparations alarmed the government. An ancient law of 
1790 was hunted up, which was interpreted as declaring such assemblages 
illegal ; and, by a decree of the government, the banquet was prohibited. 
Special orders were issued to the commanders of the National Guard, forbid- 
ding the members of that body from being present, even as spectators. Strong 
men were at the head of the Opposition, — such men as Thiers, Odillon Barrot, 
and Ledru Rolliu. It was not, however, their intention to overthrow the gov- 
ernment, but to introduce measures of reform. Conscious of their popular 
strength, they resolved to go on with their pacific demonstration, and con- 
tinued their preparations accordingly. As a sort of compromise with the gov- 
ernment, it was publicly announced that but one toast should be given at the 
banquet; and that was to be, "Reform and the Right of Meeting." This Avas 
to be introduced in a short speech by Odillon Barrot, whom our readers will 
recognize as one of the distinguished friends of Louis Napoleon. After this, 
all the guests, including the National Guard, were to separate, and proceed 
quietly to their homes. 

The banquet, as we have said, was to be held on Tuesday, the 22d of Feb- 
ruary, 1848. The prohibition of the government was known ; and all Paris 
was in a state of excitement to witness the result. Marshal Soult was then 
president of the council ; M. Guizot, one of the most accomplished scholars 
of France, was minister of foreign afiairs; and M. Duchatel, whose correspond- 
ence with the captive prince has been presented to the reader, was minister of 
the interior. 

Government troops were now seen in large numbers marching into Lhe city 
from the neighboring garrisons. Late on Monday evening, the 21st, the fol- 
lowing proclamation by the government was posted very conspicuously in dif- 
ferent pai'ts of Paris : — 

"Parisians, — The government had interdicted the banquet of the twelfth 
arrondissement.f It kept within its right in doing this; being authorized by 
the letter and the spirit of the law. Nevertheless, in consequence of the dis- 

* " The spot selected for the banquet was a lonely, unfrequented street, — the Chemin de Ver- 
Bailles, — opening from the Champs Elysees. There was here a large open space, enclosed by four 
walls, over which, as over the Roman amphitheatres, it was proposed to stretch a huge canvas- 
covering, so as to convert it into an apartment capable of holding six thousand persons." — 
Alison. 

t Arrondissement. — France is divided into departments, these into arrondissements, these into 
pantons, and the latter into communes. 



294 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

cussion which took place in the Chamber on this subject, thinking that the • 
Opposition was acting in good faith, it resolved to afford the opportunity of 
submitting the question of the legality of banquets to the appreciation of 
the tribunals and the High Court of Cassation. 

" To do this, it had resolved to authorize for to-morrow the entrance into 
the banquet-room; hoping that the persons present at the manifestation would 
have the wisdom to retire at the first summons. But by the manifesto pub- 
lished this morning, calling the public to a demonstration, convoking the 
National Guard, assigning them a place ranked by the legions, and ranging 
them in line, a government is raised in opposition to the real government, the 
public power is usurped, and the charter openly violated. These are acts 
which the government cannot tolerate. In consequence, the banquet of the 
twelfth arrondissement shall not take place. Parisians, remain deaf to every 
excitement to disorder. Do not, by tumultuous assemblages, afford grounds 
for a re^Dressiou which the government must deplore." 

The government, having thus announced its intentions, acted with unaccus- 
tomed vigor. Before morning, Paris was held by a military force of over one 
hundred thousand men called in from neighboring garrisons, thoroughly armed, 
and prej^ared for any emergency. Immediately, a meeting of the leaders of the 
Opposition Avas held at the house of Odillon Barrot. There it was decided to 
yield to the determined action of the government, and to give up the banquet. 
The OpiDosition was not prepared for an appeal to arms ; and it was certain that 
the attempted gathering would be dispersed by charges of cavalry. On Tues- 
day morning, the aspect of Paris, to a practised eye, indicated a rising storm. 
The streets were filled with the working-classes, and crowds were pouring in 
from all the suburbs. The students of Paris, a very numerous and excitable 
class, were gathered in agitated groups, surging through the streets, shouting 
"The Marseillaise." Large crowds followed them, joining in the chorus, with 
occasionally loud cries of "Down with the Ministry!" 

By twelve o'clock, there was an immense gathering in the Place de la Made- 
leine, where the deputies had been invited to meet to proceed to the banquet. 
It is often difficult to imagine under what impulse a passion-tossed crowd of 
thousands is simultaneously moved. As if by a common instinct, this tumul- 
tuous mass, filling the streets like a flood, commenced its resistless flow towards 
the Chamber of Deputies, where that body was then in session. The appar- 
ently motiveless mob swept along across the Place de la Concorde, over the 
Pont Royal, and were breaking down the palisades of the Chamber of Depu- 
ties. Just then, a regiment of dragoons came clattering down upon them; 
and the unorganized multitude, having no leaders and no specific object, was 
scattered in all directions, — along the quays, across the bridges, and into the 
garden of the Tuileries. A regiment of infantry soon arrived, and took posi- 
tion to defend the bridge, and all other approaches to the Chamber of Deputies. 

At the same time, the populace, instinctively anticipating a conflict, began 
to erect barricades by tearing up the pavements, and seizing and overturning 
carts and omnibuses. At some of these points, there was pretty severe fight- 
ing between the people and the police, aided by the troops. Several gun- 



OVEETHEOW OF THE THEONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 295 

Boiitlis' shops were broken open and plundered. Such were the public move- 
ments of the day, visible to all eyes, and of but little significance. There 
were, however, private movements of the utmost importance, which were 
veiled from general observation. Secret societies and insurrectionary com- 
mittees were hard at work devising plans for the efficient organization of the 
forces at their command, and for intelligent, simultaneous, and co-operative 
action. 

The police, called the Municipal Guard, had taken, during the day, many 
prisoners. They had been the victors in every struggle ; and during the 
night, with the aid of the troops, they demolished every barricade which the 
insurgents had raised. Thus, apparently, tli^ movement was quelled ; but in 
reahty it had not yet begun. A mob, in the hands of sagacious men who 
know how to wield its terrible energies, is a weapon of fearful power; though 
it often, in the end, tramples beneath its bloody feet the leaders who have 
summoned it into being, and who endeavor to control its action. 

On Wednesday morning, the city of Paris presented the aspect of a hive 
of bees thrown into sudden and intense commotion. Every one believed 
that something terrible was about to happen ; nobody knew what. All the 
workshops were closed, and their occupants thronged the pavements ; all the 
garrets and cellars had poured forth their contents; from the outskirts of 
the city, and from the suburbs, countless thousands were directing their steps 
to the great centres of commotion. In every large city, there is a concealed 
amount of barbarism, appalling in its power, which can scarcely be exceeded 
in ferocity in any savage land. There is no more hideous spectacle upon earth 
than the outburst of that barbarism in the midst of scenes of civilization and 
refinement. 

All the important points of the metropolis were occupied by the troops, 
who had remained under arms during the night. Still, at an early hour, 
barricades were rising in several streets ; very many of the populace were 
armed; and the Boulevards and the Champs filysees were densely filled with 
the moving mass. The government had ordered the National Guard, in 
addition to the regular troops, to appear under arms, hoping by such an 
immense display of force to prevent any outbreak. Wherever there was any 
appearance of a hostile gathering, or any attempt to construct a barricade, 
the troops immediately effected a dispersion. The crowd, however, left one 
place only to re-assemble in another. Everywhere shouts were heard, "Down 
with Guizot ! " " Long live Reform ! " 

The National Guard, composed of what we should call the militia, taken 
directly from the people, were, of course, very considerably in sympathy with 
the disaffected masses. They had reluctantly and very leisurely obeyed the 
summons which had called them out to oppose the people. An immense 
concaarse had gathered at the Place des Petits Pferes. The third legion of 
the National Guard had been stationed at this spot. A squadron of royal 
cuirassiers was sent to disperse the assembly. The guard drew up in line in 
front of the insurgents, and, protecting them, presented their bayonets to the 
regular troops. As it was not deemed wise to provoke a contest, which must 
necessarily be very bloody, between the troops and the guard, and as such 



296 ^IFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

an event would inevitably range the whole body of the guard on the side of 
the insurgents, the cuirassiers were withdrawn. A similar transaction soon 
after took place in the Rue Lepelletier. The people were much emboldened 
by the presence of so potent an ally. 

The king was greatly alarmed. He was sixty-five years of age ; and his 
nerves were much shattered by the incessant attempts at .assassination to 
which he had been for years exposed. He had passed through many revolu- 
tions, had experienced all their terrors, and knew not whom to trust. Though 
the commanders of the troops assured him that they had sufficient force in the 
city to crush all opposition, and that the king had nothing to fear, his instincts 
told him that the passions of the masses were so aroused, that they could not 
be repressed without a sanguinary battle; and that the National Guard would 
be at least as likely to defend as to assail the populace, should there be a 
serious appeal to arms. 

It was two o'clock in the afternoon of Wednesday when M. Duchatel 
called upon the king with the alarming intelligence that the third legion of 
the National Guai'd had declared in favor of the insurgents, and that every 
moment affairs were assuming a more portentous aspect. The king was 
deeply agitated, and was entirely unprepared in mental resolution for that 
decisive action which the occasion demanded. The state of his mind may 
perhaps be inferred from the fact, that, at this eventful hour, he sent for his 
wife, and his youngest son the Duke of Montpensier, to counsel him. 

They both earnestly urged that he should dismiss the obnoxious ministers, 
and replace them by men who had the confidence of the people. The king 
very reluctantly listened to this advice, and sent for Messieurs Guizot und 
Duchatel. The king expressed the deepest regret at the necessity in which 
he found himself of dismissing his ministers, with whom he was in perfect 
sympathy. He even went so far as to say that he would rather abdicate 
than be thus separated from them. At this the queen interrupted him, 
remarking, — 

" What do you say, my dear ? You owe all your days to Fi-ance. You 
cannot abdicate." 

"True," replied the king sadly. "I am more to be pitied than my minis- 
ters. I cannot resign." Then turning to M. Guizot, who had entered the 
cabinet with M. Duchatel, he said, " Do you think, my dear president, that 
the cabinet is in a condition to make head against the storm, and to triumph 
over it?" 

" Sire," M. Guizot replied, " when the king proposes such a question, he him- 
self answers it. The cabinet may be in a condition to gain the victory in the 
st'eets; but it cannot conquer at the same time the royal family and the 
crown. To throw a doubt on its support in the Tuileries is to destroy it in 
the exercise of power. The cabinet has no alternative but to retire." 

The king was so much moved, that he shed tears. He was in entire sym- 
pathy with his cabinet ; and it was with great grief that he took this compul- 
sory leave of them. Both parties were alike afiected. The queen, addressing 
M. Guizot and M. Duchatel, said in a tremulous voice, — 

" You will always remain the friends of the king ; you will suj)port him." 



OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 297 

The king added, "How happy you are! You depart with honor. I remain 
with shame." * 

The Duke of Montpensier was urgent that the king should make a still 
greater sacrifice. He begged his father to send to the Chamber of Deputies, 
then in session, a project for electoral reform, extending the very limited 
suffrage, and also another project for parliamentary reform.f But M. Du- 
chatel flatly refused to be the bearer to the Chamber of any such concession.! 

M. Guizot, however, went to the Chamber with the announcement that the 
king had decided upon the reconstruction of his cabinet. This intelligence, 
which sent dismay into the hearts of the ministerial party, was received with 
shouts of triumph by the Opposition. Officers were immediately sent through 
Paris to inform the tumultuous people that the king had consented to form a 
new ministry of liberal men; that the troops were ordered to retire to their 
barracks ; and that not another gunshot Avas to be fired. The enthusiasm of 
a Parisian mob now presented one of its most interesting displays. The 
pec J lis seemed to be semi-delirious with joy. They sang and danced, and 
hugge 1 and kissed each other. As the shades of evening came on, the 
Boulevards blazed with illuminations as on the receipt of the tidings of some 
great victory. 

The king had, in the mean time, sent for M. Mole, one of the popular 
leaders, and, in the embrasure of one of the windows of the palace of the 
Tuileries, was discussing with him the formation of a new cabinet, when 
some of the orderly-officers, who had been sent with the announcement to 
the populace, returned with the gratifying intelligence that the decision of 
the king had given universal satisfaction, and that apparently there was no 
more thought of insurrection. 

The Duchess of Orleans, the widow of the king's eldest son who a few 
years before had met with a premature death by a fall from his carriage, was 
present with her little son the Count of Paris, who was then the direct heir 
to the throne of Louis Philippe. With much emotion, the mother threw her 
arms around the child, and, pressing him to her bosom, exclaimed, " Poor 
child ! your crown has indeed been compromised ; but now Heaven has re- 
stored it to you." 

But, by this time, the leaders of the secret societies and of the revolu- 
tionary clubs contemplated something more serious than a mere change of 
ministers. About seven o'clock in the evening, a large body of men, who 
had been addressed in very impassioned strains by a speaker from one of 
the windows of " The National Journal," rushed tumultuously to the Boule- 

* Lamartine, Ilistoirc de la Revolution de 1848, i. pp. 85, 86. 

1 " Louis Philippe had the misfortune to cherish a profound distrust of democracy. Although 
by no means wanting in intelligence, he could never understand the strength conferred on au- 
thority by the baptism of popular election. The enemy of universal suffrage, which he regarded 
as an impracticable and absurd chimera, he was content to found his monarchy on the fragile 
and easily-contested base of the two hundred and twenty-one voices of the Chamber of 1830." — 
Early Life of Louis Napoleon. London : p. 155. 

1 Mcmoires d'un Bourgeois de Paris, S^^ tom., as quoted by Edward Roth. 



298 LIFE OF KAPOLEON III. 

vards.* Other bodies soon joined them, — all evidently guided to a common 
centre by some controlling intelligence. A crowd of idlers, lured by curiosity, 
followed. Many of these men had arms concealed beneath their dress ; and 
some of the companies marched with considerable military precision. 

" A man," says Lamartine, " about forty years of age, tall, thin, with hair 
curled and falling on his shoulders, dressed in a white frock well worn, and 
stained with dirt, marched with a military step at their head. His arms were 
folded over his chest, his head slightly bent forward with the air of one who 
was about to face bullets deliberately, and to brave death with exultation. 
In the eyes of this man, well known by the multitude, was concentrated 
all the fire of the revolution. The physiognomy was the living expression 
of che defiance of opposing force. His lips, incessantly agitated as if by a 
mental harangue, were pale and trembling. We are told that his name was 
Lagrange." 

As these united bodies, with ever-increasing numbers and momentum, 
swept silently along upon their unknown mission, there was occasionally 
heard the cry of " Down with Guizot ! long live Reform ! " blended here and 
there with broken strains of "The Marsellaise." "When they reached the head 
of the Rue de Choiseul, a detachment, composed mostly of workmen armed 
with sabres and pikes, broke ofi", apparently without any orders, and took 
possession of the street. The more intelhgent among the crowd at once 
perceived the object of this, and were satisfied that military sagacity of a 
high order was effecting the combinations and controlling the movements. 
The Hotel of Foreign Afiairs, then the residence of M. Guizot, was near; 
and this detachment was to flank the hotel, while the head of the column 
advanced upon it in front. 

As we have mentioned, it was night, cloudy and dark. The smoke and 
the lurid gleam of the torches, the tramp of the multitude, and the unknown 
terror, added emotions of sublimity to the sombre scene. The populace of a 
city of a million and a half of inhabitants were about to hurl themselves 
recklessly, madly, upon one hundred thousand soldiers highly disciplined, 
and armed with the most deadly weapons of modern art. The conflict was 
to take place in the thronged streets of the city, in whose chambers were the 
sick and the dying, helpless inflincy, tottei'ing age, and mothers and daughters 
cowering with terror. The boldest were appalled ; and the intensity of the 
excitement, even where there was no unmanly fear, caused many hearts to 
throb and many cheeks to turn pale. 

The leading column bore not the tricolor, the emblem of liberty, equality) 

* " S arcely had it quitted the oflSce of the National, when another column presented 
itself at the same place, and halted at the command of their leader. They seem to have been 
expected. A clapping of hands was heard within the house. A young man of slight stature, 
with a fiery eye, with lips agitated by enthusiasm, and hair dishevelled by the breath of 
inspiration, mounted the inner wall of the window, and harangued the assembly. The specta- 
tors saw but the gestures, and heard but the sound of a voice, and some thrilling expressions 
emphasized by lips of a southern contour. It was Marrast the alitor, who by turns delighted 
as a wit, and hurled in thunder the sarcasms and indignation of a republican opposition." — 
Tximarline. 



OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 299 

fraternity, but a bloocl-red flag, the symbol of determination wliicli death 
alone could vanquish. In front of the Hotel of Foreign Affairs there was a 
bat ilion of the line drawn up in battle array, extending entirely across the 
Boulevard, and presenting a rampart of bayonets to prevent the farther 
advance of the menacing column. Here the column halted. The insurgents 
and the troops were face to face, almost near enough to grasp each other in 
the deadly struggle. The commander of these troops was on horseback in 
front of his line. The flapping of tlie insurgent banner directly before the 
eyes of his horse, and the waving of the torches, frightened the animal. He 
reared and plunged in the midst of the throng, and then, recoiling upon his 
haunches, broke through the military line, which opened to let him pass 
to the rear. In the confusion of that moment, a musket was either inten- 
tionally or accidentally discharged by some one of the insurgents. The 
soldiers, who in the darkness had perhaps not fully understood the cause of 
the retreat of their commander, hearing the shot, considered themselves 
attacked. It was a moment of terrible excitement. The whole line instantly 
brought their muskets to their shoulders, and discharged a volley of bullets 
into the dense throng but a few feet before them. Every bullet fulfilled its 
deadly mission, and spent itself in human flesh. What imagination can paint 
the scene? Uncounted thousands were there, — desperadoes eager for the 
fight ; and men, women, and children, lured by curiosity. 

The ground was instantly covered with the slain. The pavements were 
slippery wilh blood. Oaths and imprecations rose from the maddened 
insurgents, shrieks of terror from the women and the children. There was 
immediate and tumultuous flight. The weak stumbled and fell ; the strong 
trampled them to death beneath their feet. The terrified throng broke into 
the adjoining houses, rushed beneath the archways, and flooded the adjoining 
streets. The gleam of the torches revealed the gory pavements, and the 
heaps of the slain strewing in all directions that magnificent thoroughfare. 

It is said that a very large majority of the multitude who thronged the 
Boulevard that evening supposed they had met for a demonstration of joy, 
in view of a change of ministry. They were even disposed to be rather 
friendly in their feelings towards the king for having so readily acceded to 
their wishes. But this unfortunate accidental slaughter roused all Paris to a 
flame of indignation which nothing could quench. In the view of the people, 
the ministers had avenged their fall by the most perfidious carnage ; and, 
above all others, the king himself, who had long been so unpopular, was held 
responsible for this murderous firing upon the people. The soldiers them- 
selves were thrown into consternation by the deed which they had so im- 
pulsively and so unwittingly committed. No order to fire had been given. 
The commander, hearing the report of the musket, which was perhaps aimed 
at him, and anticipating an immediate onset of the mob in overpowering 
numbers to wrench the muskets from his troops, had given the command 
to fix bayonets, thus to repel the cliarge. No one can severely blame the 
soldiers for the act. It was the result of the darkness of the night, the con- 
fusion, th.o terror. 

The bu'/els scarcely sped with greater swiftness than the news extended 



300 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

through the city, that the troops were firhig upon the citizens. The organ- 
ized bodies — if we may so speak of them — of the insurgents, dispersed and 
thrown into momentary confusion by the volley of bullets, soon re-assenibled 
at designated rallying-points. It seemed almost as if they had made prejiara- 
tion for just this event; for large and peculiarly-constructed wagons were all 
ready, upon which they arranged the bodies of the slain in such a manner 
as most perfectly to exhibit them. Torches were attached to the carts, 
which effectually illuminated the ghastly spectacle. These gory bodies were 
displayed with much dramatic effect, — their wounds exposed, their arms 
hanging over the sides of the carts, and the blood dripping upon the wheels. 
This appalling procession commenced its movement through the principal 
streets. All Paris, awake, aroused, gathered to these points with hearts burn- 
ing for vengeance. A man stood upon one of these carriages, raising now and 
then from the heap of corpses the lifeless body of a woman torn by a bullet. 
Again he places her in her bloody bed. It was repeating with magnified effect 
the scene of Mark Antony over the body of Caesar. The sight roused the 
people to fury; and they dispersed in all direction's, that they might gather 
their arms and return to deadly battle. 

Louis Philippe had no past popularity to fall back upon. Legitimacy had 
not sanctioned him. The people had not chosen him. Legitimists and 
Republicans had long desired to be rid of him. The general voice had 
accused him, and history re-echoes the cry, of having reigned, not in the 
interests of F'rance, but for the benefit of his own f;imily. And now one 
burning desire for vengeance fires all Paris. Bands of armed men penetrate 
all the lanes and remote sections of the city, knocking at every door, and 
summoning every man and boy capable of bearing arms to take revenge. 
It is midnight. All over Paris the bells are ringing the alarm. The whole 
population is in the streets. All the gun-shops are emptied. The pavements 
are torn up by a thousand busy hands, and piled into barricades which horse- 
men cannot clamber, and which neither cannon-ball nor shell can pierce. 
In various parts of the city, random musketry-firing is heard, and shouts as 
of onset. 

The king in his palace hears these appalling sounds through the long 
hours of the night, and his knees tremble beneath him. He is the target- 
king. For years, assassins have dogged his path ; and now it seems as if all 
Paris were thirsting for his blood. He knows full well the character of a 
Parisian mob; he knows the indignities to which himself and his wife and 
his children may be exposed, — to be brained with clubs at their own firesides, 
and their bodies dishonored by every insult.* 

* " Unfortunately, the king, during the most critical period of his life, was deprived of llie 
intrepid counsellor who had, by her resolution and abilities, so often brought him in safety 
through the most perilous crises of his fate. The Princess Adelaide, his sister, who had long 
been in a declining state of health, expired at Paris on the 21st of January, 18t8. No 
bereavement could at this moment have been more calamitous to the king. To more than 
masculine intrejjidity and firmness she united the still rarer qualities of strong sagacity and 
sound sense, with a practical knowledge of men, surprising in one born in so elevated a sphere. 
Probably she owed it to the extraordinary vicissitudes of her own and her brother's career. 



OVEETHEOW OF THE THRONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 301 

M. Giiizot was at this time at the residence of M. Duchatel, the minister 
of tlie interior. They were conversing witli much anxiety when the brother 
of M. Duchatel entered, ahnost breathless, and informed them that the troops 
had fired upon the people ; that the discharge was so fatal, that the pave- 
ments were absolutely strewn with the dead and the dying ; that the Hotel 
of Foreign Affairs, M. Guizot's residence, was probably already jDillaged ; 
that the insurrection had assumed such magnitude, that it seemed to embrace 
all Paris ; and that fearful events were to be anticipated on the morrow. 

These men were no longer ministers : they had already been publicly dis- 
missed. None had as yet been appointed to replace them. Should the 
insurrection prove successful, their own lives hung upon a very slender 
threnf., They immediately repaired to the Tuileries, where they found the 
king in his cabinet, with his son the Duke de Montpensier and other im- 
portant personages. Great anxiety was depicted on every countenance, and 
there was no unity of counsel. The ex-ministers urged the immediate appoint- 
ment of Marshal Bugeaud, a very energetic but unpopular man, to take 
command of the army of Paris and of the National Guard. Many of those 
present vehemently opposed the aj^pointnient. But the necessity of the 
measure was so insisted upon, that the king at length gave it his assent. A 
large body of the royal troops then garrisoning Paris was assembled in the 
Place du Carrousel. The marshal, accompanied by M. Duchatel and the 
Due de Nemours, son of the king, proceeded immediately to inspect them. 
At the close of the hurried review, the Due de Nemours anxiously inquired 
of the marshal what he thought of the morrow. 

"Monseigneur," Marshal Bugeaud replied, " it will be rough; but it will be 
ours. I have never yet been beaten, and I am not going to commence to- 
morrow. Certainly it would have been better not to have lost so much time. 
But no matter: I will answer for the result if I am left alone. It must not 
be imagined that I can manage without bloodshed. Perhaps there will be 
much ; for I begin with cannon. But don't be uneasy. To-morrow evening, 
the authority of the king and of the law shall bo re-established." * 

The king, in the mean time, had sent for M. Thiers, the leader of the 
Opposition, who consented to organize a new ministry, of which he should be 
the head, if M. Odillon Barrot, with whom our readers are already ac- 
quainted, could be one of the members. Louis Philippe, who was now in a 
state of mind to assent to any thing, made no objection. As M. Thiers had 

which had brouj^ht her into contact with classes the most distant, changes the most surprising, 
catastrophes '.he most terrible. It was mainly owing to her moral courage that the vacillation 
was surmonrited which led liim so long to hesitate in accepting the proffered crown. Had she 
lived twc months longer, there would probably have been no exhibition of the irresolution 
v;liic;i caused him to lose it." — Alison, vol. viii. p. 235. 

* " Marshal Bugeaud's vigor and capacity were equal to the crisis, and soon gave a new 
direction to affairs. Never was seen more clearly what a master-mind is. Instantly, as if by 
enchantment, every thing was changed. Order succeeded to chaos, consecutive movement to 
vacillating direction. Orders were despatched in every direction, the bearers of which, in the 
obscurity of the night, were unobserved ; and all reached thei-r destination. By five in the 
morning, the wliole columns were in motion, and rapidly advancing to the important strategic 
points assigned to them in the city." — Alison. 



302 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

very energetically espoused the popular cause, lie supposed that his name 
would have much more influence with the people than proved to be the 
case. In fact, M. Thiers was not, and from the very structure of his mind 
could not be, a popular man. He possessed great abilities, and still greater 
self-reliance, and was by nature an antagonist. It is scarcely possible to 
conceive of circumstances in which M. Thiers would not be in the Opposition, 
— very ably and very conscientiously in the Opposition. Seated by the side 
of the king, he took a pen, and dashed off the following proclamation, appar- 
ently without the least shadow of doubt that it would restore the city to 
contentment and order : — 

"Paris, Feb. 24, 1848. 
" Citizens OF Paris, — Orders are given everywhere to cease firing. We 
have just received the command of the king to form a ministry. The 
Chamber is to be dissolved. An appeal is to be made to the Qoi«itry. 
General Lamoriciere is appointed Commander-in-chief of the National Guard 
of Paris ; MM. Thiers, Barrot, Duvergier d'Hauranne, are ministers. 

"A. Thiers. 

Odillon Barrot. 

General Lamoriciere. 

Duvergier d'Hauranne. 
" Liberty^ Order, and BeformP 

The kuig was deceived by the apparent security and confidence of M. 
Thiers. At four o'clock in the morning, with comparatively a light heart, he 
retired to his bedchamber, sanguine in the hope that his immediate troubles 
were at an end. It was eleven o'clock the next forenoon, when in his 
morning-gown, and with a smiling countenance, he came down to the break- 
fast-table. But appalling tidings met him there. He was informed that all 
Paris was in a frenzy of insurrection ; that the National Guard Avas every- 
where fraternizing with the people ; that the regular troops, disgusted with a 
change of commanders and contradictory orders (for the proclamation of 
Thiers paralyzed the arm of Bugeaud),* were refusing to act ; and that the 
proclamations of M. Thiers were contemptuously torn down, and trampled 
under foot. The aged king was struck silent with consternation. There was 
nothing for him to say ; there was little he could do. Returning, however, to 
his chamber, he dressed himself in the uniform of the National Guard, and 
soon came back to the royal cabinet, attended by his two sons, — the Duke 
of Nemours and the Duke of Montpensier. 

" Go," said the heroic queen to her trembling husband ; " show yourself to 
the discouraged troops, to the wavering National Guard. I will come out 
on the balcony with my grand-children and the princesses; and I will see you 
die in a way worthy of yourself, of your throne, and your misfortunes." 

The king descended the stairs with his attendants, passed through the 

* " Had Marshal Bugeaud been appointed dictator on the night of the 23d of February, 
1848, instead of being subordinate to M. Thiers, beyond all doubt the Orleans family would 
at this moment have been seated )n the throne of France." — Alison. 



OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 303 

court-yard, and proceeded to the Carrousel for a review of the troops. The 
queen and the princesses went out upon the balcony. They could see the 
waving of sabres in the air, and could hear shouts, though they could not 
distinguish the words which were used. They, however, cheered themselves 
with the hope that the king was receiving an enthusiastic greeting. The king 
soon returned with despair in his heart and engraven upon his features. He 
had been assailed with shouts from the National Guard of " Vive la Refonne ! 
h has les Ministres ! " 

All in the apartment were now thrown into a state of the greatest conster- 
nation. Even the soldiers on guard were so moved by sympathy, that their 
eyes were flooded with tears. Just then, as the firing of the insurgents was 
drawing nearer, showing that the final struggle was close at hand, Emile 
Girardin, one of the most radical of the popular leaders, who had formerly 
been a deputy, and who was then editor of the " Presse " newspaper, entered, 
and firmly, but in respectful words, informed the king that the time for form- 
ing a new ministry had passed ; that the flood of insurrection, now resistless, 
was sweeping away the throne itself* The king anxiously inquired what 
was to be done. 

" Sire," Girardin replied, " Avithin an hour, perhaps, there will be no such 
thing as monarchy in France. The crisis admits of no third alternative. The 
king must abdicate, or the monarchy is lost." 

He then presented to the king a paper which he had himself drawn up, 
announcing the abdication of the king in favor of his little grandson the 
Count de Paris, and the appointment of the Duchess of Orleans, mother of 
the count, regent during his minority ; and granting a general amnesty. 

The king hesitated ; but just then a prolonged rattle of musketry was 
heard close at hand, indicating the still nearer approach of the n\ob to the 
Tuileries. The Duke de Montpensier, trembling for the life of his father, 
entreated him to sign the abdication. Scarcely any thing could be conceived 
of by a husband and a father more dreadful than the irruption of a frenzied 
mob into the palace. The king retained a vivid recollection of those scenes 
as witnessed in the days of Louis XVI., — the insults, the dungeons, the guil- 
lotine. Influenced, perhaps, by these considerations, rather than by personal 
timidity, Louis Philippe took his pen, and wi'ote the following words : — 

" I abdicate in favor of the Count de Paris, my grandson ; f and I trust that 
he will be more fortunate than I." 

* In a moment, like a demon suddenly unchained, the spirit of Revolution stalked abroad. 
All whc were in debt, all who had any tiling to gain by disturbance, the galley-slaves, the rob- 
bers, the burglars, the assassins, combined in one hideous melee. Some hoped for rapine and 
blood, others for disorder and confusion, all for selfish benefit from convulsion." — Alison, vol, 
viii. p. 239. 

t The Duke of Orleans, the oldest son of the king, and father of the Count of Paris, was a 
man of great nobility of character, liberal in his political principles, and a general favorite with 
the people. His death was apparently one of those providential steps which led to the overthrow 
of the Orleans dynasty. One morning, as he was about to take his departure from Paris to 
assume command of his regiment, he invited a few of his friends to breakfast with him. In the 
conviviality of the hour, he drank, perhaps, a glass of wine too much. He did not become 
intoxicated (he was by no means a dissipated man); but he was probably exhilarated, and 



304 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

It was hurriedly done. It was not done with grace or dignity. There was 
no signature to the paper; no regency was appointed. Under very similar 
circumstances, about eighteen years before, Charles X. had abdicated in favor 
of his grandson, the Due de Bordeaux, now generally called the Count de 
Chambour. Both of these children were fatherless ; both were minors : and 
in both cases it was understood that the mother should be regent during the 
minority of the child. With Louis Philippe, as with Charles X., the abdica- 
ti(m came too late. The tempest of insurrection was at its height, and was 
sweeping all before it Avith the blind fury of the ocean in a storm. M. Girar- 
din retired with the abdication ; but it had no moi-e effect upon the frenzied 
multitude than the proclamation of Thiers. 

The shouting of the mob drew nearer. The rattling of musketry was more 
continuous, indicating the approacli of the armed multitude on all sides. 
The king now thought only of escape. He retired to his chamber, and, laying 
aside his uniform, disguised himself in the dress of a citizen. As he returned 
to the cabinet, the queen accompanied hifri. She was almost beside herself 
with excitement and terror, exclaiming in touching tones, " Ah ! the French 
w^ll see if it be easy to find so good a king. They shall never find his like : 
they shall regret him ; but it will be too late." 

The Duchess of Orleans was sitting by, witnessing the scene in silence. Slie 
now saw that the king was planning his escape, and that no preparations had 
been made for her safety or that of her children. She arose, and api)roaching 
the king, her father-in-law, said to him in a voice broken with anguish, — 

"Are you going to leave me here alone, without parents, friends, or any one 
to advise me ? What will become of me ? " 

The king replied sadly, but tenderly, " My dear Helen, the dynasty must 
be saved, and the crown preserved to your son. Remain here, then, for his 
sake. It is a sacrifice which you owe him." 

Womanly timidity triumphed over queenly ambition. She threw herself 
at the feet of the king, and entreated permission to accompany him in his 
flight. The king, however, remained firm, and withdrew from the cabinet 
Tith the queen. 

It was not an easy matter to escape. The palace was surrounded by a 
frantic mob, many of whom would have gloried, not merely in heaping all 
indignities upon the royal family^ but in taking their lives. The Duke of 
Nemours, who had adopted all the precautions in his power to secure the 
safety of his parents, accompanied them. They traversed on foot, happily 
without being recognized, the broad central avenue of the garden of the Tui- 
leries, passed the wicket of the Pont Tournant, and reached the foot of the 

had lost a little of his mental balance, by a glass of wine too much. He entered his carriage : 
the horses took fright, and ran. He leaped from his carriage : but for that extra glass, he would 
have kept his seat. He fell, dashing his head against the stones of the pavement : but for that 
extra glass, he would have alighted upon his feet. He was taken up senseless, carried into a beer- 
shop, and soon died. Had he been living in 1848, his popularity and energy would probably 
have saved the monarchy. Thus it is not improbable that one glass of wine overthrew the 
Orleans dynasty, caused the confiscation of their property of one hundred million dollars, and 
sent the whole family into exile. 



OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 305 

obelisk in the Place de la Concorde, It was one o'clock in the afternoon. The 
duke had arranged for the royal carriages to meet them there ; but they were 
not to be seen. They had probably been seized and torn to pieces by the 
populace. 

The roy.al fugitives were now in great peril. They were beginning to be 
recognized, and the mob was increasing. Two very humble hackney-coaches 
happened to be found n.ear, disengaged. Into these the members of the royal 
family were hastily thrust, but not before they had been rudely jostled by the 
mob. The horses set off at a quick trot ; and, as the pi-ecaution had been 
adopted of sending as an escort a squadron of cuirassiers and a detachment 
of cavalry, they were very soon out of the reach of any immediate personal 
danger. Having escaped the perils of the city, the guard returned ; and the 
fugitives spent the first night at Dreux, one of the country-seats of the king. 
The next day, in disguise, and under a feigned name, they drove as rapidly as 
possible to Evreux, where they were entertained in the royal forest by a 
farmer who had no knowledge of the illustrious rank of the guests to whom 
he was affording shelter. 

The king was very much embarrassed for want of money. In the confusion 
of his flight, he had left seventy thousand dollars in bank-notes on his bureau, 
and lie had with him but a very scanty supply. The next day they continued 
their flight in a Berlin, drawn by two cart-horses. It was necessary to avoid 
as much as possible the great highways of travel, lest they should be recog- 
nized, and taken back to Paris. At length, after many adventures and narrow 
escapes, and after performing some of the journey on foot, the king and 
queen reached Honfleur, where they embarked for Havre under the name of 
Mr. and Mrs. Smith. From Havre, — still unknown, — they set sail for New 
Haven, on the southern coast of England, where they arrived on the 4th of 
March. They then proceeded to a place of refuge Avhich they had chosen in 
Claremont, in the county of Kent.* 

We must now return to the Princess Helen, Duchess of Orleans, 
whom we left with her children in one of the apartments of the Tuileries 
stricken with bewilderment and anguish. The Duke of Nemours, having 
secured the escape of his parents, returned to the Tuileries. The scene of 
tumult around the palace continued unabated. The mob had already broken 
into the Palais Royal, and completely sacked it. In a moment, as it were, 
the surging mass of degradation, poverty, and misery, broke in the door, and 
flooded the halls and the saloons. Nothing, to them, was sacred. It was the 
carnival of the demon of destruction. From attic to cellar, every thing in 
the palace was destroyed. Its pictures, statuary, furniture, works of art Avhich 
money could scarcely replace, were pierced with bayonets, cut with hatchets, 
and thrown from the windows to be committed to the flames. In one short 
half-hour, the work was done ; and those magnificent apartments were strewed 
with the ruins of their former splendor. 

The mob, now with passions inflamed by success, were sweeping onwards 
for the grander prize of the Palace of the Tuileries. The Princess Helen, 

* Lamartine, Histoire dc la Revolution, i. 243, &c. 
89 



306 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

beneath a calm, gentle, unobtrusive exterior, concealed the heroism of a 
martyr. The windows of the palace were rattling from the explosions of 
artillery in the Carrousel, when M. Dupin, the President of the Chamber of 
Deputies, entered. 

" What message have you for me?" the princess inquired. 

" I am come to tell you," was the reply, " that perhaps the part of Maria 
Theresa is reserved for you." 

" Direct me," said she : " my life belongs to France and to my children." 

" Let us, then, depart," said M. Dupin. " We have not a moment to lose. 
Let us hasten to the Chamber of Deputies." 

Just then, the Duke de Nemours came in. The duchess at once set out on 
foot to pass through the garden of the Tuileries, and across the bridge, to the 
Chamber of Deputies. Her brother-in-law, the Duke de Nemours, walked 
one side of her : M. Dupin was upon the other. Her eldest son, the Count de 
Paris, she led by the hand : the other child, the Duke de Chartres, was car- 
ried in the arms of an aide-de-camp. 

They had scarcely left the palace when a party of the insurgents burst in. 
The mob rushed through the saloons, destroying every trace of royalty, 
The drapery which canopied the throne was torn into shreds, and formed into 
cockades and scarfs, with which the mob decorated their persons. Having 
done their will there, they set out tumultuously and noisily for the Chamber 
of Deputies, following the footsteps of the duchess and her children. In 
the Chamber of Deputies, there was no harmony of counsel. All were in a 
state of bewilderment. It was known that the king had fled, that the 
mob were in possession of Paris, and that there was no longer any govern- 
ment. M. Dupin ascended the tribune, and made a short, earnest speech, 
advocating the claims of the Count de Paris as king, under the regency of 
his mother. There was momentary enthusiasm, indicating that this senti- 
ment might be adopted by the assembly. Just then, Lamartine came in. He 
ascended the tribune, and said, — 

"There is but one way to save the people from the danger which a 
revolution in our present social state threatens instantly to introduce ; and 
that is to trust ourselves to the force of the people themselves, — to their 
reason, their interests, their aims. It is a republic which we require. Yes, 
it is a republic which can alone save us from anarchy, civil war, foreign war, 
spoliation, the scaffold, destruction of property, the overthrow of society, 
the invasion of foreigners. The remedy is heroic. I know it. But there 
are occasions, — such as those in which we live, — when the only safe pohcy 
is that which is grand and audacious as the crisis itself." 

There was a moment's pause, and M. Thiers entered. His countenance 
expressed great consternation. He had been one of the most active of the 
agents in demolishing the throne ; and now he found not only that he had no 
power to reconstruct another government, but, in his utter bewilderment, 
he could not even propose any measures for the national organization. In 
tones expressive of great agitation, he said, " The tide is rising ; " and again he 
disappeared, lost in the tumultuous crowd. At such moments as these, one 
feels the impotence of man : a power more than human seems to sweep 



OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 307 

the cuvrent along, and to control its flow. The strongest men in France were 
then reeling beneath the blows which triumphant revolution was dealing. 
Just then, the Duchess of Orleans entered the Chamber, leading her two sons 
by the hand. The scene cannot be more graphically described than by the 
pen of Lamartine, who was an eye-witness of it : — 

"A respectful silence immediately ensued. The deputies, in deep anxiety, 
crowded around the august princess; and the strangers in the galleries leaned 
over, hoping to catch some words which might foil from her lips. She was 
dressed in mourning. Her veil, partially raised, disclosed a countenance the 
emotion and melancholy of which enhanced the charms of youth and beauty. 
Her pale cheeks were marked by the tears of the widow, the anxieties of the 
mother. No man could look on her countenance without being moved. 
Every feeling of resentment against the monarchy faded away before the 
spectacle. The blue eyes of the princess wandered over the hall as if to 
implore aid, and were for a moment dazzled. 

" Her slight and fragile form inclined before the sound of the applause 
with Avhich she was greeted. A slight blush — the mark of the revival of 
hope in her bosom — tinged her cheeks. The smile of gratitude Avas already 
on her lips. She felt tliat she was surrounded by friends. In her right hand 
she held the young king, in her left the Duke of Chartres, — children to 
whom their own catastrophe was a spectacle. They were both dressed in a 
short black vestment. A Avhite collar was turned down the neck of each 
on his dark dress, — living portraits of Vandyck, as if they had stepped out 
of the canvas of the children of Charles I." * 

The motion of M. Dupin, recognizing the abdication in favor of the 
Count de Paris, and conferring the regency upon the Duchess of Orleans, 
seemed to have been accepted by acclamation. But, when the vote was 
called for, the unanimity appeared to be by no means so great. Just then, 
the doors were burst open, and in rushed the crowd, — the same tumultuous 
band which had sacked the Palais Royal and the Tuileries, and which had 
riotously followed the footsteps of the duchess and her children to the 
Chamber of Deputies. They Avere armed Avith spike and muskets ; and, like 
an inundation, they flooded the hall. Their cry Avas for a republic. Those 
of the deputies who were in favor of constructing a republic upon the ruins 
of the monarchy were encouraged by their presence. In the midst of the 
tumult which ensued, the princess endeavored to speak. In a tremulous 
voice she said, — 

" I have come Avith all I have dear in the world." Here the confusion and 
the uproar drowned her voice. It was painful for gallant men to advocate 
from the tribune the demolition of the Orleans throne, and \he establish- 
ment of a republic, in the presence of this lovely and grief-stricken princess 
and her son. It was also humiliating to discuss national affairs in the 
presence of an armed mob, which had taken possession of the hall, and Avho 
would be sure to wreak their vengeance upon any one Avho should venture 
to utter sentiments in opposition to their oAvn. Lamartine therefore rose, and 
said, — 

* Lamartine, Histoire de la Revolution de 1848, torn. i. p. 175. 



308 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"Mr. President, I demand that the sitting should be suspended, from 
the double motive, on the one hand, of respect for the national representa- 
tion ; on the other, for the august princess whom we see before us." 

The intelligent and heroic duchess was fully aware of the importance of* 
the crisis. She hesitated to withdraw. And still her situation had now 
become perilous in the extreme. Ferocious and threatening men were all 
around her; and the confusion of the ever-surging mass was such, that her 
friends — the Duke of Nemours, Marshal Oudinot, and other officers — pressed 
her forward, for her protection, to a higher part of the hall, near the door, 
through which escape could perhaps be effected in case of necessity. The 
scene of confusion which ensued cannot well be described. Various attempts 
were made to speak, and various propositions were offered, which could 
scarcely be heard. There was, however, a general call for a provisional 
government to meet the emergency. This was, in flict, rejecting the regency 
and the monarchy, and establishing a i-epublic. Lamartine took the lead in 
this measure. While there was a momentary lull in the storm, he said, — 

" I demand in the name of the public peace, of the blood which has been 
shed, of the people famished in the midst of their glorious leaders, that you 
should appoint a provisional government." 

The mob hailed these words with deafening shouts of applause. All the 
members rose from their seats in great agitation. The president fled from 
his chair. There was no longer any appearance of an organized deliberative 
body. Some of the most audacious of the mob clambered over the benches, 
and levelled their muskets at the head of the princess. Her friends, terror- 
stricken for her life, gathered round her, and secured her escape from the 
hall. 

Lamartine was still in the tribune. He proposed a list of names for the 
Provisional Government. As the names were read, some were received with 
shouts, others with hisses. All this was done under the menace and control 
of the mob in the Chamber. Seven members were at length declared to be 
chosen as constituting the Provisional Government. These wore Lamartine, 
Marie, Ledru Rollin, Cremieux, Dupont de TEure, Arago, and Gamier 
Pages. 

But there was, at the same time, another party at the Hotel de Ville, not 
disposed to recognize the authority of the Chamber of Deputies. The depu- 
ties were chosen under the monarchy; but the band at the Hotel de Ville 
assumed that they were the true representatives of the triumphant insurgents. 
These men at the Hotel de Ville, in the midst of tumult still greater than that 
which reigned in the Chamber of Deputies, chose their Provisional Govern- 
ment, consisting of men of the extreme radical wing of the Republican party. 
They were Marrast, Flocon, Louis Blanc, and Albert. 

Thus dangers were thickening. To avert, if possible, an appeal to arms, 
the first Provisional Government voted an immediate adjournment across the 
river to the Hotel de Ville. An immense and disorderly crowd followed 
them. They found a fearful tumult raging in and around this renowned 
palace of the people. The courts, all the avenues of approach, the halls, and 
the saloons, were thronged to suffocation with the excited multitude, swaying 



OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 309 

to and fro, shouting, and often fighting, — " a living sea, maclly heaving ant] 
tossing about beneath the tempest of the revohition," 

In the midst of such an uproar, no voice could be heard. Scarcely any 
energy could force its way through such a crowd. The members soon became 
separated from each other. At length, however, by the aid of an efficient 
police officer who was familiar with the building and its surroundings, the 
two rival bodies were assembled in a small cabinet, protected by a guard. 
Neither body would yield its claims, and neither was strong enough to eject 
the other. Meanwhile the throng outside was howling for a government, and 
declaring, that, unless one was speedily given them, they would sack the 
building. 

Night was approaching. A city containing a million and a half of inhabit- 
ants, and upon whose pavements was heard the tramp of three hundred thou- 
sand armed men, many of whom were the most reckless desperadoes, was 
without any government. Under this pressure a compromise was effected, 
which consisted essentially in the union of the men chosen by the two parties. 
It was now dark ; but the announcement of the establishment of a republic, 
with the names of those who constituted the Provisional Government, in a 
measure quieted the crowd, which began gradually to disperse. With the 
intensity of earnestness which the occasion required, every man of the new 
government devoted himself to his apj)ointed mission ; and in a few hours a 
semblance of order was restored. 

About midnight, a band more radically democratic than either of the two 
wings of the party which had united in establishing the republic made a 
violent attack upon the new government at the Hotel de Ville. The assail- 
ants were, however, after a severe struggle, beaten off. In the morning, the 
"Moniteur" announced to the city, and the telegraph announced to Europe, 
that the Orleans throne had crumbled, and that a republic was established in 
France.* 

We must briefly return to the unhappy Duchess of Orleans. Being rudely 
jostled by the crowd, notwithstanding the exertions of her friends, she was 
exposed to very great danger in escajDing from the Chamber of Deputies. 
M. de Morney, subsequently minister of the interior under Napoleon III., 
was one of the most fearless and resolute in her defence. As the duchess 
was closely veiled, and an immense multitude crowded the streets (fugitives 
flying in every direction), as soon as she got a little distance from the Cham- 
ber she was not recognized, and her peril was diminished. Still the pressure 
of the throng was so great, that, notwithstanding her almost frantic endeavors, 
she was separated from her brother the Duke of Nemours, and from both of 
her sons. 

* The Provisional Government, as arranged by this compromise at the Hotel de Ville, was as 
follows : — 

" President of the Council, M. Diipont de I'Enre ; Foreign AflFairs, M. de Lamartine ; Inte- 
rior, M. Ledru Kollin ; Justice, M. Cre'niicux ; Finance, M. Goudchaux ; War, M. Bedeau ; 
Commerce, M. Marie ; Public Works, M. Bethmont; Marine, M. Arago ; Public Instruction, 
M. Carnot; Telegraph, M. Flocon ; Police, M. Caussidiere; Mayor of Paris, M. Gamier 
Page's." — Ann. Hist., xxxi. 94, 95. 



810 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

The elder of lier sons, the Count of Paris, chanced to be recognized by a 
burly assassin, who snatched the child from his mother's arms, seized liim by 
the throat, and endeavored to strangle him. The terrified and gasping prince 
was rescued by a brave National Guard, and was delivered to his mother, 
who sobbed aloud as she embraced him. But her other child had now 
disappeared. He could be seen nowhere. In vain the Princess Helen called 
for him. She was borne resistlessly along by the torrent, until her friends 
almost forced her into a chamber for refuge. The poor child had been 
thrown down, and trampled under the feet of the crowd. 

At length, from the windows of her room, the duchess saw in the distance 
her child, almost lifeless, in the arms of a friend who was bringing him to her. 
Soon after, the Duke of Nemours joined her, having disguised himself in 
citizen's dress. As soon as it was dark, they went out, and, engaging the first 
stray carriage they met in the Champs filysees, eifected their escape from the 
city ; and after not a few perplexities, perils, and hardships, were re-uuited 
with their friends in the family retreat at Claremont. 




CHAPTER XIX. 



THE REPUBLIC. 

The Two Provisional Governments. — Their Union. — Stormy Debates and ^meutes. — Alarm- 
ing Rumors. — Anecdotes. — The National Workshops. — Weakness of the Repulilican 
Party. — The National Assembly. — Anecdotes of Lamartine. — The Assembly dispersed 
by the Mob. — Louis Napoleon visits Paris. — Returns to London. — Letter to the Assem- 
bly — Chosen Deputy by Four Departments. — Excited Discussion. — Received to the As- 
sembly. 

TIE throne of the Bourbons was established upon the basis of 
the old feudal aristocracy. The throne of Louis Philippe had for 
its sole foundation the suffrages of a few wealthy and influential 
gentlemen in Paris. France merely submitted to it for a time, 
but with constant remonstrances. Successful insurrection had 
now, in the midst of confusion, terror, and blood, chosen thir- 
teen men in Paris, to Avhora this insurrection intrusted the momentous task 
of organizing another government for thirty-five million people, thirty-four 
and a half million of whom had taken no part whatever in the insurrection. 
This committee of thirteen, the birth of a tempestuous night, — which commit- 
tee assumed the name of a Provisional Government, — had confessedly but a 
trembling foundation upon which to stand. The members had been chosen 
by antagonistic wings of the Liberal party. They were almost fiercely hostile 
to each other. Some, like Lamartine, wished for a moderate republic; some, 
like Ledru Rollin and Louis Blanc, desired a much more radically democratic 
administration ; while others wished to re-organize France upon the anti-Chris- 
tian and socialistic theories advocated by the small but very active and dis- 
cordant parties called Socialists and Communists. 

It was openly avowed by this Provisional Government, that it was not safe 
to submit the question of the re-organization of authority to the suffrages of 
the French people ; that they were so divided in opinion, that the discussion 
of the subject would lead to civil war; and that, therefore, it was best for the 
committee, supported by the insurrectionary strength of Paris, to arrogate to 
themselves the right to construct the government upon such principles as 
they themselves should approve.* 

* " We have the conviction, that, had France been consulted at that moment, she would have 
called Louis Napoleon. The dynasty of the j'oungcr branch of the Bourbons was irreparably 
lost, as much by its cowardly retreat as by its political unpopularity. The elder branch was 

311 



312 LIFE or NAPOLEON IIL 

The Republicans throughout France were few in number, and were com- 
posed mainly of energetic and voluble men in Paris and other large cities. 
M. Lucien de la Hodde, who was initiated into all the secrets of the clubs, 
and who was perhaps better acquainted than any other man with the strength 
of the Republican party, writes, in his " Ilistoire dos Societus secretes," " On 
the whole, there might be fifteen or sixteen thousand Republicans in the de- 
partment, and four thousand in Paris ; a proportion so infinitely small, that it 
is evident they never could have overturned a strong government." 

The opposition to Louis Philippe was by no means confined to the Rcpub 
licans. The universal testimony seems to be that his government was in- 
efficient and corrupt in the extreme. The prince at Ham often condemned 
it, but never in terms so bitter as it was denounced by Lamartine and Thiers. 
Alison writes in reference to the administration of Louis Philippe, — 

" There is no time in which, by the consent of all parties, corruption was so 
general both in the legislature and its constituents, public virtue in so little 
esteem, selfish advantage so much the object of general pursuit, and in which 
so unrelenting a war was carried on both against private liberty and the 
independence of the press. These evils at length became so general, that 
they caused the overthrow of the middle-class legislature, and the citizen 
king whom they had put on the throne." * 

This change had not been effected without much destruction of property 
and shedding of blood. Both the Palais Royal and the Tuileries had been 
sacked. The National Guard and the troops of the line prevented any 
further devastations in the metropolis. But, for some days, a Avanton spirit of 
destruction raged throughout the region around. It is said that every rail- 
way station within one hundred miles of Paris was burned. Most of the 
bridges were torn down or set on fire ; the rails were torn u}), and scattered 
about. The beautiful Chateau of Neuilly — the favorite rural residence of 
Louis Philippe — was plundered, set on fire, and nearly destroyed. The mag- 
nificent Palace of Versailles, which had become a storehouse of paintings, 
statuary, and all the most valuable creations of the fine arts, would have been 
reduced to ashes but for the firm attitude of the National Guard. The 
splendid palace of M. Rothschild, near Suresne, was plundered of all its 
treasure and burned to the ground by the infotuated mob, even when that 
wealthy banker was placing as a gift, in the hands of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, the sum of ten thousand dollars for the relief of those who had 
been wounded in the engagements.! 

The destruction of the bridges and the railroads had so impeded the trans- 
portation of food to the capital, that Paris was in danger of starvation. 
'JMiere Avere nearly a million and a half of hungry mouths pent up in the 
city; and food was fast disappearing. All labor was at a stand. All the 
workshops were closed; the whole population was in the streets; three 

utterly impossible, as it long had been. As to the republic, after all that had passed during the 
last three years, its most impassioned partisans agreed with us that the country was not ripe for 
it ; and that, surrendered to her own free will, she assuredly would not adopt it." — MM. Gallix 
et Guy, H isto) re complete de Napoleon III., p. 133. 

* History of Europe. — Alison, vol. viii. p. 320. t Ibid., p. 321. 



THE REPUBLIC. 313 

hnndrecl thousand armed insurgents were wandering listlessly about, begin- 
ning to feel the gnawings of hunger, and clamorously and menacingly calling 
upon the government for bread. For nine days, the band which sacked the 
Tuileries held possession of the palace, consuming the food and the wines 
which it contained. The government at last induced them to vacate the 
palace by giving each man two francs a day for all the time he had occupied 
the royal residence ; by issuing the decree that they had deserved well of their 
country ; and by sending, at the same time, a force of armed men to take 
charge of the massive pile. 

The most exciting rumors were keeping the crowd in a state of continual 
agitation. At one time, it was announced that the king was returning with a 
very strong army. Again it was said, that, in the detached forts which com- 
manded the city, furnaces were preparing red-hot shot to be rained down 
upon the guilty metropolis which had expelled its king. These rumors, 
which inflamed the passions of the mob, and the famine which was beginning 
its ravages upon the thousands who roamed the streets unemployed, created 
a general sentiment of dread. One day, a boisterous and threatening multi- 
tude rushed upon the room where the Provisional Government was engaged 
in its herculean task, and compelled them to pass a decree guaranteeing labor 
for all the unemployed workmen, and the bestowment upon the combatants 
of the barricades of a million of francs. 

Encouraged by this success, soon after another throng came rushing on, 
filling like ocesn-tides the Place de Greve, in front of the Hotel de Ville, 
and all its approaches* With yells of menace, they demanded the adoption 
of the blood-red flag, le drapeau rouge, the symbol of popular violence 
and of the reign of terror. There was no protection for the Provisional 
Government. Every member trembled in his chair. At length Lamartine, 
with courage which added much to his celebrity, stepped forth to foce the in- 
furiated insurgents. After much diflSculty, he succeeded in gaining a hearing 
and thus eloquently addressed them : — 

"Yesterday you asked me to usurp, in the name of the people of Paris, 
the rights of thirty-five millions of men, and to vote a republic absolutely, 
instead of a republic founded on their consent. To-day you demand the 
drapeau rouge in room of the drapeau tricolor. Citizens, neither I nor any 
of the government will adopt the drapeau rouge. We would rather adopt 
the black flag, which is hoisted in a bombarded city to mark to the enemy 
the hospital of the wounded, the refuge of suffering humanity. 

"I will tell you in one word why I will oppose it with the whole force of 
patriotic determination. It is, citizens, that the drapeau tricolor has made 
the tour of the world, with the republic and the empire, with your liberties 
and your glory; but the drapeau rouge has made only the tour of the 
Champ de Mars, dragged in the blood of the citizens." 

These bold words produced a fearful commotion. Some applauded ; 
others denounced with the most vehement epithets of rage. Several 
muskets were aimed at the intrepid speaker ; but others, less murderous in 
heart, knocked up the barrels. The friends of Lamartine, in the midst of 

40 



314 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

the confusion, dragged him within the building. The government was en- 
tirely defenceless; for, in obedience to the dictation of the mob, the Municipal 
Guard had been disbanded, and the troops of the line had been sent out of 
the city. Under these circumstances, the idea occurred to the government, 
desperate as it seemed, sagacious as it proved, to organize a body of de- 
fenders from the most determined of the men who had fought at the barri- 
cades. Fourteen thousand bayonets were thus mustered ; and the body was 
called the Garde Mobile. They were paid twice as much as the regular 
troops. Proud of the service, rejoicing in their pay, and yielding to the 
instinct of military discipline, they became quite valuable in pi-eservin/j 
order. 

The government, having guaranteed employment and good wages to all 
who were out of work, soon found itself overwhelmed by applicants. There 
was stagnation in nearly all branches of business in consequence of the 
unsettled state of the times. The unemployed from all the districts abroad 
flocked into the cities; and the streets were filled with hungry and clamorous 
loiterers. National Avorkshops were established for them, and they were paid 
two francs (forty cents) a day. The first week, there were five thousand thus 
employed in Paris ; within a fortnight, there were thirty-six thousand ; and, 
soon after, over one hundred and seventeen thousand were thus supported by 
the government. All trades were crowded together; all were set to the 
same employment; and this was, of necessity, generally the most humble kind 
of work. 

Ere long, there was no work to be found for them to do. The ateliers 
naiionaux then became simply vast pay-shops. At last, there were but 
two thousand at work, while there were one hundred and ten thousand re- 
ceiving pay.* The want of employment turned the rage of the people 
against all foreigners who were engaged in any branch of industry. Thirty 
thousand Englishmen were driven across the Channel. Famished, and in a 
state of great destitution, they landed upon their own shores, conveying to 
the minds of their countrymen not a very alluring idea of the workings of 
the French Republic. It soon was found necessary to suspend cash pay- 
ments ; and the drain upon the treasury was met by an issue of paper bear- 
ing a forced circulation, but wisely limited in amount. The duties were 
reduced. The direct taxes were increased in some cases ninety-five per cent. 
France was filled with discontent, which uttered itself in the loudest and the 
most ind'.gnant murmurs. The ship of state was drifting rapidly into the 
breakers. 

It was necessary immediately to call a National Assembly. It was con- 
voked to meet on the 5th of March. The Convention of 1793 was its 
model, and the number of members was fixed at nine hundred. There was 
to be but one house, and that was to be chosen by universal suffi-age. The 
deputies were to receive twenty-five francs (|5) a day. But it soon appeared 
that the inhabitants in the rural districts were bitterly opposed to the new 
regime. The Republican party was confined to the large cities, and w.'is not 

* Alison, vol. viii. p. 324. 



THE REPUBLIC. 315 

strong even there. The members of the Provisional Government, hoping to 
be able, by pamphi 3ts and addresses and other vigorous measures, to change 
public sentiment in some degree in the departments, postponed the elections 
to the 23d of April, and the meeting of the Assembly to the 4th of May. 
Four hundred agents were sent with an address, drawn up by Ledru Rollin, 
to enlighten the rural districts. These men were carefully selected, and well 
paid. 

" The people," says Alison, " listened to their ardent harangues in favor of 
the republic with distrust and indifference. They could place no reliance 
on the promises of a government which had begun its career by adding 
rearly a half to their direct burdens, and bestowing it on an army of idle 
workmen, paid for doing nothing at the ateliers nationauxP * 

The circular of Ledru Rollin contained the following sentiments. Some 
of them are admirable ; others excited apprehensions. " Citizen commission- 
ers, that which constitutes the grandeur of a representative is that it 
invests Mm who becomes such with the absolute power to interpret and 
translate the interests and the wishes of all. He would be unworthy to hold 
it who should lecoil before any of the consequences of the great principles of 
liberty, equality, fraternity. Liberty consists in the exercise of all the facul- 
ties which we have received from nature, governed by reason. Equality 
means the participation of all the citizens in the social advantages, without 
any other distinction but those arising from virtue and talent. Fraternity is 
the law of love, uniting men, and making men all one family. 

" Thence follow the abolition of every privilege ; the division of taxes in 
proportion to the fortune ; a proportional and progressive tax on succession ; 
a magistracy freely elected by the people, with the most complete develop- 
ment of the jury system; military service borne alike by all; gratuitous and 
equal education to all ; the means of labor secured to all ; the democratic 
reconstitution of industry and credit; voluntary association everywhere 
substituted for the disordered passions of egoism. And whoever is nrt 
prepared to sacrifice his repose, his life, his future, to the triumph of these 
ideas ; whoever does not feel that ancient society has perished, and that we 
must construct a new social edifice, — would prove only a lukewarm and dan- 
gerous deputy. His influence would compromise the peace of France."! 

At the same time, in co-operative endeavor to instruct and guide the 
inhabitants of the rural districts in their new duties, M. Carnot, minister of 
public instruction, issued a circular to the voters, containing the following: — 

" The great error against which the inhabitants of our agricultural districts 
must be guarded is this, — that, in order to be a representative, it is necessary 
to enjoy the advantages of education or the gifts of fortune. As far as 
education is concerned, it is clear that an' honest peasant, possessed of good 
sense and experience, will represent the intei-ests of his class in the National 
Assembly infinitely better than a rich and educated citizen having no experi- 
ence of rural life, or blinded by interests at variance with those of the bulk 
of the peasantry. As to fortune, the remuneration which will be assigned 

* Alison, vol. viii. j 329. t Monitcur, April 8, 1848. 



316 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

to all the members of the Assembly will suffice for tLfc maintenance of the 
very poorest." 

Such sentiments, which indicated an intention to place the interests of 
France in the hands of the poorest and least intelligent portion of the poi)U- 
lation, excited great alarm with those who were called moderate or conserA'a- 
tive Republicans. A very serious schism arose, which every day grew Avider. 
Lamartine was at the head of the moderate party. Ledru Rollin and Lonis 
Blanc led the radical section. The radicals in the Provisional Government 
were in the majority. They determined to secure a majority in the Assem- 
bly. Every prefect * who was not in their interest was dismissed, and his 
office given to a thorough revolutionist. There were one hundred and thirty 
thousand 'offices at the disposal of the government. These were all filled 
with the partisans of the radical majority. In the midst of these violent 
efforts to secure for the Assembly a majority of the extreme Liberal party, the 
government issued several very salutary decrees. The penalty of death was 
abolished in all purely political cases. A circular was addressed 'to all the 
monarchies of Europe, conciliatory in its tone, but containing the following 
important announcements : — 

" The proclamation of the French Republic is not an act of aggression 
against any government known in the world. War is not a condition of the 
French Republic. It would accept, but does not seek to provoke it. But 
happy would France be if foreign powers should declare war against her, 
and thus compel her to grow in power and glory. The treaties of 1815 do 
not exist in right in the eyes of the French Republic. But war does not 
necessarily follow from that declaration. The territorial limits fixed by those 
treaties are the basis, which, in point of fact, it is willing to take as the point 
of departure in its external relations with other nations. 

" But we say openly, if the hour of the reconstruction of some nationalities 
oppressed in Europe or elsewhere has been sounded by Providence ; if Swit- 
zerland, our faithful ally since the days of Francis I., is invaded or menaced 
in consequence of the movement in her bosom, which promises to add addi- 
tional strength to the league of democratic governments; if the independent 
States of Italy are attacked, or obstacles thrown in the way of their internal 
reforms, or an armed force intervene to prevent them from forming a league 
among themselves for the security of their independence, — France will 
consider lierself entitled to interfere with arms to protect the legitimate 
efforts at reform and nationality in other peoples. 

" She proclaims herself the intellectual and cordial ally of all rights, of all 
movements, of all developments, in nations which are desirous of living under 
similar institutions. She will commence no underhand propagandism among 
her neighbors. She knows that no liberties are durable but those which 
arise spontaneously among nations on their own soil. But she will exercise 
by the light of her ideas, by the spectacle of order and peace which she will 
present to the world, the only true and real proselytism, — that of esteem and 

* The prefects were superintendents or governors of the departments of France. They 
directed the police establishments, and were invested with extensive powers of municipal regu- 
lation. 



THE REPUBLIC. 317 

sympathy. This is not a declaration of war : it is the voice of Nature. It is 
not the herald of agitation to Europe : it is that of life." 

Every day the evidence became more convincing and alarming, that the 
rural population in France was not at all in sympathy with the Revolutionist 
party in Paris. The leaders of that party felt that they had made a great 
and perhaps a fatal mistake in allowing the appeal to go by universal suffrage 
to the nation. It was now too late to retrace that step. And yet it was 
greatly to be feared that the voices of the millions by an overwhelming 
majority would dismiss the radicals from office, and reject the government 
which they wished to establish. Ominous threats were heard from the 
departments, that the peaceful, order-loving millions who lived in the villages, 
and cultivated the fields, were not disposed to submit to the dictation of a 
Parisian mob. Under these circumstances, the government sent another 
circular to its army of agents, everywhere haranguing the people. This 
address — which was in the form of instructions to their agents — was also 
from the pen of Ledru Rollin. The following extracts will show its 
spirit : * — 

" The republican feelings require to be warmly excited; and for that purpose 
political functions should be intrusted only to zealous and sympathetic men. 
Everywhere the prefects and sub-prefects should be changed. In some lesser 
localities, the people petition to have them continued. It is for you to make 
them understand that we cannot retain those in office who have served a 
power Avhose every act was one of corruption. You are invested with the 
authority of the executive : the armed force is, therefore, under your orders. 
You are authorized to require its service, direct its movements, and, in grave 
cases, even to suspend its commanders. You are entitled to demand from all 
magistrates an immediate concurrence. If any one hesitates, let me know, 
and he shall be immediately dismissed. As to the irremovable magistracy, 
watch carefully over them. If any one evinces hostile dispositions, make use 
of the right of dismissal which your sovereign power confers. But, above all, 
the elections are your great work. It is on the composition of the Assembly 
that our destinies depend. Unless it is animated with the revolutionary 
spirit, we are advancing straight to a civil war and anarchy." t 

The socialists had for some time been preparing for a vei-y imposing, per- 
suasive, and menacing demonstration, to compel the government to adopt 
measures for the " organization of labor," and ibr raising and equalizing the 
rate of wages. The democratic clubs, uninvited, decided to join in the 

* " It ccukl hardly be conceived to what an extent the efforts of government were carried 
during the critical period which intervened before the elections. Not content with sending down 
one commissioner to each district, a second was soon after despatched to stimulate the efforts of the 
first; and in many cases a third, to see what they both were doing. In some instances, as at 
Bourges, as was afterwards judicially proved, a fourth was added, who set out with the principle, 
' The poor are in want of bread : we must take the plate of the rich to furnish them with it.' 
Not content with the authorized commissioners of government, a perfect army of agents was 
despatched from the clubs over all France to join in the same work, all paid by funds sccretlj 
provided by ihe minister of the interior." - - History of Europe. Alison, vol. viil. p. 336. 

t Monitaar, March 13, 1848. 



318 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

demonstration, hoping to be able to convert all its otency to tb jir own 
advantage. Lamartine, who was an eye-witness, thus desci-ibes the scene 
presented by this emeute, which took place on the 17th of March: — 

"Every minute the Provisional Government went to the balcony of the 
Hotel de Ville, whence the column might be seen approaching. At length 
it made its appearance. The front of the body was comj^oscd of five or six 
hundred of the elite of the clubs of Paris, marching in military order under 
the guidance of their most renowned orators. They advanced forty abreast, 
with their hands held together after the fashion of a religious procession; 
and around each group a long tricolor, or red scarf, was bound like a girdle. 
In front of each company were three men and a woman, who bore red 
flags, — the well-known emblems of a bloody revolution. Their appear- 
ance excited terror, and in some places indignation, in the mob which sur- 
rounded them. Behind this organized procession of the clubs came thirty or 
fort} thousand workmen, grave in aspect, decently clothed, saddened in 
expression, who seemed oppressed by the calamities of their situation. This 
immense crowd inundated the whole Place de Greve, and extended from the 
Hotel de Ville along the quays to the Champs filysees. By one o'clock, it 
was evident that above one hundred and twenty thousand men were 
collected." * 

Against this formidable demonstration the iron gate of the railing of the 
Hotel de Ville was closed. A large deputation, however, was permitted to 
enter. These ultra democrats demanded the postponement of the elections, 
■which they feared would go against them ; the immediate removal of all the 
troops from Paris, and the obedience of the government to the voice of the 
clubs; "in fine, the entire sun-ender of the government to i\\e 20opulace of 
Paris^ without any regard to the wishes of the remainder of France." f 

With many threats, the orator of the mob, surrounded by eight hundred 
supporters, demanded these concessions. The terms were so humiliating to 
the government, that, with one voice, they refused. The angry altercation 
lasted four hours. The deputation then retired wnth menaces. 

And now the clubs renewed their activity, and resolved to accomplish by 
force that which they had not been able to attain by demands and threats. 
There were three parties of Republicans. Lamartine led the moderate Repub- 
licans; Ledru Rollin, the Radicals ; and then came a lower party still more 
radical, headed by a resolute demagogue by the name of Blanqui. The 
" club of clubs " had chosen this man as their agent, intending to overthrow 

* " ' When I saw from the balcony of the Hotel de Ville the procession advancing,' says Louis 
Blanc, ' my eyes filled with teai's of joy.' Their approach brought to light the violent dissen- 
sions of the Provisional Government. In the fulness of his heart at what seemed his 
approaching triumph, Ledru Rollin said to his colleagues, ' Do you know that your popularity 
is as nothing to mine ? ' I have but to open that window, and call upon the people, and you 
would every one of you be turned into the street. Do you wish me to try 1 ' rising, and 
moving to the window. Upon this. Gamier Page's walked up to him, drew a pistol from his 
pocket, placed it at Ledru Rollin's breast, and said, 'If you make one step towards that window, 
it shall be your last.' Ledru Rollin paused a moment, and sat down." — Alison, yo\. viii. p. 375, 
quoting from Lamartine, ii. 208. 
t Alison. 



THE REPUBLIC. 319 

the government by mob violence, and introduce a dictatorship, with Blanqui * 
and Ledru RoUin at its head. But, when the conspirators called upon Rollin 
with the plan, he refused to enter into such a coalition, or to act in co-opera- 
tion Avith Blanqui. At midnight the consi:>irators retired from their unsuc- 
cessful interview with Ledru Rollin, saying to him angrily, — 

" Well, since you do not choose to go with us, you shall be thrown out of 
the window to-morrow with the others. Reflect on this. We are in a 
situation to make good our words." f 

It was indeed an hour of peril. Ledru Rollin, afler anxious deliberation, 
repaired at daybreak to the residence of Lamartine. The graphic pen of 
the poet thus describes the scene : — 

'"In a few hours,' said Ledru Rollin, ♦ we shall be attacked by one hun- 
dred thousand men. I have come to concert measures with you, as I know 
your resolution, and that extremities do not disturb it.' 

"' In that case,' said Lamartine, ' there is not a minute to lose. Set out 
instantly, and summon the National Guard : your situation as minister of the 
interior gives you a right to do so. I wil^ hasten to gain the three battalions 
of the Garde Mobile, who may be in a state fit for action. I will shut ray- 
self up in the Hotel de Ville, and there await the first brunt of the assault. 
One of two things must happen, — either the National Guard will refuse to 
turn out, and in that case the Hotel de Ville will be carried, and I shall die 
at my post; or the rappel and the fire of musketry will bring the National 
Guard to the support of the government, attacked in my person at the Hotel 
de Ville, and then the insurrection, placed between two fires, will be stifled 
in blood, and the government delivered. I am prepared for either result.' " 

General Courtais refused to call out the National Guard ; and Lamartine in 
despair returned to the Hotel de Ville. It so happened that General Chan- 
garnier, who had been appointed by Lamartine minister at Berlin, called 
at the residence of Lamartine to receive his last instructions, when he was 
informed by Madame Lamartine of the peril of her husband, and of the 
critical posture of affldrs at the Hotel de Ville. He immediately hastened 
to the spot, and by his great sagacity and energy organized such a defence, 
that when the insurgents appeared, one hundred thousand strong, they found 
that a bloody battle was before them should they attempt to carry out their 
plans of violence. They humbly presented their petition, the delegation 
passing through files of soldiers, and then retired. 

These commotions tended only to increase the bitterness between the 
different factions of the Republican party. The National Assembly met on 
the 4th of May. The president, Dupont de I'Eure, opened the proceedings 
with the following words : — 

" Y ou are about to form a new government on the sacred base of democ- 

* Blanqui, a few years before, had been arrested, tried, and condemned to death as one of the 
leaders in the conspiracy of May 12, 1839. The king commuted his sentence to imprisonment 
for life in the state-prison of Mont St. Michael. The Provisional Government had set him free 
with all other political prisoners. 

t Rapport de la Commission d'Enquete, juillet 8, 1848. 



320 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

racy, and to give to France the only constitution which suits it, — the 
republican constitution. Faithful to our origin and our convictions, we have 
not forgotten to proclaim the Republic in February. To-day we inaugurate 
the National Assembly by the only cry which should rally it, ' Vive la 
Republique ! ' " 

These words were cheered from the galleries, and by a portion of the 
Assembly; while the deputies from the country preserved an ominous silence.* 
The meeting was held in a temporary wooden building erected in the court- 
yard of the Chamber of Deputies. There was no room in the old building 
sufficiently capacious to accommodate an assembly of nine hundred members. 
On the 5th, the Assembly chose its president; and the next day the Pro- 
visional Government made a formal surrender of its authority to this august 
body, which thus became the Government of France, and upon which now 
devolved the task of a re-organization of the country. An executive commis- 
sion was first chosen, consisting of five members, the resirit of a coalition of 
parties. These men of discordant views were Arago, Gamier Pages, Marie, 
Lamartine, and Ledru Rollin.f Thfe Socialists were disappointed and indig- 
nant. Their leaders, Louis Blanc, Albert, Blanqui, Barbes, and Raspail, were 
ambitious men, fluent of speech, and full of zeal ; and they all wished to be 
prominent. 

" The truth was now apparent," says Alison, " even to the most obtuse 
among the Republicans, that they were in a decided minority in the Assembly. 
Democracy in France had been extinguished by universal suffrage^ — a 
strange result, wholly unexpected by the great majority of the Revolution- 
ists ; but by no means surprising, when the fact is recollected, that above ten 
millions of landed proprietors existed in that country, most of whom were 
inspired with the most mortal apprehensions of the Parisian Communists." J 

Lamartine gives similar testimony. " The republican sentiment," he says, 
"is weak in France. Such as it is, it is ill represented in Paris and the 
departments by men who inspire horror and aversion to the Republic among 
the rural population. § 

The Socialists and extreme Revolutionists declared that they would not 
submit to a tyrant majority, and prepared for a demonstration. There was 
no force in the weak government to resist them. The clubs of Paris called 
out their bands. Blanqui and Raspail took the lead. || It was the 15th of 

* " The centre and riirht remained nearly silent, and they formed the decided majority of the 
Assembly. It was already evident that the majority of the Assembly, though neither royalist 
nor re-actionary, was as moderate as a legislature elected under such circumstances could possibly 
be. There was none of the enthusiasm of 1789 on this occasion. Then all was hope and con- 
fidence in the coming regeneration of society by the establishment of government on a popular 
basis : now experience had chilled these hopes ; and the general feeling was a desire to extricate 
the country as quickly as possible from the dangers with which it was surrounded." — Historij 
of Europe. Alison, vol. viii. p. 341. 
t Monitcur, May 10, 1848. 

I History of Modern Europe. — Alison, vol. viii. p. 342. 
§ Lamartine, ii. 405. 

II " Some wanted the red flag and the Republic of '93. Then came the Commnnists of 



THE EEPUBLIC. 321 

May. One hunclred thonsnncl men met in front of the Madeleine; marched 
unopposed across the Pont de la Concorde; broke down the iron railing in 
front of the Palais da Corps Legislatif; demolished the inner railing; 
burst open the closed doors, and with tumult and uproar rushed into the hall 
of the Assembly, crowding with the compact surging mass all its approaches. 
Lamarline raised his hands in agony, exclaiming, " All is lost ! " The deputies 
from the country gazed appalled upon this irruption of a Parisian mob, and 
lelt less disposition than ever to surrender the destinies of France to such 
guardians.* 

The scene of dismay, confusion, and uproar which ensued, no one can 
imagine. Barbes forced his way into the tribune, and demanded that a tax 
of two hundred million dollars should be laid upon the rich for the aid of 
the suffering poor ; and that, if any man should give orders to call out the 
military, he should be declared a traitor to his country. "You are wrong!" 
shouted out one from the mob. " Two hours of pillage is what we want." 
"The true friends of the people," exclaimed Blanqui, " have been systemati- 
cally excluded from the Assembly and the Government." The mob raised 
upon their shoulders one of the most loud-voiced and violent of their 
number, and bore him to the tribune. " In the name of the people," he 
shouted in tones which rang through the hall, " whose voice the Assembly 
has refused to hear, I declare the Assembly dissolved." Hideous yells of 
applause followed these Avords ; a dozen men dragged the president violently 
from his chair; and the whole Assembly was dispersed.f 

The mob then, in the same hall from which they had expelled the Assem- 
bly, proceeded to organize a new Provisional Government. They chose 
Cabet, Louis Blanc, Pierre Leroux, Raspail, Considerant Barbes, Blanqui, and 
Proudhon. The majority of these were Socialists. The new government 
thus organized adjourned to the Hotel de Ville. The howling mob surged 
after them through the streets. lu the mean time, a battalion of the 
National Guard was induced to come to the rescue of the dispersed 
Assembly. With fixed bayonets at the Pas cle Charge^ they crossed the 
Pont de la Concorde, and, driving out the lo-iterers of the mob who remained, 
took possession of the hall of the Assembly. They then drew back to the 
Hotel de Ville, and brought forward four pieces of cannon to breach its 
walls ; when the Provisional Government and its insurgent creators fled in all 
directions. Three thousand of the insurgents, all armed, were made prisoners, 
and were sent to Vincennes. 

The Assembly now brought in from the country National Guards, who 
could be relied upon, as they were strongly hostile to the Parisian Socialists. 

M. Cabet; then the Socialists of Louis Blanc; then those of M. Proudhon, proclaiming 
property a robbery ; then the different factions of Raspail, Barbes, Blanqui, &c. It may be 
imagined how greatly the divisions caused by the pride and ambition of the various leaders 
weakened and brought discredit upon the Republican Government." — The Early Life of Louis 
Napoleon, collected from Authentic Records. London, p. 173. 

* Lamartine, vol. ii. pp. 422, 423. 

t Louis Blanc. Pages d'Histoire, 160-162. 
41 



322 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

General Cavaignac, who had just returned frona Algiers, was made ministe* 
of war; and the clubs were ordered to be closed. 

When the exciting drama which we are relating commenced (in February) 
by the overthrow of the throne of Louis Philippe, Louis Napoleon, it will be 
remembered, was in London. Assuming that the revolution annulled the 
laws of proscription which had been enacted against his fomily, he hastened 
to Paris, accompanied by Dr. Conneau and a few other friends. He arrived 
on the 27th, — the day in which the Republic was solemnly announced in the 
Place de la Bastille.* Count Montholon, Persigny, Colonel Voisin, and others 
of the enthusiastic friends of the prince, gathered around him. Jerome Bona- 
parte, the youngest brother of the emperor, and his son Prince Napoleon, 
were then in Paris, living incognito. These gentlemen formed the nucleus of 
a Bonaparte party which was soon to triumph over all others. The day after 
the arrival of Prince Louis Napoleon, he wrote tlie following letter to the 
Provisional Government. It was dated Paris, Feb. 28, 1848. 

"Gentlemen, — The people of Paris having destroyed by its heroism the 
last vestiges of foreign invasion, I hasten from exile to place myself under the 
flag of the Republic which is just proclaimed. With no other ambition than 
that of serving my country, I come to announce my arrival to the members 
of the Provisional Government, and to assure them of my devotion to the 
cause which they represent, as well as my sympathy for themselves. Accept, 
gentlemen, the assurance of my sentiments. 

" Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." 

This letter created great alarm with those who had just come into power. 
They were well aware of the almost boundless popularity of the name of 
Napoleon. The captivity of the prince had excited great sympathy in his 
behalf; and his writings, which had been extensively circulated, had created 
much admiration for his social character, and for his humane and political 
opinions. At the same time, Jerome Bonaparte, who had commanded the 
left wing of the French army at Waterloo in its attack upon Hougoumont, 
wrote to the government as follows: — 

"The nation has torn to pieces the treaties of 1815. The old soldier of 
Waterloo, the last brother of Napoleon, returns at once to the bosom of the 
great family. The season of the dynasties has passed away from France. 
Tlie proscription-law which struck me is fallen with the last of the Bourbons. 
I ask the government of the Republic to pass a decree declaring my proscrip- 
tion to be an insult to France, and to have disappeared with every thing else 
w^hich was imposed upon us by a foreign power. " Jerome Bonaparte." 

* " Louis Napoleon, who was living quietly in England, where the police of Louis Philippe 
watched him narrowly, immediately left after the revolution of February. He arrived at Bou- 
logne in a packet, which, by a singular chance, was moored alongside of another packet, which 
was ready to sail for England with the family of Louis Philippe, who was going, in his turn, to 
seek refuge on English soil." — Histoire politique et populaire du Prince Louis Napoleon, par Emile 
Marco de St. Hilaire, p. 169. 



THE KEPUBLIC, 323 

This letter was posted upon all the walls of Paris, and was eagerly read by 
the ey:;ited people. The son of Jerome Bonaparte, who is now known as 
Prince Napoleon, and Pierre Napoleon, the son of Lucien, also wrote letters 
giving in their adhesion to the new government. Thus the name of Napo- 
leon was rendered prominent, and the reminiscences of the empire were 
brought vividly to mind. The government was greatly agitated. Louis 
Napoleon was the heir of whatever rights the empire, established by universal 
suffrage, could transmit. Universal suffrage was to be restored. There was 
great danger that the people would rally round him, and that all the other 
leaders would be eclii)sed by the splendor of his popularity. There was an 
earnest debate upon the subject. Some were in lavor of arresting him, and 
sending him back to Ham. Others were for re-enacting upon him the decree 
of exile. Others urged that any persecution of this kind against the nephew 
of the empei-or would only rouse the people more violently in his favor. 
Prince Louis Napoleon, perceiving the embarrassment in which the govern- 
ment was placed, adopted the wise resolution of returning to England for a 
time, until matters should become more settled. He announced this resolu- 
tion to the government in the following letter, dated Feb. 29 : — 

" Gentlemen, — After thirty-three years of exile and of persecution, I 
thought that I had acquired the right of finding a home on the soil of my 
country. You deem my presence in Paris at this moment a subject of 
embarrassment. I withdraw, then, for a time. You will see in this sacrifice 
the purity of my intentions and of my patriotism. Receive, gentlemen, the 
assurance of my deep sympathy and esteem. 

" Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." 

The prince, accordingly, returned to London. His friends, however, includ- 
ing the otlier members of the Bonaparte family, remained behind to watch 
over his interests. M. de Pcrsigny was, perhaps, the controlling mind in 
these movements.* The friends of Napoleon and of Napoleonic ideas in 
Paris were rallied and organized. They were numerous and influential. 
Similar organizations were soon established in all the departments of France. 

" It does not seem to have been the intention of this committee to prepare 
an insurrection against the Republic, or to encourage resistance to its author- 
ity. Its object appears to have been to spread, multiply, organize, and finally 
to collect and bring to a focus the strength of the Bonapartist opinion 
throughout the country. This opinion soon had an organ, which was not the 
less useful for not being avowed. The journal entitled "La Liberte," having 

* " M. de Persigny possessed other qualities besides eloquence to render him a most efficient 
organizer. He had that tenacity and perseverance which are indispensable in arranging matters 
in times of difficulty. He possessed the art of establishing relations of sympathy and interest 
between men of the same opinion. He found in the ardor of his political convictions an irresisti- 
ble power of attraction and persuasion. He concealed under an impassive exterior, and under 
forms coldly polite, the energy, resolution, and courage which he had employed exclusively in 
forwarding the cause to which he had been devoted for the last sixteen years. In fine, — and 
this gave him his greatest strength, — he had unshaken conlidence in the destinies of Prince 
Louis Napoleon." — Life of Napoleon III., hij Edward Roth, p. 339. 



324 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

a daily circulation of more than one hundred thousand copies, dared some- 
times to speak of the empire, and to sound the great name of Napoleon at a 
time when the vast field of the periodical press was furrowed in all directions 
by the sharp pens of democracy, demagogism, and socialism." * 

The withdrawal of Louis Napoleon from Paris was magnanimous, and yet 
it was eminently politic; for it is always politic to be magnanimous. It added 
to his reputation, and thus it exasperated those who were in dread of his 
popularity. A project was formed to issue anew a decree of banishment 
against the whole Bonaparte family. 

While Louis Napoleon was in London, the great Chartist movement took 
place, which threatened, by a mammoth demonstration in imitation of the 
procedui-es in Paris, to overthrow the British throne, and, in the tumult of 
revolution, to establish a republic. The demands which the Chartists made 
were reasonable. They were, simply; 1. Annual parliaments; 2. Universal 
suffrage ; 3. Vote by ballot ; 4. Equal electoral districts ; 5. Paid members of 
parliament; 6. No property qualitications.f But it was the intention, so it is 
said, under the pretence of presenting this petition, to get up an immense 
procession, break into the House of Commons, disperse the legislative body, 
appoint a provisional government, and thus, in a popular tumult, to announce 
a republic. Vigorous efforts were adopted by the government to meet the 
crisis. One hundred and seventy thousand special constables were organized 
in different parts of the metropolis. Louis Napoleon volunteered his services 
to assist in preserving order, and foithfully discharged the duties he had 
assumed. | 

Prince Napoleon, with Jerome his father, and Pierre Bonaparte the son 
of Lucien, had repaired to Corsica to take part in the elections. The city of 
Ajaccio gave them a magnificent reception. A letter from that place, dated 
the 13th of April, says, — 

"Never since the landing of the commander-in-chief of the army of 
Efjypt have we seen any thing approaching the enthusiasm, the tumultuous 
joy, of our population, and the smiling, animated aspect of our city. Ajaccio, 
proud of having given birth to the emperor, will receive our illustrious 
guests under a long avenue of triumphal arches decorated with national 
emblems and allegorical inscriptions." 

Three of the nephews of the emperor — Napoleon the son of Jerome, 
Pierre the son of Lucien, and Lucien Murat the son of Caroline Bonaparte 
— were elected members of the Assembly. Louis Napoleon, as we have said, 
had letired to England. With characteristic piide of character, he ^-efused to 
allow his name to be presented as a candidate for the suffrages of the people, 

* Life of Napoleon, by Edward Roth, p. 339. 

t " Alison, vol. viii. p. 121. 

X " In one detachment, commanded by the Earl of Eglington, appeared as a private a man 
bearing a name destined to future immortality, — Prince Louis Najwleon Bonaparte. Many 
officers of rank hastened to the Horse Guards to tender their services to their old chief in this 
crisis, among whom was the Marquis of Londonderry, who, though in infirm health and 
1 dvanccd years, was there at daybreak to bring the aid of a chivalrous heart and an experienced 
p,ye to the servie of his countTy." — History of Europe, by Sir Archibald Alison, vol. yin.i). 121. 



THE KEPUBLIO. 325 

until the Assembly had, by a formal vote, abrogated the decree of banish- 
ment by which the Bourbons had proscribed his family. 

In the session of the Assembly on the 26th of May, M. Vignerte, in the 
heat of debate, allowed tlie expression to escape his lips, that the Bouapartes 
who were already members of the Assembly were onXy provisionally admit- 
ted into that body. Prince Napoleon, son of Jerome, immediately ascended 
the tribune, and said, in tones which arrested every ear, — 

" I had no intention to take any part in this discussion. You can under- 
stand how painful it must be to have one's own person thus brought into 
debate. But there was one word uttered by the previous speaker, citizen 
Vignerte I believe, against which I remonstrate; and I will repel that word 
with as much energy as the speaker has employed in uttering it. It is the 
wcrd "provisionally." There is here no provisionality for a French citizen. 
I am a French citizen as well as citizen Vignerte himself, and by the same 
title. It is astonishing that a member of this Assembly should dare to say 
that there was one of his colleagues who was provisionally in this body." 

This warm protest was received with a general burst of applause. The 
next day, on the 27th of May, M. Pietri, a deputy from Corsica, presented a 
petition, signed by twenty members of the Assembly, praying that the law 
banishing the Bonaparte family should be repealed. Several of these signers 
were not what were called Napoleonists. The measure was intended as a 
rebuke of the arrogant expressions of M. Vignerte to which we have alluded, 
and who was one of the most violent of the extreme Republicans. A 
petition was also presented by the workmen of Vilette, asking that Prince 
Louis Napoleon might be proclaimed consul : another petition prayed that 
he luight be appointed colonel of the twelfth legion of the National Guard. 
His name was everywhei-e heard in the streets ; several journals appeared 
advocating his claims;* all the Polish refugees were warm in his praises. 
Thus his name speedily became prominent above all others. The whole 
nation was moved by it.f 

Most of those who had expected, in the establishment of a republic, to 
occupy its seats of emolument and power, were alarmed by the sudden up- 
rising of so formidable an opponent, who was everywhere greeted by popular 
acclaim. On the 6th of June, there was another election of members of the 
Assembly to fill those vacancies which had been caused by irregularity in the 
voting or by non-election. Though Louis Napoleon was in London, and had 
declined allowing his name to be used as a candidate, his friends simul- 
taneously, and at the last hour, resolved to bring him forward. Sir Archibald 
Alison writes, — 

* " Besides the Napoleon Republicain, there successively appeared La Providence ; La France 
Nonveilc, edited by M. Alexander Dumas ; and La Liberie', whose editor, M. Lepoitevin, was ex- 
director of the Capitofe, a Napoleonic journal founded in 1840. It was agreed araony; his 
friends not to speak of the empire, but only of the sovereignty of the people and of the Repub- 
lic. The pretended hereditary rights of Louis Napoleon were laid aside ; and they claimed for 
him the suffrages of the people as the representative of order, safety, independence, and glory." — 
L'Hisloire da Nouoeau C(fsar, Louis Napoleon, Reprdsentant et President, pp. 10-16, par Pierre 
Ytininier, 

t Idem, p. 17. 



326 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"Among other persons who wore brought forward as candidates was one 
wliose name spoke powerfully to every heart in France, — Louis Napoleon. 
A placard recommending him to the electors of Paris bore these ominous 
words, — 

"'Louis Napoleon only asks to be a representative of the peophi. lie has 
not forgotten that Napoleon, before being the first magistrate of France, was 
its first citizen.' " * 

Every efibrt was made by the government to repress this enthusiasm. 
False reports were put in circulation, the proclamations of his friends were 
torn down, votes in his favor were declared void; and yet the popular instinct 
was so strong, that its current could not be stayed. Four departments, by 
immense majorities, chose Louis Napoleon to represent"them in the Assembly. 
They were those of the Seine, the Yonne, the Sarthe, and the Charente 
Inferieure.f 

The government was as much alarmed as the masses of the people were 
gratified by this result. The streets resounded with shouts of, "Vive 
Napoleon ! " and not unfrequently was heard the cry, " Vive I'Erapereur ! " The 
Executive Commision ventured upon the bold measure of issuing an order 
for the arrest of the prince. The order was dated Paris, 12th of June, 1848, 
one o'clock at night. It was as follows : — 

'•'■The Minister of the Interior to the Prefects and Sub-Prefects^ — By order 
of the Commission of Executive Power, arrest Charles Louis Napoleon 
Bonaparte if he is in your department. Transmit everywhere the necessary 
orders." % 

In the subsequent session of the Assembly on that day, Lamartine was 
speaking; but the noise of drums, and the shouting in the streets, rendered 
the representatives inattentive to his observations. Suddenly a member 
dashes info the hall. He is at once surrounded and eagerly questioned. 

" Bonapartist rioters," he exclaims, " are assembled on the Place de la Con- 

* History of Europe, by Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 345. 

t " Several voids had been left in the Assembly by double or informal elections, which it now 
became necessary to fill up. The time appointed for this purpose was June 3. Offers were 
made to Louis Napoleon; but he declared tluit he would not accept them. To return to France, 
even as representative, he waited, he said, until his presence in his native land should not be 
made a pretext for disturbances and annoyances from the government. Bat, in spite of these 
explicit refusals, his name was put on the electoral lists, and he was returned as the representa- 
tive of four departments at once. That of the Seine was of this number; and in the city of 
Paris, though his name was mentioned only the evening previous to the (ilection, he received 
eighty-four thousand four Imndred and twenty votes." — Life of Napoleon III., Emperor of l-x 
French, by Edward Roth, p. 243. 

% " The election of Louis Napoleon at once terrified the existing government. They deter- 
mined that he should not sit in the Assembly. Orders were given for his arrest, should he be 
found any where in the French territory. It was asserted by his enemies in the Assembly, that 
he was not a French citizen ; that he was a pretender to the fallen throne ; that the people had 
no right to elect as a representative a man who was not a citizen, and who, by his imperial 
aspirations, was necessarily a traitor to the Kepublic. Lamartine proposed a decree in the 
Assciibly reasserting the law of 1832, banishing Louis Napoleon from the French territory." — 
The Vuhlic aid Private Histoi-yof Napoleon III., by Samuel M. Smucker, LL.D., p. 119. 



THE REPUBLIC. 327 

corde. A musket-shot has been fired at Clement Thomas, the commander of 
the National Guards." 

He was continuing his account, when Lamartine, still in the tribune, inter- 
rupted him, changed the subject of his own discourse, and thus addressed the 
Assembl}' : — 

" Citizens, a fatal occurrence has caused me to pause in my discourse. 
While I Avas speaking of the restoration of order, a musket-shot — several 
musket-shots, it is said, have been fired. One was aimed at the commander 
of the National Guard ; another at one of the brave officers of the army ; and 
a third has struck, it is alleged, an officer of the National Guard. These shots 
were fired amidst cries of 'Vive I'Empereur!' 

" Citizens, while deploring with you the misfortune which has just occurred, 
the government has taken the precaution of standing prepared, as far at least 
as it can stand prepared, against events of this nature. This very morning, 
only an hour before we assembled here, we unanimously signed a declaration 
which we proposed to read to you at the close of the sitting, but which 
the circumstance which has just transpired forces me to read to you 
immediately." 

He then di'cw from his pocket a paper, which he read to the Assembly, 
proposing to renew against Louis Napoleon the old decree of banishment 
enacted by the Bourbons against the whole Bonaparte family, and re-enacted 
Vy Louis Philippe.* 

In this paper it was stated, that since a law was passed on the 12th of 
January, 1816, exiling from the territory of France the raerabei-s of the Bona- 
parte family, which law was re-enacted on the 16th of April, 1832 ; and con- 
sideiing, that, if that law has been abrogated by the admission of three mem- 
bers of that family to a seat in the Assembly, such abrogation pertains to 
them only as individuals, and does not extend to other members of the fam- 
ily ; and considering that France wishes to found a republic without being 
disturbed by pretensions which may form factions in the state, and thus 
foment, even involuntarily, civil war; and considering that Charles Louis 
Napoleon Bonaparte has twice acted the part of a pretender in demanding a 
lepublic with an emperor, — that is to say, a derisive republic {une rqnihlique 
avcc ten ewperevr, c'est a dire mte re2mblique derisoire), — in the name of the 
decree of the senate of the year twelve ; and considering that agitations 
unfriendly to the popular republic which we wish to found, and endangering 
the public peace, are already fomented in the name of Charles Louis Napo- 
leon Bonaparte; and considering that these agitations — symptoms of culpa- 
ble inti'igue — may acquire importance dangerous to the establishment of the 
republic if they are permitted through the indulgence, the negligence, or 
the weakness of the government ; and considering that the government 
cannot escape the responsibility of the danger which threatens republican 
institutions and the public peace, if it fail in the first of its duties by not 
executing an existing law justified now more than ever, declares, — 

* L'Histoirc dn Nouveau Cesar Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, Reprcsentant et Pre'sidcnt, par 
P Ve'sinier, p. 25. 



328 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

" That it will execute, so far as Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte is 
C( ucerned, the law of 1882, until the National Assembly shall otherwise 
decide."* 

The reading of this paper created intense excitement. One after another 
rushed to the tribune. Some assailed, and others defended, the absent prince. 
After a very stormy debate, the meeting adjourned, postponing the further 
consideration of the subject until the next day. It was then found out that 
the report of a Napoleonic insurrection was incorrect. But it was evident, 
from the excitement which the debate had excited in the city, that the decree 
of banishment, under the circumstances, would tend only to increase the 
number and the devotion of the friends of Louis Napoleon. The project was 
the next day negatived by a vote of nearly two to one.f 

The Executive Commission, being thus thwarted in its plan of consigning 
Louis Napoleon to banishment, assumed a new position in opposing his 
admission as a member of the Assembly. This was a very unpopular and a 
perilous movement. It was regarded as an attack upon popular sovereignty. 
Four departments, by immense majorities, had each chosen him as their repre- 
sentative. The debate upon this question commenced on the 13th of June. 
A few extracts from this debate will give one a vivid idea of the agitations of 
that day. The discussion arose upon the validity of the elections, which had 
proved so favorable to Louis Napoleon. 

M. de Gousee said, " A few days ago, I presented to the Assembly a 
proposition for the recall of the Bonaparte family, and for the abrogation of 
the law of 1S32. I now ask that the vote upon that proposition may be 
adjourned, but Avith an amendment which shall maintain provisionally the 
exclusion of Citizen Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, whose name has 
become an arm for the factions. I do not doubt that that citizen is a stranger 
to these intrigues ; but I also believe him to be too good a citizen not t/) 
comprehend that his presence, under existing circumstances, will be a peril 
for the Republic." 

M.Jules Favre: "I have the honor, in the name of your seventh com- 
mittee, to announce the conclusions which it has adopted relative to the elec- 
tion in Charente Inferieure. . I hold the minutes which inform of that election, 
and of the perfect regularity of the proceedings. The Citizen Charles Louis 
Napoleon Bonaparte has obtained the majority of the votes, and is entitled 
to be proclaimed representative of the people. At the same time, the com- 
mittee does not dissemble the difficulty which the name of the person elected 
raises. It appears to us that it would be unworthy of a great nation to arrest 

* Histoii-e politique et populairc du Prince Louis Napoleon, par £raile Marco tie St. Hilaire, 
torn, troisieme, p. 187. 

t " The representatives, however, on returning home after this stormy sitting, were surprised 
to find that the hostile groups had nearly all vanished, and that the public tranquillity seemed to 
have been little if at all troubled. They were still more surprised that the musket-shots fired 
at the commander of the National Guard and at the brave officers had dwindled down to a 
mere pistol-shot, which, as Clement Thomas himself, commander of the National Guard, next 
day declared in the tribune, had gone ofi', perhaps, by accident." — Life of Napoleon III., bj/ 
Edward Roth, p. 350. 



THE REPUBLIC. 829 

itself before jmerile fears; and we have declared with unanimity, one voice 
only being wanting, in favor of the admission of the prince — pardon me, 
gentlemen, of the citizen — Louis Napoleon. The motives which have influ- 
enced us are founded in legality as well as in policy. As to legality, the 
attitude of the government, thus far, has presented no indecision. Have we 
not heard M. Crcmieux, the minister of justice and the organ of the Executive 
Commission, declare that the law which banished the Bonaparte family had 
been virtually abrogated by the revolution of February ? 

"What do you demand against Louis Bonaparte? I say that you demand 
exceptional measures : for the position of Louis Bonaparte is not that of a 
pretender ; it is that of an elect of the people. If he has committed any 
crime, if you have detected him in any criminal correspondence, let it be 
known, and you shall find us with you. Till then, do not attempt to make 
us believe that the French Republic is so unstable, that it can be overthrown 
by a breath of Citizen Bonaparte. Gentlemen, the place for Citizen Bona- 
parte is in the midst of us. lie should ascend that tribune. Believe it, 
gentlemen, were Citizen Bonaparte sufficiently insensate to renew the follies 
of 1840, he would be instantly covered with contempt. 

" It is necessary that Louis Bonaparte should come to this tribune ; that he 
should trample beneath his feet that parody of an imperial mantle which 
neither suits his stature nor the pi-esent epoch. If you reject Citizen Louis 
Bonaparte, you invest him with the legitimacy of the one hundred thousand 
votes which he has received in the different colleges of France." 

M. Bucher : "I am the reporter of the tenth committee, — of a decision 
directly contrary to that which which has just been submitted to you. We 
have made a great distinction betweert what passed bef)re the meeting 
of the Assembly and that which has passed since that meeting. Before the 
Assembly met, the Provisional Government had no occasion to make any 
difference between citizens. But now, since the Republic has been proclaimed, 
since a form of government has been adopted, the situation is not the same. 
Your committee is of the opinion that it is no longer a citizen who presents 
himself before you : it is a prince ; it is a pretender. Such is the particular 
character of this election — in some respects unexpected — which you propose 
to annul. 

"It is evident, that, in the present state of the country, measures of precau- 
tion are required of us, if Ave would escape misfortunes, if we would not com- 
promise the <lestinies of the Republic. Whatever may be said, it is a pretendei 
who presents himself before you, and whose election you propose to annul. 
Would you accept Henri V., or the Prince of Joinville, or the Duke of Nemours, 
if they were chosen ? Beware ! the Citizen Bonaparte will not come here as a 
simple representative : he will come with acclamations such as those which we 
heard yesterday. It was not only ' Vive Bonaparte! ' that they cried, but 
'Vive Napoleon III.! Vive PEmpereur Napoleon!' I insist, in the name 
of the tenth bureau, that the election be annulled." 

M. Aijmar, reporter of the sixth bureau : " I report in favor of the admis- 
sion of Citizen Bonaparte, for the same reasons which have been so lucidly 
expressed by Citizen Jules Favre." 



330 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

M. Vleillard, former tutor of Louis Napoleon : " I rise to fulfil a sacred 
duty, — to defend one absent who is accused. For thirty years, I have been 
acquainted with Prince Louis Bonaparte. I have the honor to be his friend. 
I affirm upon my honor, that he has been made a representative in spite of 
(malgre) himself, as they have made him a pretender in spite of himself. His 
election has not been, as is asserted, a conspiracy, but a spontaneous protest of 
the population against the fatal souvenirs of 1815. Do you wish to know the 
sentiments which animated him before iiis election ? If so, listen to a letter 
he wrote me last month, but which was never intended for publicity." 

The following letter was then read in the midst of great tumult and multi> 
plied interruptions : — 

"London, May 11, 1848. 

"My dear M. Vieillard, — I have not yet answered the letter wluch you 
addressed to me from St. Lo, because I was waiting your return to Paris, when 
I would have an opportunity to explain my conduct. 

" I have not wished to present myself as a candidate at the elections, because 
I am convinced that my position in the Assembly would have been extremely 
embarrassing. My name, my antecedents, have made of me, willing or unwill- 
ing, not a party chief, but a man upon whom the eyes of all the malecontents 
are fixed. As long as French society shall remain unsettled, as long as the 
constitution shall remain undecided, I feel that my position in France will be 
to me extremely difiicult, and even dangerous. I have therefore taken the 
firm resolution to hold myself apart, and to resist all the charms which a resi- 
dence in my own country can have for me. 

" If France has need of me, if my part were marked out, if, in short, I 
thought I could be useful to my country, I should not hesitate to pass by these 
secondary considerations to fulfil my duty : but, in the present circumstances, 
I can do no good ; at the most, I should be only an embarrassment. On the 
other hand, I have important personal interests to attend to in England. I 
shall wait here a few months longer, then, — until afiairs in France assume a 
calmer and more decided aspect. 

"I do not know but you will blame me for this resolution ; bvit, if you had 
an idea of the number of ridiculous propositions which reach me even here, 
you would easily understand how much more I should be a butt in Paris for 
all sorts of intrigues. I do not wish to meddle in any thing. I desire to see 
the Republic become strong in wisdom and in right ; and, in the mean time, I 
find voluntary exile very agreeable, because I know that it is voluntary." 

The reading of this letter created great excitement ; and it was often intei - 
rupted by hisses and outcries. 

M. Marclial said, "I am, as much as any other one, under th'S influence 
of those grand souvenirs which attach themselves to the name of him whose 
election is now contested ; but my admiration does not go so far as to lead me 
to sacrifice the interests of the country, of the Republic, If the attitude of two 
members of the Bonaparte family, their antecedents, do not prevent their being 
admitted into your number, is it the same to-day with Citizen Louis Bonaparte ? 
Has he not ti/ice performed the part of a pretender ? His name — is it not a 



THE REPUBLIC. 331 

banner, a fatal signal o^ ralliement? It appears to me, then, that it is our 
:3uty to avail ourselves of a law which has not been abrogated, that wo may- 
erect a barrier against Louis Bonaparte. 

"A letter has been read to you, in which the candidate elect expresses ener- 
getically his opinions. I do not doubt, in the least, the sincerity of his decla- 
rations ; but I shall not the less persist to oppose his admission, that all pre- 
texts may be taken from the factions. To open the door to one pretender is 
to secure an entrance for all the others. Moreover, Louis Napoleon is not 
eligible, since he has been naturalized in Switzerland." 

M.Fresneau: "I have heard the cry, 'Vive Napoleon! Vive la Legion 
d'Honneur ! ' and, for me, the significant cry, ' Vive la Gloire Imperiale ! ' There 
is no conspiracy; but I know full well that there is legitimate emotion. And 
beware ! for this emotion is shared by the National Guard itself. There is no 
conspiracy in Paris ; there is none in the Departments : but I will not answer 
for it that there shall not be emeutes^ if you repel from your body the heir of 
KapoleonP 

These last words created a great commotion. The president interrupted 
the speaker, saying, " I invite the orator to explain himself." 

" The heir," exclaimed Fresneau, " of his name, and not of his rights. I have 
no fears of an emeute to the cry of 'Vive Louis Napoleon ! ' but I do fear one 
to the cry of Vive la Souverainete du Peuple ! ' 

"The Citizen Louis Blanc, who, as he hns just told us, demands the abroga- 
tion of the law of proscription against the Bourbons and the Orleanists, cannot, 
without being illojical, oppose the application of the same law to a member of 
the Bonaparte family. He avows that the Republic has nothing to fear from 
pretenders. ' To fear for the Republic,' he says, ' is to outrage it. I love to 
see pretenders near : it is more ea^y to measure them.' How can you fear that 
the Citizen Louis Bonaparte should be able to resuscitate an order of things 
which the powerful hand of the emperor was unable to establish? The can- 
didature with Avhich we are menaced pi'esents no serious cause for alarm. 
But it is said that the Citizen Louis Bonaparte is to be feared as the future 
President of the Republic. There is a very simple way of avoiding that incon- 
venience. Place at the head of your constitution the following article: — 

"'In the Republic founded on the 24th of February, there shall not be any 
president.'* 

" The way to found a good republic is to organize labor. I will not ask you, 
if, in view of the sovereignty of the people, Louis Bonaparte can be excluded 
fi-om this Assembly, where you see three members of his family. I limit 
myself to saying, that, in my view, all laws of exclusion and proscription are 
anti-republican. The republican logic which does not admit that a son can 
wear a crown, for the single reason that his father has worn one, — that repub- 
lican logic cannot admit that a son should be punished for the crimes of which 
his father may have been guilty. Therefore I have voted loudly against the 

* Tliis proposition was followed by a gemral burst of laughter. P. Vesinier, a Socialist, in 
his narrative of these events, says sadly, "It is melancholy to reflect that the majority of the 
Assembly di(' not think a republic possible without a president. It is that which explains tho 
misplaced an '. indecorous hilarity with which so -easonablc a proposition was received." 



332 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

proscription of the Oi'leans family, though I have passed ten years of my life 
^n combating that baleful royalty. Yes : laws of exclusion, laws of perpetual 
proscription, are essentially anti-republican." 

M. Pascal Duprat : " I demand the exclusion of Louis Napoleon in the 
name of legality. You have not feared the name of Napoleon, because you 
have introduced it here when it was not threatening; but now that name pre- 
sents itself with the cortege of an emeute. In repelling the name of Bonaparte, 
you wish to repel sedition. It is true that the empire is not possible ; but a 
bloody mockery of the empire is possible. I vote for the exclusion." 

M. Lf,dru Mollin, who was a member of the Executive Commission, then 
took the tribune, and said, " The situation is too grave for the government to 
be silent. It is said that we wish to violate the sovereignty of the people. It 
is very singular that they who founded the sovereignty of the people in Feb- 
ruary should be accused of wishing to violate it. The decree which we 
demand may be only provisory, and of short continuance. Let the emeute 
retire, and to-morrow, perhaps, we will withdraw our decree. We are, above 
all, the depositaries of power; and we should make that power respected." 

During the progress of this discussion, Louis Napoleon, who was kept 
informed of all that transpired, wrote a letter to the Assembly from his retreat 
in London. At first, the Assembly refused to receive this letter; and it was 
published in the journals. 

M. Bonjean now ascended the tribune, and said, "It has been affirmed, that 
while Louis Bonaparte is accused of exciting sedition in the streets, and that 
while many persons have denied, in his name, his participation in these tumults, 
he himself does not deny it. I reply to the second imputation, that it is true 
that Louis Napoleon has not personally protested against these rumors, as he 
has had no time to do so ; but, as to the first accusation, I hold a letter which 
the prince has addressed to the National Assembly itself, and which has this 
morning appeared in many of the journals." He then read the following let- 
ter: — 

" Citizen Representatives, — I learn from the journals that it has been 
proposed in the bureau of the Assembly to maintain against me alone the 
law of exile beneath which my ftxmily has languished since 1816. I now 
demand of the representatives of the people what I have done to merit such 
a punishment. 

"Is it because I have always publicly declared, that, in my opinion, 
France was not the possession either of a man, a family, or a party ? Is it 
because, wishing to aid the triumph, without anarchy or license, of the 
principle of the national sovereignty^ which can alone put an end to our 
dissensions, I have twice fallen a victim to my hostility to a government 
which you have overthrown? Is it for having consented, through deference 
for the Provisional Government, to return to a foreign land, after having, at 
the first tidings of the revolution, hastened to Paris? Is it for having 
refused, through disinterestedness, the proposition that was made me of 
offering myself as a candidate for the Assembly, resolved, as I was, not to 
return to France until the new constitution was established and the Republic 
consolidali id ? 



THE KEPCTBLIC. 333 

"The same reasons which caused me to take up arms against the govern- 
ment of Louis Philippe will make me, should my services be accepted, 
devote myself to the defence of the National Assembly, the result of 
universal sutFrago. In the presence of a king elected by two hundred 
deputies, I might lecollect that I was the heir to an empire founded on the 
votes of four millions of Frenchmen. In the presence of the national 
sovereignty, I neither can nor will Lay claim to aught but my rights as a 
French citizen. But these I unceasingly demand with the energy by whicli 
an honest heart is inspired in the consciousness of never having proved 
itself unworthy of its country." 

After the reading of this letter, M. Jules Favre again ascended the tribune. 
"As for me," he said, "I maintain that the law of 1832 has been abrogated 
by the admission into this body of three members of the Bonaparte family. 
You cannot have two weights and two measures. I venture to say, that in 
the convictions of all, even in those of the Executive Commission, this law 
has been impliedly abrogated. That which you demand of us to-day is to 
introduce arbitrariness into the law. They speak to you of mauceuvres, of 
attempts at seduction; but have you any proof, have you any indication, 
that the prince has any thing whatever to do with that matter? No: since 
you have no proof, it is then a declaration of suspicion which you demand 
of us. 

"The Citizen Ledru Rollin has presented a consideration which moves me 
pi'ofoundly. He menaces you with civil war if you do not exclude Citizen 
Louis Napoleon from France. Ah ! gentlemen, may not the reply be made 
to us, that civil war is as imminent upon the contrary hypothesis ? As for 
me, I fear it ! 

"It is said that the name of the prince serves as a banner to the factions. 
Is it his fault ? Have we not recently seen names the most honorable — the 
names of members of the Executive Commission — inscribed upon the lists 
of the Hotel de Ville, proclaiming the revolutionary government of Blanqui 
andBarbts?" 

There was now a general cry fgr the question. The vote was taken ; and 
Louis Napoleon was declared entitled to his seat by a majority of more than 
two-thirds.* 

* " M. Jules Favre mentioned the word ' prince,' which was like an electric shock to tho 
mountain, bringing down the thunder from above. In vain, M. Favre explained. M. Ledru 
lloUin rolled backward and forward in his seat like a Quaker when the spirit is about to move 
him. M. Flocon, who always did gesticulate, now gesticulated more furiously. Lamartine 
angrily devoured a pen. Marie appeared, like a lawyer, to consider the words as part of a 
client's case ; and M. Arago turned a deaf ear by reading a paper. But the thunder had 
rolled, and continued o roll. The debate was furious ; but at length it terminated. In spite 
of its being do lar°d t lat Louis Napoleon aspired to the empire, his admission was carried by 
at least two-tk rdj of the Assembly." — Italy and the War of 1859, by Julie de Margueriltes 
p. 83. 




CHAPTER XX. 

STORMY DEBATES AND INSURRECTIONS. 

A<? Iresi x> the Electors. — Letter to the President of the Assembly. — Agitation in the Assemhly. 
— T le Debate. — Louis Napoleon declines his Election. — Discontent of the People. — 
Disorder in the Government. — Closing the Workshops. — Anecdote. — Terrible Excite- 
ment. — Dictatorship of Cavaignac. — The Four-Days' Battle. 

HE Streets resounded with the cries of " Vive Napoleon ! " as the 
tidings spread that the Assembly had respected the sovereignty 
of the people, and had voted his admission. Louis Napoleon 
immediately wrote the following address to the electors who 
had chosen him: — 

" Fellow-Citizens, — Your votes fill me with gratitude. This mark of 
sympathy, the more flattering as I had not solicited it, comes to find me 
regretting my inactivity at a time when our country has need of the united 
efforts of all her children to extricate her from her difficult position. Your 
confidence imposes duties upon me which I shall know how to fulfil. Our 
interests, our wishes, our sentiments, are the same. A Parisian by birth, now 
a representative of the people, I shall unite my efforts to those of my col- 
leagues to re-establish order, credit, and industry ; to assure external peace ; to 
consolidate democratic institutions ; and to conciliate interests which are seem- 
ingly hostile, because they are mutually suspicious, and clash against each 
other, instead of marching towards one common goal, — the prosperity and 
greatness of the country. 

" The people are free since the 24th of February. They can now obtain 
every thing without having recourse to brute violence. Let us, then, rally 
around the altar of our country, under the flag of the Republic ; and let us 
present to the world the grand spectacle of a people regenerating itself 
■^ ithout fury, without civil war, without anarchy. 

" Receive, my dear fellow-citi*zens, the assurance of my devotion and of 
ny sympathies. "Loms Napoleon Bonaparte." 

Under the same date of London, June 14, 1848, he wrote as follows to the 
President of the Assembly : — 

"Monsieur le President, — I was setting out for my post when 1 
learned that my election was made the pretext for deplorable troubles and 



STORMY DEBATES AND INSURRECTIONS. 335 

fatal mistakes. I haA-e not sought the honor of being a representative of the 
people, because I was aware of the injurious suspicions which rested \ipon 
me. Still less did I seek for power. If the people impose duties upon me, 
I shall know how to fulfil them. 

" But I disavow all those who represent me as having ambitious intentions, 
which I have not. My name is a symbol of order, of nationality, of glory; 
and it would be with the deepest grief that I should behold it serving to 
augment the troubles and agitations of my country. To avoid such a 
misfortune, I prefer to remain in exile. I am ready to sacrifice every thing 
for the happiness of France. 

"Have the goodness, Mr. President, to communicate this letter to the 
Assembly. I enclose you a copy of my letter of thanks to the electors. 
Receive the assurance of my distinguished sentiments. 

" Lotris Napoleon Bonaparte." 

The reading of this letter created in the Assembly the most violent 
tempest. We give the scene which ensued as described by the pen of 
P. Vesinier:* "Agitation, indignation, and wrath were manifested in the 
most stormy manner against the author. General Cavaignac, minister of 
war, indignant, ascended the tribune in the midst of the greatest tumult, and 
cried out, — 

"'The emotion which agitates me permits me only to remark, that, in the 
paper which has just been communicated to you, the word "republic" is not 
pronounced. 1 submit that fact to the meditations of the entire Assembly.' 
{Profound agitation.) 

"The Assembly rose, and protested with cries of ' Vive la Eepublique!' 
M. de Lannac then rushed to the tribune, and exclaimed in the midst of uni- 
versal emotion, — 

"'It is a declaration of war which that imprudent young man makes 
against the Republic' {Interruptions. ' Tes, yes ! ' ' No ! ' Heclamations.) 

" Citizens Antony Thouret, Baune, and David d'Angers, called the attention 
of the Assembly to this strange phrase, ' If the people impose duties upon 
me, I shall know how to fulfil them;' which words the president himself em- 
phasized as he read them. 'I propose to the Assembly,' said Citizen Antony 
Thouret, ' a decree of accusation against Louis Bonaparte, and to declare 
him a traitor to the country.' (' Yes, yes ! ') Cries of ' Vive la Republique ! ' 
were now heard anew. The Assembly was greatly agitated. In the midst 
of the excitement, the president rose, and said, — 

"' I have just received a menacing letter. I order that the doors be closed, 
that I may ascertain who is the author of this insolent letter.' After a mo- 
ment's pause, during which the Assembly was greatly agitated, he added, 'I 
learn that this letter is from a miserable madman (fou). It is a pretended 
pupil of the Polytechnic School who has signed this letter, and who has given 
it to one of the attendants of the hall. Listen to its contents : — 

* P. Vesinier has written three vohtmes against Napoleon III., under the title of Nouvean 
Ce'sar. He w-itcs with malignity which is rarely eqt ailed, vol. iii. p. 68. 



336 LIFE OF FAPOLEON III. 

« < « If you do not read the letter of thanks of Louis Bonaparte to the 
electors, I will declare you a traitor to the country." 

" ' It is signed, Augustus Blum, vice-president of the delegates of the 
Luxembourg.' 

"While the Assembly was a prey to this agitation, the popular masses which 
surrounded it were not less excited, and raised numerous cries of Down with 
the Representatives ! Vive Napoleon ! Vive TEmpereur ! ' A large band 
stationed near the Tuileries proposed to march upon the Assembly to over- 
throv/ it, and to proclaim Louis Bonaparte first consul. 

"The storm," says P. Vesinier, "increased everywhere. There was visible 
that electricity whose rapid currents determine grand popular explosions, and 
cause insurrections. All the monarchical elements, Legitimacy, Orlcanism, 
Bonapartism, fermented in the Assembly and among the people, and prepared 
the catastrophe which every one foresaw, which re-action provoked, which the 
Republic, honest and moderate, allowed to organize, which sincere Republicans 
deplored, and which the Socialists with ever-increasing anxiety saw to be 
approaching." * 

In continuation of the description of the scene which was taking place in 
the Assembly, Vesinier says that M. Jules Favre, who had contributed so 
much to the admission of Louis Napoleon, was the first to confess his foult. 

" When I proposed," he said, " the admission of Citizen Louis Bonaparte, 
I did not know the dispositions o{' that prince in respect to the Republic. I 
demand that the letter of Louis Bonaparte be sent to the keeper of the 
seals." 

General Clement Thomas, commander of the National Guard, then took 
the tribune, and said, " I think it important that we should not leave this 
place until we have adopted all needful measures of precaution. To-morrow, 
perhaps, you may have a battle. It is necessary to declare every man a traitor 
to his country who shall take up arms in the name of a despot." 

To this strange appeal there was no response. M. Le Clerc then said, " I 
propose that the further consideration of this subject be postponed until to- 
morrow. I will answer for it that there will be no battle in the streets." The 
session was then adjourned.f 

The next day, the 16th of June, the Assembly again met under great 
excitement. Just as they were on the point of resuming the discussion of 
the previous day, the private secretary of Prince Louis Napoleon, M. Briffaut, 
entered, having arrived from London, and placed in the hands of the president 
another letter from the prince. All listened in silence as it was read. It was 
as follows : — 



* L'Histoire du Nouveau Cesar, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, Kepresentant et President, par 
P. Vesinier, p. 70. 

t " The reading of this letter in that abominable legislative Babel, the Assembly, occasioned 
a frightful commotion. An attempt was made to pass a vote of outlawry against the prince who 
thus dared to write a letter to the Assembly, and never once name the word 'republic' Thero 
is no knowing what the result might have been, had not the prince sent a letter with the utmost 
haste from London, resigning his office as representative of the people." — The Public aiid Pri- 
vote History of Napoleon III., hy Samuel M. Smucker, LL.D. 



STOEMY DEBATES AND INSURRECTIONS. 337 

"London, June 15, 1848. 

"MoN^siETJR LE PRiSsiDEjrT, — I was proud of having been elected repre- 
sentative of the people at Paris, and in three other departments. This was, 
in my eyes, an ample reparation for thirty years of exile and six yeai's of 
captivity. But the injurious suspicions which my election has excited, the 
disorders of which it has been made the pretext, and the hostility of the 
executive power, impose upon me the duty to decline an honor which is 
supposed to have been obtained by intrigue. 

"I desire the order and the permanence of a Republic, wise, grand, and 
intelligent; and since, involuntarily, I favor disorder, I now j^lace, not with- 
out extreme regret, my resignation in your hands. I hope that soon tran- 
quillity will return, and will permit me to re-enter France as the most simple 
of her citizens, but also as one of the most devoted to the repose and the 
prosperty of his country. 

" Receive, &c. " Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." 

This letter was received in silence. It was an unexpected movement; and 
the enemies of Louis Napoleon scarcely knew how to meet it. The letter 
was, however, placed in the hands of the minister of the interior, that he 
might order a new election to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of 
the prince. 

Troubles were now rapidly thickening around the Assembly. There were 
over one hundred thousand men enrolled in the national workshops, ready 
for emeutes and insurrections. There was but little work Avhich the govern- 
ment could find for them to do. They were idle, ragged, hungry, and clam- 
orous for money. Intensely angry debates arose in the Assembly. There 
were various shades of Socialists and Communists in that body ; and there 
were others who were opposed to any plan of so re-organizing society as to 
substitute in the place of individual labor large establishments created and 
sustained by the government. We have not space here to give the animated 
debate. The workmen in these national workshops, who were receiving but 
the miserable pittance of a franc and a quarter (twenty-five cents) a day, lis- 
tened anxiously to the debate, and sent in their petitions and remonstrances.* 

There was no harmony of counsel. Everywhere there was confusion and 
dispute. The Executive Commission, divided in opinion, and unwilling to 
assume the responsibility of any unpopular acts in face of the menaces of 
the mob, threw all the weight of affairs upon the Assembly. Laraartine, 
whose poetic genius absorbed his practical wisdom, continued with the best 
intentions to flatter all parties, to lavish promises which he was unable to 
keep, and to announce every day new measures which he did not venture to 
present to the Assembly, knowing that they would be rejected. The govern- 
ment had also enrolled almost the whole population in the National Guard ; 
and the officers of this formidable military body were generally the promi- 
nent men in the workshops.f 

* P. Vesinier, vol. iii. p. 96. 

t L'Histoire de Napoleon III., par MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 158. 
43 



338 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

On the 20th of June, a committee, of which M. Leon Faucher was chair- 
man, rep(.' rtecl to the Assembly that there were one hundred and twenty- 
thousand workmen who were then paid daily in the national workshops, 
and that fifty thousand more were demanding to be admitted. Victor Hugo 
the novelist took the tribune, and said, — 

"The national workshops were necessary when they were first established; 
Init it is now high time to remedy an evil of which the least inconvenience 
is to squander uselessly the resources of the Republic. What have they 
produced in the course of four montlis ? Nothing. They have deprived the 
hardy sons of toil of employment, given them a distaste for labor, and 
demoralized them to such a degree, that they are no longer ashamed to beg 
on the streets. The monarchy has its idlers ; the republic has its vagabonds. 
God forbid that the enemies of the country should succeed in converting the 
Parisian workmen, formerly so virtuous, into lazzaroni or pretorians ! " * 

At length, it was tremblingly decreed that the workshops should be closed. 
All the young men in them between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five 
were to be enrolled in the army. All the other workmen who had flocked 
into Paris from the country were to be sent back to their districts with their 
wives and their children — by force if they would not go voluntarily. Some 
of these were to be employed in draining marshes and in cultivating wild 
lands. Those who were too j'^oung or too feeble to become soldiers, or to 
work in the marshes, were to receive in their own parishes a pittance of 
charity.f 

The announcement of this decree created terrible excitement in the streets 
of Paris. The whole city was in commotion ; and, as usual, preparations 
were made for a gigantic demonstration^ which would, perhaps, overawe the 
Assembly, and force a retraction ; or which might overthrow the government, 
and introduce a new regime which would reconstruct the whole of France 
upon the socialistic system of labor. 

Daniel Stern, in his graphic "Ilistoire de la Revolution de 1848," gives the 
following account of an interview of a delegation of workmen, led by 
M. Pujol, with M. Marie, a member of the Executive Commission : — 

" Citizen," said Pujol to M. Marie, " before the revolution of February" — 
"Pardon," interrupted M. Marie, "you begin very far back. Remember that 
I have no time to lose." 

"Your time is not yours, citizen," said Pujol: "it belongs to the people of 
whom you are a representative." 

"Citizen Pujol," said M. Marie with a threatening gesture, "we have 
known you for a long time. We have our eye upon you. This is not the 
first time that we have met. You parleyed with me on the 15th of May, 
after having, among the fii'st, broken down the railing of the Assembly." 

"Be it so," snid Pujol; "but know, that, on the day in which I devoted 
myself to the liberties of the people, I resolved never to recoil before any 
menace. You threaten me uselessly." 

M. Marie, then turning to one of the delegates who accompanied Pujol, 
said to him, — 

* Monitcur, June 21, 1848. t P- Ve'sinier, vol. iii. p. 102. 



STORMY DEBATES AND INSURRECTIOXS. 339 

"I cannot recognize as an organ of tlie people a man who has taken part 
in the insurrection of the 15th of May. You may speak. Unfold your 
griefs. I will listen to you." 

"No one shall speak here until I have spoken," Pujol added, extending 
his arm between M. Marie and the delegates. 

"No, no! " his companions exclaimed, assenting. 

"Are you, then, the slaves of this man ?" inquired M. Marie with indig- 
nation. 

A prolonged murmur was the reponse to these words; and Pujol ex- 
claimed, " You insult the delegates of the people." 

"Do you know," said M. Marie to him, seizing him by the arm, " that 
you speak to a member of the Executive Commission ? " 

" I know it," replied Pujol, disengaging his arm. " But I also know that 
you owe me respect; for, if you are a member of the Executive Commission, 
I am myself a delegate of the people." 

At that moment, several officers who were in the adjoining hall, hearing 
the noise, entered, and in silence surrounded the delegates. 

" Since you will not hear me," said Pujol to M. Marie as the officers 
entered, " we will retire." 

" Since you are here, speak," said M. Marie. 

" Citizen representative," replied Pujol with much assurance, " before 
the revolution of February, the people were in subjection to the deadly 
influence of capital. To rescue themselves from servitude to their masters, 
they erected barricades, and did not lay aside their arms until after they 
had proclaimed the Republic, democratic and social, which ought forever to 
rescue them from servitude. To-day, these workmen perceive that they 
have been shamefully deceived. We wish to say to you that they are 
ready to make every sacrifice, even that of life, to maintain their liberties." 

"I understand you," said M. Marie. "Very well, listen: if the workmen 
refuse to leave Paris for the provinces, we will compel them by force ; by 
force, — do you understand ? " 

" JOy force,^^ replied Pujol. " Very well : now we know that which we 
wished to know." 

" Ah!" responded Marie, " and what did you wish to know? " 

" That the Executive Commission," said Pujol, " has never sincerely 
desired the organization of labor. Adieu, citizen." 

After his interview with M. Marie, Citizen Pujol, followed by the other 
delegates, descended to the street, where several thousand workmen were 
awaiting his return. Surrounded by the anxious crowd, he repaired to the 
Place St. Sulpice ; and, mounting upon the fountain, he recounted to them 
very precisely his interview with M. Marie. His companions verified the 
accuracy of his statement. The narrative excited the greatest indignation. 
The threat to employ force to drive the workmen out of Paris roused mur- 
murs deep and defiant. Pujol dismissed the throng, requesting them to 
meet him at six o'clock in the evening at the Place du Pantheon. 

At six o'clock in the evening of Thursday, June 22, seven or eight 
thousand men were assembled at the Pantheon. Pujol soon made his 
appearance, as usual, in a workman's blouse, and thus addressed them: — 



340 LIFE OF NAPOLEON LLC. 

" Citizens, you are about to give to France an example of your putriotisna 
and of your courage. Let us unite ; and let the cry ring in the ears of our 
persecutors, ' Work and Bread ! ' If they are deaf to the voice of the people, 
woe to them ! Forward ! " 

The workmen, as by instinct, formed themselves into a column. Pujol led 
them. They followed him in long procession down the Rue St. Jacques, 
crossed the Seine, their numbers rapidly increasing as they advanced, and, 
after traversing several streets, returned at eight o'clock to the Pantheon. 
The crowd was now great, and many women had joined it. Pujol dismissed 
them for the night with the following words : — 

"My friends, I declare in the name of true Republicans that you have 
merited well of your country. You have in 1830 and in 1848 shed your 
blood to conquer your rights. You know how to make your rights respected. 
But to-day you are betrayed. Treason must be extinguished in the blood of 
our enemies. It shall be so extinguished, I swear to you. Meet here again 
to-morrow, at six o'clock in the morning." * 

The crowd then silently dispersed. Early the next morning, about eight 
thousand men were re-assembled upon the Place of the Pantheon, impatiently 
awaiting the coming of Pujol. He soon appeared, and, after contemplating 
for a time the agitated mass, made a sign that he wished to speak. All 
listened. 

"Citizens, you have been faithful to my call. I thank you. You are to-day 
the men of yesterday. Follow me." 

The immense mass, under skilful guidance, immediately organized itself 
in simple military order in obedience to their sagacious chieftain. They 
marched with unfurled banners along the streets, increasing in numbers as 
they moved, until they reached the Place of the Bastille. There they sur- 
rounded the magnificent column of July. Pujol mounted the pedestal. 
" Heads uncovered ! " he cried. Every hat was removed. 

" Citizens," he added, "you are upon the tomb of the first martyrs of liberty. 
Fall upon your knees!" All obeyed, and silence as of the sepulchre reigned. 
For a moment, Pujol surveyed the vast expanse of bowed heads before him; 
and then turning his eyes to the base of the column, and addressing the dead 
whose bones were mouldering there, he exclaimed in solemn tones, which 
penetrated every ear and moved every heart, — 

"Heroes of the Bastille! the heroes of the barricades have come to pros- 
trate themselves at the foot of the column erected to your immortality. Like 
you, they have made a revolution at the price of their blood ; but their blood 
has been fruitless. The revolution is to recommence. 

" Friends, he continued," turning his eyes to the kneeling multitude, " our 
cause is that of our fathers. They bore inscribed upon their banners these 
words, — ' Liberty, or Death.' Friends, repeat it, ' Liberty, or Death.' " 

Every voice uttered the spirited words with intensity which seemed to be 
inspired by the deepest emotion. A young girl stepped forward, and pre- 
sented him w th a bouquet. He attached it to the staff of a flag. Then the 

* L'Hi ■•toire de la Ke'volution de 1848, par Daniel Stern. 



STOGMY DEBATES AND INSUKKECTIONS. 341 

dictator, v'lose commands were so implicitly obeyed, ordered the march to 
be resumed. He was dressed in a workman's blouse, and again took the 
lead. The immense procession followed in solid column, — not a drunken, 
riotous band, but a vast gathering of fathers and mothers, sons and daughters, 
who were without work and without bread, who saw starvation staring them 
in the face, and who had been deluded into the belief that it was the duty of 
the government to provide them with employment and support. Silently 
and solemnly the multitude moved on. Leaders all in blouses, and whoso 
authority was implicitly recognized by the multitude, guided every move- 
ment. The column reached the Boulevard at the height of the Rue St. 
Denis. Here there was a halt. The order was then given, "Aux; Armos! 
aux Barricades ! " All were immediately at work. Skilful military engineers 
traced out the lines of the barricades. There was no hurry ; there was 
apparently no fear of interruption. Every thing Avas conducted with order 
and precision. The commanders of the divisions in the national workshops 
had many of them been generals in the army. Nearly all the workmen had 
been well-drilled soldiers. Thus it was not a brainless mob which was 
now sweeping the streets, but a disciplined army preparing for a revolution. 
The officers were distinguished by a band of gold lace upon their cajDS. 
They all wore blouses. A handkerchief tied around the waist served for a 
girdle. 

Barricades rose like magic. The tricolor flag floated over them. Some 
bore the device, "Labor, or Death." Arms and ammunition were brought in 
great quantities. These barricades were constructed in various parts of the 
city, on both sides of the river ; and were scientifically connected, so as to 
afibrd mutual support. Alison says, — 

"The number of barricades had risen to the enormous and almost incredi- 
ble figure of three thousand eight hundred and eighty-eight, nearly all of 
which were stoutly defended. The great strongholds of the insurgents were 
in the Clos St. Lazaire and the Faubourg St. Antoine ; each of which was 
defended by gigantic barricades constructed of stones, having all the solidity 
of regular fortifications, and held by the most determined and fanatical 
bands." 

Nearly the whole population, men, women, and children, seemed to be 
employed upon these barricades, which spread over about one-half of the city. 
The government was apparently paralyzed. It knew not what to do. It had 
no armed force upon which it could i-ely. General Cavaignac, then minister 
at war, had but about twenty thousand men at his disposal, two thousand of 
whom were cavalry. The generale was beat in tlie streets ; but the National 
Guard very feebly responded to the call. Many of the Guard, as well as 
many members of the Guard Mobile, were seen in the ranks of the insurgents. 
Cavaignac sent telegraphic despatches to all the garrisons which were within 
a few days' march of the scene of action, to forward their troops as rapidly as 
possible to Paris. He waited patiently for their arrival, knowing well, that in 
a conflict with the insurgents in the narrow streets of the metropolis, where 
every house was a stone fortress, from whose windows even the women and 
the children could take delib 'rate aim, the small force he had at his command 



2)42 - LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

would be speedily inndulated. Perhaps he acted wisely. But he has been 
severely condemn fid for allowing the insurrection to grow to such mammoth 
proportions before he assailed it with his concentrated army, and swept it 
away with a deluge of blood. Lamartine sustained the policy of Cavaignac. 
Addressing the other members of the Provisional Government, he said, — 

" Do not deceive yourselves. We do not advance to a conflict with an 
emeute, but to a pitched battle with a confederacy of great factions. If the 
Republic is to be saved, it must have arms in its hands during the first years 
of its existence ; and its forces should be disposed, not only here, but over 
the whole surface of the empire, in preparation for great wars, not only in 
the quarters of Paris, but in the provinces, as in the days of Coesar and 
Pompey." * 

The hours rolled on. The insurgents were busy and uninterrupted. Ca- 
vaignac was gathering in his hands the thunderbolts with which he was to 
demolish them. As the troops came in on the 23d, he rapidly organized them 
as for a regular campaign. The army was divided into four columns, under 
Generals Lamoriciere, Duvivier, Damesne, and Bedeau. The insurgents were 
also mainly concentrated at four commanding points, and were guided in all 
their plans for attack and defence by men of experience and skilLf 

The battle, or rather campaign, commenced on the evening of the 23d. A 
body of the National Guard attacked and took by storm the barricade at the 
Porte St. Martin. Flushed by success, they marched along the Boulevard to 
the Porte St. Denis. Here the resistance was desperate. Several women 
fought upon the barrier, and fell pierced by balls. The insurgents were, 
however, overpowered, and the post was taken ; but the insurgents rallied, 

* Lamartine, vol. ii. p. 473. 

The views of the Socialists in regard to this conflict are presented as follows by P. Ve'si- 
nier : " We will not here recount all the horrors of that sublime and heroic struggle of June, 
1848, the most frightful and the most legitimate of insurrections, the most formidable and the 
most just of social wars ; which was brought on by the incapacity of the Provisional Govern- 
ment ; the hostility and the arbitrariness of the Executive Commission ; inflamed by all the par- 
ties; provoked by the violent measures of M. Trelat, minister of public works; by the imprudent 
and menacing responses of M. Marie ; by the proposition of M. Fallaux, threatening the imme- 
diate dissolution of the national workshops, — no, we will not describe that strife which was 
accepted in the last extremity by the populace, reduced to despair through the prospect of dying 
by famine, and which was taken advantage of by those who wished to attain to power by wading 
through the blood of the people, over piles of the dead, and through the smoking ruins of tliB 
Republic." — Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, Representant ei Pr(fsident, par P. Vesinier, p. 115. 

f- "Civilians — of whom the great body of the Assembly was composed — could not be 
bro-Jght to understand why the insurrection had been allowed to acquire such a head before it 
was seriously attacked ; and indignantly asked where were the twenty thousand reg'ilar troops 
at his (Cavaignac's) disposal, when the half of Paris was occupied by the insurgents, and barri- 
cades in every direction were erected on the evening of the 23d of June. His assailants went 
80 far as to reproach him with being actuated with ambitious motives on that occasion, and 
involving the capital in bloodshed and massacre in order to secure the conferring of dictatorial 
power upon himself." — AJ ion, vol. viii. p. 359. 

Such a charge merited the indignant reply of the old soldier, " Speak out boldly ; for the gen- 
eral is before you. If you wish to denounce him as a mere ambitious villain, a traitor who hixs 
cut 9 path to the dictatorship for himself across blood and ruins, speak now. Let there be no 
falif lelicacy, no equivocation. It is not my ability which is at issue, but my honor." — Idem. 



STORMY DEBATES AND INSURRECTIONS. 343 

and before midniglit, figliting with reckless ferocity, recaptured both of the 
barriers. Affairs now looked very gloomy. On the morning of Saturday, the 
24th, the Assembly met. From all quarters, tidings were brought to them of 
the vast number of the insurgents, of their determination, and of the strength 
of their positions. It was well known that they had their partisans in the 
Assembly. 

Vesinier, the ardent advocate of a republic founded on socialistic principles, 
and who Avrites in cordial sympathy with the insurgents, says, " The provo- 
cation and the cruelty came from the men in power; from those upon whom 
their official position, their mission, their intelligence, their character, and 
their education, imposed the greatest caution and the most circumspect mod- 
eration. The torrents of blood which flowed in the fratricidal strife of June, 
1848, must fall upon the heads of these jDrovocators. Impartial history should 
stamp upon the brows of these men an indelible stigma of reprobation and 
inftimy. Let posterity execrate their memory from generation to generation, 
and pursue them with the boding cry, 'Cains, what have you done with your 
brothers?'"* The Executive Commission^ powerless and in consternation, 
resigned ; and the Assembly, as its only resource in the emergency, ap- 
pointed General Cavaignac dictator, investing him with uncontrolled author- 

ity-t 

The most vigorous measures were promptly adopted by this energetic 
military chief His headquarters were at the Hotel de Ville. The insurgents 
were then preparing to attack that stronghold. All the streets leading to it 
swarmed with armed men. Barricades were erected across the narrow thor- 
oughfares to prevent the advance of cavalry, from behind which streamed a 
deadly fire of musketry. The windows of the houses were filled with tirail- 
leurs. The battle was long, desperate, bloody. Hour after hour it raged, and 
:he gutters ran red with blood. The insurgents were, however, slowly 
.•epelled. As they lost one barricade, they fell back to another. The fire 
\Yom the windows upon the troops was incessant and deadly. Cavaignac 
brought up mortars, and threw bombs over the barricades and into the houses. 
Many buildings were set on fire; and still they fought, brother against 
brother, amidst flame and smoke and blood and death. Each party believed 
that it was contending for the right. Alas for man ! Though the troops 
gradually gained upon their foes, there were no decisive results. 

In tlie mean time, another fearful strife was raging upon the left bank of the 

* P. Vesinier, torn! iii. p. 111. 

t " The inefficiency of the Executive Commission, and the distrust they had inspired in the 
National Guard, having become painfully conspicuous, a motion was made, at noon on the 24th, 
to oDufer absolute power on a dictator ; and General Cavaignac was suggested, and approved 
almost unanimously. Some hesitation having been expressed as to the mode of doing this, and 
the authority to be conferred, M. Bastide cut the discussion short with these words : ' If you 
hesitate, in an hour the Hotel de Ville may be taken.' The appointment was immediately 
passed by acclamation ; and such was the confidence which it inspired, that, in two hours after 
it was known, twenty thousand additional men appeared in the ranks of the National Guard. 
The Executive Commission, fir.ding themselves thus superseded, resigned their appointments ; 
and absolute, uncontrolled autl rity was vested in the dictator." — Alison's History of Europe, 
vol. viii. p. 347. 



344 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

Seine, n3ar the Jardin dis Plantes. General Lamoriciere was also engaged, 
at the distLnce of a mile or more from that spot, in the Rue St. Maur. The 
insurgents had here a bairicade of such magnitude, and so defended by musket- 
eers in and upon the houses, that for a long time it repelled all the attacks 
which could be brought against it. A piece of artillery was brought up : in 
a few minutes, every man who attempted to work the gun was shot down by 
the fire from the windows. Another gun was advanced, and with the same 
result. Bombs were then thrown in great numbers; and, while they were 
exploding, a charge was made, and the barricade was carried with fearful car- 
nage. The exasperation was now so great, that there was no mercy shown on 
either side. One shudders in reading the account of the inhumanities which 
were perpetrated, and shrinks from recording them. 

But this desperate valor, this carnage and misery, all seemed to avail nothing 
on either side. The loss was about equal, the success balanced : the result 
remained uncertain. A large body of tlie insurgents had taken possession of 
the Pantheon and its surroundings. This majestic edifice furnished a fortress 
from which resolute and well-armed men could not easily be driven. General 
.Damesne pushed forward his heavy guns, and, after an hour's vigorous bom- 
oardment, battered a breach through its massive walls. As the troops i-ushed 
in, the insurgents fled, and rallied again behind a barricade in the Rue Clovis. 
All efforts to drive them from this position failed. Thus ended this sanguinary 
day. The insurgents often regained one hour what they had lost in the pre- 
ceding. 

One barricade in the Rue Rochechourt was twelve feet high, built of so id 
masonry, and flanked by another of nearly equal elevation at the corner of the 
Rue Faubourg Poissoniere. To General Lamoriciere was assigned the task of 
carrying this barrier. The battle raged here fearfully. Late in the evening, 
when the ground was covered with the slain, the insurgents sullenly retired 
from the barricade, which had then been breached by heavy guns ; and they 
left the post in the hands of their assailants. 

The night was terrible. Consternation, misery, and death held high carni- 
val in the wretched metropolis. The opposing troops, not venturing to aban- 
don the posts which they held, hungry, thirsty, and overpowered with fatigue, 
sank down to sleep, facing and almost touching each other. The wounded 
were borne away to places of refuge. The dead were hurried to their burial. 
Active preparations were made on both sides for the resumption of the conflict 
on the morrow. 

Early in the morning of Sunday the 25th, the battle was commenced anew 
at all points with accumulated ferocity and horror. General Brea, at the bar- 
rier of Fontainebleau, humanely hoping to stop the efilision of blood, decided 
to send a flag of truce to the insurgents, to persuade them, if possible, to come 
to some accommodation. Aware of the ferocity which the conflict had assumed, 
he magnanimously went with the flag himself, accompanied by Capt. Mauguin, 
his aide-de-camp. As soon as they were received within the lines of the insui'- 
gents, they were seized, and threatened with instant death unless General Brea 
would send a written order to his troops to surrender their arms and ammuni- 
tion. He refused. After being overwhelmed with insults, he was shot down, 



STOEMY DEBATES AND INSUEEECTIONS. 345 

and left for dead. His aide was also put to death; and his body was ho Bhock- 
ingly mutilated, that the human form could scarcely be recognized. 

After waiting some time for the return of the general, Colonel Thomas, who 
was the second in command, ascertained his fate. The soldiers, infuriated by this 
treachery, made a charge which nothing could resist. At the point of the bay- 
onet, they carried seven successive barricades. General Brea was found still 
breathing, though both arms and both legs had been cut off. Life was soon 
extinct. He was one of the noblest and most genial of men ; as gentle and 
humane as he was energetic and brave. The officiating priest at Jiis funeral 
said in truthful eulogy, — 

"The character of General Biea was less that of a military chief than of a 
Christian. The warrior was forgotten in the gentleness of his disposition, the 
warmth of his heart, the sincerity of his love, the glow of his charity."* 

Neither soldiei's nor insurgents now, with a few exceptional cases, showed 
any mercy to each other. War has never witnessed more appalling deeds of 
cruelty. The frightful narrative would fill a volume. All the day, the battle 
raged with no abatement. On the whole, the advantage was with the regular 
troops : still, the insui-gents remained in immense strength in the Faubourg 
St. Antoine. Their position here was strongly intrenched. The salvation of 
the government depended upon wresting this stronghold from their grasp. 
With much military skill, the insurgents had closed every entrance to their 
extensive fortress by barricades of enormous height and thickness, and so con- 
structed as to be proof against any bombardment except that of the heaviest 
sicge-iu tillery. Armed men were also stationed at all the windows of the stone 
houses which lined the streets, ready to throwtheir bullets with deliberate aim, 
and like the fill of hail, upon any foe who should appear. 

Two columns marched from the Hotel de Ville upon tlie perilous enterprise. 
One followed along the quays on the banks of the river; while the other moved 
directly, by the Rue St. Antoine, on the Place of the Bastille. As soon as the 
heads of these cokmins came within reach of the balls and bullets of the insur- 
gents, they encountered the most desperate resistance. The party advancing 
by the Rue St. Antoine brought up artillery, and played at point-blank range 
upon the first barricade. The fire from the windows was so accurate and deadly, 
that twice every man at the guns was shot down. The bombardment of two 
hours produced no perceptible effect upon the rampart. It was then carried 
by a charge. Three other barricades were thus successively taken, though 
with great loss on both sides. The fifth barricade was of solid masonry con- 
structed of square blocks of stone. It was surmounted with embrasures like a 
regular fortification. For two hours, it resisted bombardment and charges. 
The pavements were covered with the slain. At length, the barricade was 
carried by the impetuous valor of the troops. The other column, advancing by 
the quays, encountered even more stubborn resistance; and the path along 
whi >-h they forced their way was strewed with a still more dreadful carnage. 
The troops had at length effected a junction at the Place of the Bastille, where 
thej prepared for a united attack upon the Faubourg St. Antoine. It was now 

* Jk'oniteur, June 26, 1848. 
44 



B16 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

evening. The following interesting incident we give from the graphic pen of 
Alison : — 

"Ere the attack commencecl, a sublime instance of Christian heroism and 
devotion occurred, which shines forth like a heavenly glory in the midst of 
these terrible scenes of carnage. Monseigneur AfFre, Archbishop of Paris, hor- 
ror-struck with the slaughter which for three days had been going on without 
intermission, resolved to effect a reconciliation between the contending parties, 
or perish in the attempt. Having obtained leave from General Cavaignac to 
repair to the headquarters of the insurgents, he set out, dressed in his pontifi- 
cal robes, having the cross in his hand, accompanied by two vicars (also in full 
canonicals) and three intrepid members of the Assembly. Deeply affected by 
this courageous act, which they well knew was almost certain death, the people, 
as he walked through the streets, fell on their knees, and besought him to 
desist; but he persisted, saying, 'It is my duty. A good shepherd gives his 
life for the sheep.' 

"At seven in the evening, he arrived in the Place of the Bastille, where the 
fire was extremely warm on both sides. It ceased on either side at the 
august spectacle ; and the archbishop, bearing the cross aloft, advanced with 
his two vicai-s to the foot of the barricade. A single attendant, bearing aloft 
a green branch, the emblem of peace, preceded the prelate. The soldiers, 
seeing him come so close to those who had so often slain the bearers of flags 
of truce, approached, in order to be able to give succor in case of need. 
The insurgents, on their side, descended the barricade ; and the redoubtable 
combatants stood close to each other, exchanging looks of defiance. 

"Suddenly, at this moment, a shot was heard. Instantly the ciy arose, 
'Treason, treason ! ' and the combatants, retreating on either side, began to 
exchange shots with as much fury as ever. Undismayed by the storm of 
balls which immediately flew over his head from both quarters, the j^relate 
advanced slowly, attended by his vicars, to the summit of the barricade. 
One of them had his hat pierced by three balls when ascending; but the 
archbishop himself, almost by a miracle, escaped while on the top. He had 
descended three steps on the other side, when he was pierced through the 
loins by a shot from a window. The insurgents, horror-struck, approached 
him when he fell ; stanched the wound, which at once was seen to be mortal ; 
and carried him to the neighboring hospital of Quatre Vingts. When told 
that he had only a few moments to live, he said, 'God be praised ; and may 
he accept ray life as an expiation for my omissions during my episcopacy, 
and as an offering for the salvation of this misguided people ! ' and with 
these words he expired."* 

The insurgents now sent proposals to General Cavaignac, that they would 
capitulate on condition of an absolute and unqualified amnesty. The 
dictator demanded unconditional surrender. This was refused. Night 
brought a cessation of the conflict, and enabled both parties to gather all 
their strength for the rencAval of tlie strife on the morrow. At daybreak on 
Morday morning, the 26th, every man was at his post with unabated deter- 

* Alison, vol. viii. p. 350. 



STOKMY DEBATES AND IXSUERECTIONS, 347 

minatioii ; and the tempest of war again burst forth with all its horrors. 
Ere long, the insurgents, to their great alarm, heard a loud cannonade in 
their rear, which every moment drew nearer. General Lamoriciere had 
forced his vay through the Faubourg du Temple, and was advancing resist- 
lessly upon his foes from an unexpected and upon an unprotected quarter. 
General Cavaignac poured in upon the foe an immense shower of bombs; 
and soon the flames of a wasting conflagration burst forth. The horrors of 
war had now reached their culminating point. In the midst of the smoke 
and the flame, the roar of artillery, the rattle of musketry, the bursting of 
shells, while the dying and the dead strewed the streets, the troops, with 
loud outcries, in three columns rushed upon their foes, now driven into a 
narrow space. The advance was made along the Rue St. Antoine, the Ruu 
de Charenton, and the Rue de la Roquette. There was one loud, long wail, 
amidst convulsive struggles, and the insurrection was silent and motionless 
in death. 

It is impossible to ascertain with accuracy the loss on either side. In the 
numbers engaged, the parties were not very unequally divided, as it is esti- 
mated that there were between forty and fifty thousand arrayed beneath 
each of the hostile banners.* The fight lasted four days. Nearly four 
Ihousaud barricades were stormed. Ten thousand bodies of the slain were 
recognized and buried. It is estimated that nearly as many more were 
thrown by the insurgents into the Seine. At the close of the conflict, 
nearly fifteen thousand prisoners were taken, who were crowded almost to 
suffocation in all the places of confinement in Paris. Three thousand of 
these unhappy creatures, the victims of misfortune and delusion rather than 
of intentional crime, died of jail-fever. The government was greatly per. 
plexed what to do with the vast multitude who encumbered their hands.j 

"The Assembly divided the prisoners into two classes. For the first, 
who were most guilty, dejDortation to Cayenne or one of the other colonies 
was at once adjudged. The second were condemned to transiwrtution ; 
which with them meant detention in the hulks, or in some maritime fortress 
of the Republic. Great numbers were sent to Belle-Isle and to the gloomy 
dungeons of St. Michael on the coast of Normandy. This terrible strife cost 
France more lives than any of the battles of the empire. The number of 
generals who perished in it, or from the wounds which they had received, 
exceeded even those cut off at Borodino or Waterloo." % 

We have no heart to describe the ferocity, the fiend-like cruelty, exhibited 
by both parties in the exasperation of this bloody, fratricidal strife. The 

* Alison, vol. viii. p. 350. 

t " This was not an ordinary €meute. The uniformity of the attack, the rapid development 
which it assumed, every thing, proved it. It was a veritable battle which the Radical Republic 
(la re'puhliqui extreme) waged against the Conservative Republic {la re'puhlique moder^c) : in fino, 
the Assembly was successively informed that the insurrection numbered forty tliousand men ; 
that they hrd munitions, chiefs, generals, and a plan, which, in its strategic aspects, was want- 
ing neither :a boldness nor sagacity." — Hisloire politique et populaire du Prince Louis Napoleon, 
par iSmile Karco de Saint- Hilaire, 

t Alisoc 3 History of Europe, vol. viii. p. 351. 



MS LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL ^ 

revolting narrative would but shock the sensibilities of our readers. But, 
in those awful hours, some pleasing incidents occurred which are worthy of 
record. 

The Marquis de la Forte, a man of majestic stature, was serving as a private 
in the National Guard. By his side stood a short, slender, fragile boy, a 
member of the Garde Mobile. They were in front of a barricade, waiting 
the order to take it by storm. The boy had already attracted much attention 
by his heroism. A red flag floated defiantly from the top of the barricade. 

" Great National Guard," said the little fellow, " shall we two take that 
flag ? " — " With all my heart," replied the marquis ; and they set out together, 
on the full run, to climb the barricade. They had clambered up about oi'e- 
;hird of the pile, when the boy fell, pierced by a bullet through the leg. 

" Ahs! " he exclaimed, "great National Guard, I shall have no hand in the 
taking of that flag." 

" But you shall, though, little Garde Mobile," replied the generous marquis. 
With these words, he caught up the boy under his left arm, and making his 
way with his sword in his right, amidst a storm of bullets, got so near the 
summit of the barricade, that the boy was able to grasp the flag, which he 
did, and waved it triumphantly over his head. They then descended, the 
marquis still carrying the wounded boy ; and they reached their comrades in 
safety.* 

As, while this insurrection was raging in the streets of Paris, there was a 
bloody revolt at Marseilles inspired by the same cause, and great agitation at 
Rouen and Bordeaux, the National Assembly unanimously voted the con- 
tinuance of the dictatorship to General Cavaignac, and prolonged the state 
of siege in the metropolis. 

The concourse of troops was so immense, that it was said that so many 
troops had not appeared in the capital since it was invaded by the allied 
armies in 1815. " Suj^ported by this force," says Alison, " the reality of 
military government — the only one practicable in the circumstances — was 
soon brought home to the inhabitants. The dictatorship was formally be- 
stowed on General Cavaignac, with the title of President of the Council, 
and the power to nominate his ministers.f The powers of the dictator were 
to last until a permanent president was elected either by the Assembly or 
by the direct voice of the citizens." J 

A committee was appointed on the 28th of June to investigate the causes 
of the insurrection, and to report respecting the parties who were implicated. 
It seemed to be j^roved that it was an eflbrt made by the Socialist leaders to 
get the control of the Republic. M. Proudhon could not deny that he was 

* Lord Normandy : A Year of Revolution, vol. ii. p. 66. 

t " The despotism of the dictator was an escape to France from the still more rigorous and 
0])pressive government with which they were threatened from the Socialists : for their principles 
were, that property was the first and greatest of public robberies ; and that ' the only state of 
society in which universal liberty was practicable was that of labor and families in common, 
with the governmen ■ for the sole director over all.' " — Alison, viii. 352, quoting from Proud/ion't 
Confessions d'lin Revo '.tionnaire. 

I Alison, vol. viii -». 351. 



STOEMY DEBATES AND INSUERECTIONS. 349 

seen boliind the barricades, though he excused himself by saying that he was 
there "to admire the sublime horror of the cannonade." Louis Blanc and 
Caussidiere fled to London to avoid prosecution * 

The Assembly, under the protection of the dictatorship of General Cavai- 
gnac, engaged vigorously in forming a constitution. They voted, by a majority 
of five hundred and twenty-nine to one hundred and forty, that Cavaignac 
should continue to wield the dictatorial power until the discussions were ter- 
minated and the constitution was adopted. The discussion commenced on the 
2d of July, and continued until the 23d of October. 

Notwithstanding Louis Napoleon had declined his election to the Assembly 
by four departments, he was again chosen by the Department of Corsica. He 
accordingly again sent a letter of resignation to the Assembly, dated London, 
July 8, 1848. In this letter, he says, — 

" Without renouncing the hope of one day becoming the representative of 
my country, I think it my duty to postpone my return to its bosom until the 
moment when my entrance into France cannot in any way serve as a pretext 
to the enemies of the Republic. I wish my disinterestedness to prove the sin- 
cerity of my patriotism, and that those who accuse me of ambition may be 
convinced of their error." f 

The 17th of September was the time fixed for fresh elections in those depart- 
ments which had not yet succeeded in choosing a representative. The friends 
of Louis Napoleon now urged him no longer to refuse to stand as a candidate. 
In reply to a letter from General Piat upon this subject, he wrote from London 
on the 28th of August, — 

" You ask me, general, whether, in case of my being re-elected, I would accept 
the office of representative of the people ; and I unhesitatingly reply in the 
affirmative. Now that it has been proved beyond the possibility of doubt, that 
my election in four departments, without including Corsica, was not the result 
of any intrigue, and that I was innocent of all manifestations, all political 
manoeuvres, I should believe myself wanting in my duty, did I not respond to 
the summons of my fellow-citizens. 

" My name can no longer be made the pretext for tumults and disorders. I 
long, therefore, to return to France, and take my seat beside those representa- 
tives of the people who wish to re-organize the Republic on a broad and solid 
basis. There is but one way of rendering the return of past governments 
impossible ; namely, by doing better than they did : since, as you know, general, 
to replace a thing is the only means of really destroying it." 

* "It is almost needless to add, that though active investigations were set on foot, and bitter 
debates ensued in the Assembly when all was over, no Bonapartist influence was ever traceable 
in the complicated plot. But Ledru Rollin was openly accused, and Louis Blanc only escaped 
a warrant issued for his apprehension by his flying to England." — Life of Napoleon III., 
Emperor of the French, bij Edward Roth, p. 363. 

+ Early Life -yf Louis Napoleon, London, p. 176 ; also Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, Represen- 
tative and Presid >.nt, p. 262. 




CHAPTER XXI. 



REPRESENTATIVE AND PRESIDENT. 

Ia nis Napoleon a Representative. — His Speech. — Attacks upon him. — Debate upon the Con- 
stitution. — Election by the People. — Prudence of Louis Napoleon. — Speeches in the Assem- 
bly. — Candidate for the Presidency. — His Popularity with the Masses. — Address to the 
Electors. — Triumphant Election. 

the 17th of September, 1848, new elections were held in the 
five departments, each one of which had previously chosen Louis 
Napoleon as its representative in the Assembly, but which 
office he had declined. Though he was still in London, it was 
now understood that he was wilhng to stand as a candidate. 
He was immediately re-elected in each of these departments by 
increased majorities. In Paris, he received 110,750 votes. In the Department 
of the Yonne, out of 108,077 voters, he received a majority of 42,056 votes. 
The majorities were equally triumphant in the other departments. It was 
manifest that he was now too strong for factious and arbitrary governmental 
opposition. Though the decree for his arrest still remained unrecalled, he 
arrived in Paris on the 24th, without assuming any incognito, and took lodg- 
ings in the Hotel de Rhin, on the Place Vendome.* 

At two o'clock in the afternoon of Sept. 26, Louis Napoleon, accompanied 
by his two cousins. Napoleon (son of Jerome) and Pierre (son of Lucien), 
entered the chamber of the National Assembly, and took his seat near his 
friend and former tutor, M. Vieillard, His entrance created intense excite- 

* The emotions with which the enemies of Louis Napoleon regarded this new triumph may 
be inferred from the following expressions of the Socialist, P. Vesinier : " These new successes 
which his candidature obtained in many departments were not without causing the most lively 
inquietude among the Republicans ; but, alas ! they were compelled to submit to the consequences 
of the blind and fiital prestige which the name of Napoleon exercised over the masses. They 
.illowcd themselves to be seduced by the glorious prestige of the name of Napoleon. They placed 
their hopes in the man whose name recalled to them the imperial legend which servile historians, 
lying poets, the liell-ringers of praises, have for nearly half a century made to appear in their eyes 
as a gauge of the prosperity, the happiness, and the glory of France. 

" Louis Bonaparte was for the people a brilliant unknown, having all the seductions of mys- 
tery ; an oracle, which they invoked in their distress ; a good spirit, whose aid they implored in 
their misery, ar.d from whom they expected every thing; who would lift them up from their 
abasement, in ianchise them from their social servitude, and give them immortal glory and uni- 
versal wcU-bcii u." — Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, Ptfprcscvtant tt President, par P. Vesinier, p. 273. 



EEPEESENTATIVE AND PEESIDENT. 351 

ment. His name had filled all France ; yet few had seen him. French cour- 
tesy was for a time entirely at fault, swept away by the universal agitation. 
There were whisperings along all the benches, accompanied by eager looks 
towards the spot occupied by the prince. All in the gallei-ies rose, and pressed 
forward to catch a glimpse of the illustrious stranger. The excitement and 
movement were so general as to create a noise which drowned the voice of 
M. Barthe, who was then speaking at the tribune. The president, M. Marrast, 
endeavored for some time, in vain, to restore silence. It was not until he 
announced that he was about to present the verification of the last elections 
that the Assembly came to order, and listened attentively ; for this verification 
related directly to the individual who had so greatly excited their curiosity. 

M. Clement, reporter for the Department of the Yonne, announced that 
Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, from one hundred and eight thousand and 
seventy-seven voters, had obtained a majority of forty-two thousand and fifty- 
six votes, and that the operations had been regularly conducted. After a brief 
debate, in which it was proposed that he should be provisionally admitted, his 
full and unqualified admission was voted by a large majority. Louis Napoleon 
then rose in his place to address the Assembly; but there was a general cry, 
" To the tribune ! — to the tribune ! " He was therefore constrained to leave his 
seat, and to take his stand in the tribune, upon the platform. He was of mid- 
dle size, and appeared youthful. It was observed that an expression of melan- 
choly, the result of a life of disappointment and bereavement, overspread his 
features. His manners were, however, unembarrassed ; and, in distinct and 
deliberate utterance, he read the following declaration : — 

" Citizen Representatives, — It is not permitted me to keep silence, after 
the calumnies of which I have been the object. On the occasion of my first 
taking my seat among you, I feel it to be necessary frankly to avow the real 
sentiments and feelings by which I am and always have been animated. After 
thirty-three years of proscription and exile, I at last regain both my country, 
and my rights as a citizen. The Republic has been the cause of this happiness. 
Let the Republic, therefore, receive my oath of gratitude and devotion ; and 
let the generous compatriots by whose means I am now within these walls be 
certain that I shall strive to merit their suffrages by laboring with you for the 
maintenance of tranquillity, — a country's first and greatest need, — and for 
the development of those democratic institutions which the people have a 
right to claim. 

'•' Hitherto I have only been able to dedicate to France the meditations of 
captivity and exile. Now the same career is open to me as to yourselves. 
Receive me into your ranks, ray dear colleagues, with the same feelings of 
aflfectionate confidence which I myself feel towards you. My conduct — 
always inspired by my duty, and animated with respect for the law — will 
prove, in spite of those who have endeavored by traducing me to proscribe 
me again, that no one here is more determined than I to devote himself to 
the defence of order and to the consolidation of the Republic." 

This discourse was received by some in frigid silence; others shouted in 
defiant tones, "Vive la Republique!" The friends of the prince cheered him 



352 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

warmly. It was very manifest that he was surrounded by enemies strong in 
numbers and ability, and who were ever on the alert. It was necessary for 
him to practise the greatest prudence and reserve. These qualities were 
inherent in him, and their exercise cost him but little trouble. The leaders 
of the radical Republican party, and of the Bourbon and Orleanist parties, 
all dreaded him alike ; and even the leaders of the moderate Republican 
party feared him as a rival candidate for the presidency of the Republic, 
against whom they would contend in vain. Consequently, the leaders of all 
the parties were ready to combine against him. 

Thus he was the object of constant attacks in the Assembly, and from 
hostile journals. Strong in his popularity with the masses, he seemingly paid 
no attention to these assaults. He declined taking any active part in the 
debates, absenting himself from the Assembly save when some important 
measure demanded his vote. His absence was often angrily commented 
upon. "And yet, when he did attend," it is said, "his presence, silent and 
reserved, was felt to be a weight, as it were, on the debates ; almost giving 
them a character of personality." * 

The debate upon the constitution was long, and was conducted on both 
sides by the ablest men. Upon the all-important question, whether the legis- 
lature should consist of one General Assembly, or should be composed of two 
bodies, as in England and America, the debate was very animated. Lamar- 
tine, with his usual glow of eloquence, — and, may we be pardoned for saying, 
with his usual want of practical sagacity ? — advocated one Chamber. 

"I have witnessed," said he, "the misfortunes and catastrophes which have 
befallen a nation governed by one legislature ; but I have seen the same 
under a government resting on two ; and I see no identity between the situa- 
tion of the countries in which the latter form is established and that of our 
country. The examples of Great Britain and America are not applicable. 
Has France any aristocracy like England ? The considerations which led to 
the adoption of a Senate in America are widely different from those which 
have inspired the proposal for a second Chamber in this country. The Senate 
thus represents the federal principle, which is the basis of their union, but 
which is not so of a republic one and indivisible. 

" How are the elections of the senators to be regulated ? Are they to be 
chosen on account of their fortunes, or their age ? If so elected, would they 
form an aristocracy in one sense of the word ? Would they not rather form 
the representatives of the bankers ? They would not be the chevaliers of 
the sword, but the chevaliers of the purse. Menaced on all sides, society, a? 
at present, will for a long time be under the necessity of recurring to the pro- 
tection of a dictator. In such a case, who is to elect him ? Is the choice to 
be confided to the two Assemblies, almost certain, in that event, to be at vari- 
ance with each other ? or is it to be intrusted to the one, to the exclusion of 
the other ? " 

"The project," said Odillon Barrot in rejoinder, " of establishing a single 
Chamber, is <ne of the most insane, and fatal to democracy itself, which can 

* Life of Napoleon III., by Edward Both, p. 367, 



REPllESENTATIVE AND PRESIDENT. 353 

enter into a human head. What is the cause of the universal uneasiness and 
perturbation which prevail, and tlie general feeling in favor of a dictatorship? 
It rests upon the opinion so often proved by experience, now generally admit- 
ted, that a democracy cannot regulate itself. All democracies have begun by 
establishing one single legislative power ; but experience soon taught them 
that a balance was indispensable, and that a power responsible to none must 
soon fall from its very weight if uncontrolled. Thei-e is but one force in 
France, — the democratic force. But does it follow from that circumstance 
that that single force is to be altogether uncontrolled ? Can democracy not 
be tempered by democracy? and can we not discover in republican institutions 
such a controlling power? During eighteen years, I have labored in vain to 
consolidate this constitutional system under the monarchy ; but all those 
efforts were rendered nugatory the moment Louis Philippe resolved to liber- 
ate himself from control, and to establish on the throne a system abhorred 
by the country. What I failed to do to the monarchy, I now could wish to 
render to the Republic. Pretenders are not to be feared. Democracy has no 
enemy to fear but itself." * 

The arguments of Lamartine prevailed. The Assembly, by a vote of five 
hundred and thirty to two hundred and eighty-nine, decided in favor of one 
Chamber. And now the question rose, how the President of the Republic 
should be chosen. There was much diversity of opinion ui)on this point. 
The two plans most earruestly debated were, whether the chief magistrate 
should be chosen by the Assembly, or by a direct appeal to the people 
through universal suffrage. Many eai-nestly advocated a choice by the As- 
sembly. " Members," as De Tocqueville said, " had come to this sudden 
change in their sentiments regarding universal suffrage, only from fear of 
seeing Louis Napoleon elected President of the Republic." f 

"What a combination of qualities," said M. Leblond, "is required in a chief 
magistrate at this time ! — dignity to sustain the reputation of France abroad; 
firmness, mingled with moderation, to restrain its passions within ; the hand 
which can at once protect liberty, and restrain its excesses; modesty and 
disinterestedness, alike proof against the seductions and mortifications of 
power. 

" Can any thing be so insane, therefore, as to intrust the choice of such a 
powerful and lasting magistrate, not to an Assembly whose members have 
been selected for their eminence, and enlightened by their experience of pub- 
lic affliiis, but to a huge body of general electors, the vast majority of whom 
must necessarily be ignorant alike of the qualities required in a president, and 
of those which distinguish the different candidates for that office ?" 

Lamartine supported a direct appeal to the people. It is pei-haps ungener- 
ously said of him, that he had so much confidence in his own popularity, that 
he had no doubt that he would be the choice of the people if the election were 
submitted to them. J 

" If you desire," said he, " a President of the Republic, he must be n,ara.ed. 

* Moniteur, Sept. 28, 1848. t Life of Napoleon III., by Edward Roth, p. 368. 

} Alison, vol. viii. p. 356. 
45 



354 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

by the Republic. Ai^pointed by the Chamber, he would be never more thim 
its delegate. Would he not, of necessity, be pledged to the majority which 
elected him ? — a majority, it may be, of only ten or twenty votes. What a 
phantom of authority would a president thus elected prove! What influence 
could he have, either in asserting externally the dignity of France, or in 
repressing within its internal fxctions? Even supposing the people, impelled 
by a general and irresistible impulse, should fix their choice upon some 
dangei-ous character, my decision would be the same. The die is cast. Let 
God and the people declare the result. We must leave something to Provi- 
dence." * 

The eloquent orator again carried his point. By a great majority, it was 
decided that the President of the Republic should be chosen by an appeal to 
universal suffrage.! 

The enemies of Louis Napoleon were very much disturbed by the vote of 
the Assembly referring the choice of the president to the people. " This 
vote," says P. Vesinier, " was a happy chance for Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. 
The numerous elections in which he had triumphed were a certain indication 
of the success which awaited him when the vote should be taken for the 
presidency of the Republic. Every sagacious and thoughtful politician fully 
comprehended that. X There still remained, however," continues Vesinier, 
" one measure to be adopted to curb the ambition of Louis Napoleon, and to 
prevent his attaining the presidency of the Republic. Citizen Anthony 
Thouret, seconded by M. de Ludre, proposed the following amendment: — 

" No member of either of the families who have ever reigned over France 
shall be competent to be elected either President or Vice-President of tho 
Republic." 

This was on the 9th of October. Louis Napoleon was present. It was 
obvious to the whole Assembly that this blow was aimed directly at him, as 
much so as if he had been named in person. With his accustomed quietude 
and deliberation, he ascended the tribune. Every eye was fixed upon bim. 
All listened, eager to catch his words. 

" Citizen representatives," said he, " I have not risen to protest against 
this proposed amendment. I have found recompense enough in recovf ring 
my lights as a citizen to prevent my now cherishing any other ambition. 
Neither am I here for the purpose of exclaiming, in my own name, against 

* Moniteur, Oct. 7, 1848. 

t " In the final division on the subject, it was carried by a majority of three hundred and 
tiinety-ono (the numbers being six hundred and two to two hundred and eleven), that the choice 
should be referred to the people. This was equivalent to electing Louis Napoleon at once to 
that high office, as it was perfectly understood that the great majority of the electors would 
choose him for president." — Alison, vol. viii. p. 357. 

t " Monsieur Lamartine on that day, by his baleful discourse, exercised a great influence 
upon the majority of the Assembly, and contributed much to the vote which has decided that 
the President of the Republic shall be chosen by the people. That which is inconceivable in the 
conduct of M. Lamartine is, that all his life he has combated Bonapartism, and has often pointed 
out its dangers."— Z.O(((s Napoleon Bonaparte, Rf-pr€sentant et President, par P. Vesinier, p. 294. 

It seems to have been universally admitted, that, if the people were allowed to choose, Louis 
Napoleon would be president. 



REPRESENTATIVE AND PRESIDENT. 355 

the title of Pretender bestowed upon me. But it is in the name of three 
hundred thousand electors, who have twice given me their suffrages, that I 
disavow the terms which are so continually applied to me." 

Short as was this speech, it was effective. The prince returned to his seat, 
greeted with much applause. His foes perceived that an attack of the 
nature contemplated would probably give him only increased distinction 
and popularity. M. Thouret satirically responded, — 

" Citizen representatives, in presence of the three short words which you 
have just heard, I comprehend the inutility of my amendment, and with- 
draw it." Still M. De Ludre urged the motion ; but it was rejected by a large 
majority. On the 11th of October, two days after this event, Louis Napoleon 
had the pleasure of witnessing the repeal of the law by which his family had 
been so long proscribed. The act was passed in the following words : — 

"The sixth clause of the law of the 10th of April, 1832, relative to the 
banishment of the Bonaparte family, is abrogated." 

There was now another very insidious attempt made to ruin the reputa- 
tion of the popular candidate, — an attack so base as to excite general sym- 
pathy in behalf of one thus wantonly and unjustly assailed. It was exten- 
sively reported that Lovxis Napoleon and his friends were exciting the 
populace to a new insurrection. The report became so general, and was so 
sustained by agitations excited in the streets, that Louis Napoleon addressed 
a private letter to M. Dufaure, minister of the interior, denying any parti- 
cipation or any sympathy in such lawless acts. At the same time, Prince 
Napoleon, son of Jerome, inserted in several of the journals, under date 
of Oct. 24, the following note : — 

" Some well-informed persons having stated to the representative, Louis 
Napoleon Bonaparte, that certain senseless individuals were laboring in the 
dark to get up an emeute in his name, with the evident intent of compromising 
him in the eyes of men of order and of sincere Republicans, Louis Napoleon 
has deemed it his duty to make M. Dufaure, minister of the interior, aware of 
these reports. He has added, that he utterly repels all participation in acts so 
utterly opposed to his political sentiments, and to the conduct which he has 
pursued since the 24th of February." 

This note gave rise to a very angry debate in the Assembly on the 25th. 
Louis Napoleon was not present. The incessant assaults which were directed 
against him led him to be frequently absent. His cousin, Prince Napoleon, 
endeavored to speak in his defence. The Opposition attempted to cry him 
down. The following is the report which was given in the journals of the 
scene which ensued. As Prince Napoleon was ascending the tribune, some 
one shouted out, — 

"It is not your business to speak! The other must speak, — Louis Bona- 
parte." Several members exclaimed, "He is absent." Others vociferated, 
" No, no ; not you : the other." 

For a quarter of an hour, Prince Napoleon struggled against these inter- 
ruptions, amidst a scene of indescribable confusion, before he could be heard. 
At last, silence being restored, he insisted that he had a right to speak, since 
he was the author of the letter upon which they were commenting ; and that 



356 LIFE or KAPOLEON III. 

the especial object of the letter was to prove that the Bonaparte family 
Lever had any thing to do, and never would have any thing to do, with riots. 

M. Clement Thomas then ascended the tribune, and assailed the absent 
member in terms which led many to suppose that he wished to provoke him 
to challenge to a duel. 

" Gentlemen," said M. Thomas, " it is a failing of mine ever to wish to sift 
things to the bottom. Perhaps this feature in ray character will make its 
appearance to-day. I must say that I am astonished, that, when a matter 
personally concerning one member of this Assembly is brought before you, 
it is another member who appears to answer for it." 

A Voice. " The other is absent." 

3f. Thomas. " This is not the first time that I notice the absence of 
representative Louis Bonaparte from this Assembly." 

(Several Members. " What is that to you ? " 

A Memher. " This is scandalous." 

M. Thomas. " It is unnecessary for me to say that I speak here in no one's 
name but my own. Neither do I speak in behalf of any party in the 
Assembly, or for the government. No one is responsible for my words : I 
alone am responsible for them. Well, I repeat, that this is not the first time 
that I remark the absence of M. Louis Bonaparte. 

"And, when I say this, I know why I say it. You cannot deny that there 
are certain members of this Assembly who are about to present themselves 
to the country as candidates for Very elevated and very important ofiices." 

Here there arose another scene of great confusion. There were loud 
interruptions. Groups gathered in the passage to the tribune. The president 
rang his bell, and called for order. At length, silence was regained ; and 
M. Thomas added, — 

"I say that several members of this Assembly are about to offer themselves 
to the people. Well, it is not by seldom attending your sittings, by abstain- 
ing from taking any part in your votes ; it is not by avoiding to say from 
whence we come, or whither we go, or what we want, — that one can pretend 
to gain the confidence of a great country like France. For my part, I dis- 
trust such tactics." 

31. Napoleon Bonaparte. " Vote against them, then." 

President Marrast. "Monsieur Napoleon Bonaparte, if you interrupt 
again, I shall call you to order." 

M. Thomas. " Since M. Napoleon Bonaparte is so ready to answer for his 
tousin, I will ask him if it is not true, that, at this very moment, agents are 
canvassing the provinces for M. Louis Bonaparte ? " 

Several Members. " Very well ; and what of that ? " 

M. Thomas. " I will ask him if it is not true, that in every department 
they are presenting him to the least enlightened portion of the population? 
And, if this be true, on what title does his cousin put forth his claims? " 

M. Isambert. " On his title of citizen." 

M. Napoleon Bonaparte. "Are we here to discuss candidates for the 
presidency ? " 

M. Thvmas. "IL Isambert tells me that every citizen has a right to 



REPRESENTATIVE AND PRESIDENT. 357 

present himself to the suffrages of his country ; but it seems to me that 
pretensions of this nature should be supported by real titles." 

M. Pierre Bonaparte. " This is impertinent, sir ! " 

M. Pietri. "Totally unbecoming! Who made you judge of titles?" 

M. Napoleon Bonaparte. " We may be proscribed ; but we must not be 
insulted." 

" M. Clement Thomas," says E. Roth, " seeing he has gone too far, leaves 
the tribune amidst unmistakable marks of universal disapprobation. Perhaps 
he wanted Louis Napoleon to send him a challenge." " One would think," 
said a general on his way home after this scene, " that M. Clement Thomas 
has sufficient confidence in his sword to rely upon it altogether for simplifying 
the presidential election." 

The next morning, Louis Napoleon repaired to the Assembly. After the 
reading of the minutes, he ascended the tribune, and said, — 

"The unpleasant incidents which occurred here yesterday relating to me 
will not allow me to remain silent. I deeply regret to be again obliged to 
speak of myself; for it is repugnant to my feelings to see personal questions 
incessantly dragged before this Assembly at a time when the most important 
interests of the country are at stake. 

" I shall not now speak of ray sentiments or of my opinions ; these I 
have already set before you ; and no one, as yet, has had reason to doubt my 
word. As to my parliamentary conduct, I will say, that, as I never permit 
myself the liberty of bringing any of my colleagues to an account for the 
course which he thinks proper to pursue, so, in like manner, I never recognize 
in him the right to call me to account for mine. This account I owe only to 
my constituents. 

" Of what am I accused ? Of accepting from the popular sentiment a 
nomination after which I have not sought. Well, I accept this nomination 
which does me so much honor. I accept it because successive elections, and 
the unanimous decree of the Assembly against the proscription of my family, 
authorize me to believe that France regards the name I bear to be servicea- 
ble for the consolidation of society. 

" Those who accuse me of ambition little know my heart. If an impera- 
tive duty did not keep me here, if the sympathy of my fellow-citizens did not 
console me for the violence of the attacks of some, and even for the impetu- 
osity of the defence of others* long since should I have regretted my exile. 

"I am reproaclied for my silence. It is desired that I should exhibit great 
talents, and make a brilliant appearance in this tribune. But it is given to 
but few persons to bring eloquent words to the support of just and salutary 
ideas. Is there only one way to serve one's country ? Tliat which the 
country needs above all things else is a government firm, intelligent, and 
wise, which is more desirous to heal the evils of society than to avenge 



* There probably never was a man more severely and unscrupulously assailed than the 
present Emperor of the French |ias been. And it is worthy of record, that his speeches and hia 
vcluminous published works may be searched in vain for an angry or discourteous word \xi 
reply. 



858 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

them. Often one can more effectually triumph by wise and prudent conduct, 
than by bayonets, over theories not founded upon experience or reason. 

" Citizen representatives, there are those vrho wish, I know, to strew my 
path with pits and snares. I shall not fall into them. I shall follow the path 
I have marked out, without allowing myself to be disquieted or irritated. I 
shall know how always to exhibit the serenity of the man who is resolved to 
do his duty. It is my only desire to merit the esteem of the National Assem- 
bly and of all good men, and the confidence of that magnanimous people 
who were treated so lightly here yesterday. 

" I therefore declare to those who wish to organize against me a system of 
provocations, that henceforth I shall not reply to any summons {interpella- 
tion) or to any species of attack. I shall not reply to those who wish to 
make me speak when I prefer to be silent. I shall remain immovable against 
all attacks, impassible towards all calumnies." * 

Several attempts were subsequently made in the tribune to goad Louis 
Napoleon to a reply. He listened, however, silently, from his seat, without 
betraying any emotion. On the 4th of November, the new constitution was 
adopted by a vote of seven hundred and thirty-nine against thirty. France 
was weary of excitement ; and the event was not greeted, either in Paris or 
in the communes of France, with any enthusiasm. The 10th of December 
was the day appointed for the election of President of the Republic. There 
were six candidates. The Socialists were split into three parties ; and these 
had severally nominated Ledru Rollin, Louis Blanc, who had fled to Eng- 
land, and Raspail, who was in the dungeons of Vincennes. The Moderates, 
as they were called, were also divided into three parties. Lamartine was at 
the head of one, General Cavaignac of another, and Louis Napoleon of the 
third. It soon, however, became evident that the great struggle would be 
between the last two. Upon this subject. Sir Archibald Alison presents the 
following observations : — 

" Meanwhile the contest for the presidency was daily becoming more vehe- 
ment between General Cavaignac and Louis Napoleon. Had it taken place 
at an earlier period, before the nation had had practical expeiieuce of the 
effects of revolutionary government, it is probable that the former might have 
been the successful candidate ; for he had many advantages in his favor, — a 
character long established for republican principles, undaunted resolution in 
the suppression of anarchy, and the actual possession of supreme, unlimited 
power, with all the patronage consequent upon its enjoyment. 

" But, at this stage of the movement, the chances had turned against him. 
His reign was inseparably connected in the minds, especially of the rural 
electors, with the prolongation of the revolutionary regime, and with its 
emeutes, its bankruptcies, and the total cessation of prosperous industry. 
What they desired was a Monarch, who might terminate all these evils, and 
restore the prosperity, which, ever since the convulsion of February, had been 
unknown in France. This monarch they hoped to find in Louis Napoleon. 

* The above s a literal translation of this important speech as given by MM. Gallix and 
Guy, and also hj M. ]Emile Marco de St. Hilaire. 



EEPEESENTATIVE AND PRESIDENT. 359 

The elder Bourbons were banished, the younger branch discredited : but 
the Napoleon dynasty remained unstained by faction, undiscredited by folly ; 
and it was under the shelter of its illustrious name that the country could 
alone hope to regain tranquillity. Beyond all doubt, the great majority of the 
rural electors thought, that, in voting for Louis Napoleon, they Avere closing 
the republican regime, and, in effect, enthroning an emperor." * 

Both of the candidates issued addresses to the electors in avowal of their 
political opinions. The address of General Cavaignac was excellent, though 
it did not contain much calling for special notice. He earnestly advocated 
the maintenance of political and social order, and avowed his foith in univer- 
sal suffrage. "Universal suffrage," said he, "is in itself the entire revolution. 
Every other principle is but an emanation and corollary from it. In the very 
first rank of those consequences, you must consider that which places power 
under the action and immediate control of the majority." f 

All were eager to see the manifesto of Louis Napoleon. It was issued on 
the 27th of November, and was as follows : — 

" To MY Fellow-Citizens, — In order to recall me from exile, you 
elected me a representative of the people. On the eve of the election of the 
chief magistrate of the Republic, my name presents itself to you as a symbol 
of order and security. These testimonies of a confidence so honorable to me 
are due, I am aware, much more to the name which I bear, than to myself, 
who have, as yet, done nothing for my country. But, the more the memory 
of the emperor protects me and inspires your suffrages, the more I feel myself 
called upon to make known to you my sentiments and my principles. There 
must be nothing equivocal between us. 

"I am not an ambitious man who dreams at one time of the empire and of 
war, and at another of the application of subversive theories. Educated in 
free countries and in the school of misfortune, I shall always remain faithful 
to the duties which your suffrages and the will of the Assembly may impose 
upon me. If I am elected president, I shall not shrink from any danger, from 
any sacrifice, to defend society, which has been so audaciously attacked. I 
shall devote myself wholly, without reserve, to the confirming of a republic 
which has shown itself wise by its laws, honest in its intentions, great and 
powerful by its acts. I pledge my honor to leave to my successor, at the end 
of four years, the executive jDowers strengthened, liberty intact, and real 
^)rogress accomplished. 

"Whatever may be the result of the election, I shall bow to the will of the 
)eople. And I pledge beforehand my co-operation with any strong and 

* Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 359. t Moniteur, Nov. 10, 1848. 

" General Cavaignac was a man fully worthy of the confidence of the nation. He pos- 
sessed great intejjrity and moderation of character. He was unambitious, virtuous, honorable. 
He had held the dictatorial power with rare prudence and justice, and had freely resigned it at 
the earliest possible period. He was amiable and conciliatory in his measurers. He nourished no 
animosities, favored no factions, and sincerely loved liberty and his country. In addition to this, 
he possessed great talents, both civil and military." — Public and Pnvate History of A apoleon HI. 
by Samuel M. Smucker, LL.D., p. 124. 



360 LIFE OF NAPOLEON 111. 

honest government which sliall re-estaWish order in jirinciples as well as in 
things ; which shall efficiently protect our religion, our families, and our prop- 
erties, — the eternal bases of every social community; which shall attempt all 
practical reforms, assuage animosities, reconcile parties, and thus permit a 
country rendered uneasy by circumstances to count upon the morrow. 

"To re-establish order is to restore confidence, to repair by means of 
credit the temporary depreciation of resources, to restore the finances, and to 
revive commerce. 

" To protect religion and the rights of families is to insure the freedom of 
public worship and education. 

"To protect property is to maintain the inviolability of the fruits of every 
man's labor: it is to guarantee the independence and security of possession, 
the indispensable foundation of all civil liberties. 

"As to the reforms which are possible, the following are those which appear 
to me most urgent: — 

"To adopt all those measures of economy, which, without occasioning disor- 
der in the public service, will permit of a reduction of those taxes which press 
most heavily upon a people. 

"To encourage enterprises, which, while they develop agricultural wealth, 
may, both in France and Algeria, give work to hands at present unoccupied. 

"To provide for the relief of laborers in their old age by means of provident 
institutions. 

"To introduce into our industrial laws ameliorations which may tend, not 
to ruin the rich for the gain of the poor, but to establish the well-being of each 
upon the prosperity of all. 

"To restrict within just limits the number of employments which shall 
depend on the government, and which often convert a free peoi^le into a 
nation of beggars. 

" To avoid that deplorable tendency which leads the State to do that which 
individuals may do as well, and better, for themselves. The centralization of 
interests and of enterprises is in the nature of despotism. The nature of the 
republic rejects monopolies. 

" Finally, to protect the liberty of the press from the two excesses which 
always endanger it, — that of arbitrary authority on the one hand, and its own 
licentiousness on the other. 

" With war, we can have no relief to our ills. Peace, then, would be the dear- 
est object of my desire. France, at the time of her first revolution, was warlike 
because others forced her to be so. Threatened with invasion, she replied by 
conquest. Now she is not threatened. She is free to concentrate all her 
resources to pacific measures of amelioration without abandoning a loyal and 
a resolute policy. A great nation ought to be silent, or never to speak in vain. 

" To have regard for the national dignity is to have regard for the army, 
whose patriotism, so noble and disinterested, has been frequently neglected. 
We ought, while we maintain the fundamental laws which are the strength of 
our military organization, to alleviate, and not aggravate, the burden of the 
conscription. We ought to take care of the present and future interests, not 
only of jhe ofiicers, but likewise of the non-commissioned officers and privates, 



EEPRESEMTATIVE AND PRESIDENT. 361 

and prepare secure means of subsistence for men who have long served under 
our colors. 

" The Republic ought to be generous, and have faith in its future prospects. 
And, for my part, I, who have suffered exile and captivity, appeal with all 
my warmest aspirations to that day when the country may, without danger, 
put a stop to all proscriptions, and efface the last traces of our civil discord. 

"Sich, my dear fellow-citizens, are the ideas which I should bring to bear 
upon the functions of government if you were to call me to the presid-.«)cy of 
the Republic. The task is a difficult one, the mission immense; I know it: 
but I should not despair of accomplishing it ; inviting to my aid, without dis- 
tincti)n of party, all men, who, by their high intelligence or their probity, liave 
recommended themselves to public esteem. Besides, when a man has the 
honor to be at the head of the French nation, there is an infallible way to suc- 
ceed ; and that is to desire to do so." * 

A fortnight was to elapse between the publication of this letter and the 
election, which was to take place on the 10th of December. In the mean time, 
the friends of all the parties, in Paris and in the departments, were very active 
in the political campaign. 

"Meanwhile," says Sir Archibald Alison, "General Cavaignac, supported by 
his cabinet and all the official persons by whom he was surrounded, could not 
be brought to perceive the truth as to the chances of his succeeding in the 
election. He was not, however, without misgivings as to the result ; and was 
alternately sanguine in his hopes, and gloomy in his anticipations. As the time 
of the election approached, the anxiety of General Cavaignac and his friends 
painfully increased, and the influence of government was used in the most 
unsparing and unblushing way to secure his success ; but it was all in vain." f 

"The adversaries of Louis Napoleon," says Mr. Edward Roth in his candid 
and able sketch of the life of Napoleon III., " were not idle. Ridicule, every- 
where so powerful, is almost omnipotent in France. Of tins, the government 
party were not sparing. Pamphlets written by the cleverest writers, songs 
composed by the most satirical poets and adapted to the most popular airs, 
caricatures executed by the most ingenious artists, were distributed everywhere 
almost gratuitously. A favorite subject of sarcasm, upon which pen and pencil 
rang an infinite number of changes, was the live eagle, which we remember 
had been found in the English steamer after the unlucky attempt at Boulogne. 

"It w\as in vain for the prince's friends to explain the presence of the 
unhappy bird by certifying that it had been brought on board by a domestic, 
without orders, and unknown to everybody. The wits would not give up 
their fertile topic; but, of course, they did not always confine tliemselves to 
such legitimate subjects for raillery. Truth, justice, honor, and decency were 
too often sacrificed in their unscrupulous attacks. Of all participation, however, 
in such scandalous outrages, it is with real pleasure that we unreservedly 

* " This remarkable letter is well worthy of a place in general history, not only from its con- 
taining a complete abstract of the opinions and policy of the very eminent man who has sinca 
played so memorable a part on the imperial throne, but because it bears in itself u jmistakable 
traces of his own thought and composition." — Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 361. t Ibid. 
46 



362 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

acquit the tonorable General Cavaignac. ' Gentlemen,' said lie, one day, to 
8ome of bis partisans who had made a wrong use of his name, 'if I am never 
to be elected President of the Republic, leave me, at least, the consolation of 
possessing the esteem of honest men.' " * 

A committee appointed by the artisans of France presented an appeal to the 
public, calling upon the working-classes to give their votes to the heir of the 
emperor. The paper, probably, well expressed the popular sentiment in regard 
to Prince Louis Napoleon. The appeal contained the following passages : — 

" The birth of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte shall never be a blemish in our 
eyes. His consanguinity with the emperor is his first title to our friendship 
and to the hopes which we repose in him. It is in like manner with his name. 
This name shall be always the most beloved, the most known, the most re- 
spected by the people. It shall always be the most luminous, the most pure, 
the most glorious name in our history. It is a name on which humanity, in 
its magnificent future, shall pride itself. It is the name written in the heart 
of France, — a universal name venerated by all nations, and which French 
injustice alone would assail."! 

The distinguished advocate, M. Ferdinand Barrot, sent a communication to 
the "Siecle" in response to some articles which had appeared in that journal 
against Louis Napoleon. The following passages are extracted from his 
eloquent letter : — 

"Exile and captivity have counselled study to the prince. For twenty 
years, he has obeyed their hard teachings; and applying himself to researches 
the most profound, to meditations the most severe, there are few questions 
agitated at our tribunes, or in the press, of which he has not carefully sought 
the»solution. 

"You speak of blind infatuation. The people have not infatuations sudden 
and reasonless: their instincts are sure. I have had my fears respecting 
universal suffrage. I confess it. But I was wrong. What I have seen since 
the 24th of February — the good sense so perfect, the will so firm, of which 
the people have given so many proofs — has established in me the new faith 
which I now repose in universal suffrage. 

"A name, it is said, — to make a name a title to the suffrages of the nation, 
what insolence ! Why should we not recognize the influence of a name ? 
How can we remove from the human mind that foible? So long as a son 
calls himself by the name of his father, so long as a brother takes the same 
name as his brother, resign yourself to see perpetuated the heritage of 
sympathies and repulsions. The name is not an illusion : it is a presumption 
of nature. The name ! — it is the traditions of the family, the examples and 
Ijrecepts of the fireside. 

* Life of Napoleon III., by Edward Roth, p. 380. 

t " As to Prince Louis Napoleon, it could not be denied that he was the favorite candidate of 
the people, the masses, — particularly in the provinces. These simple, honest partisans of a name 
little cared whether they made him a president, a monarch, or an emperor, provided they had the 
pleasure of voting for him. This is not surprising. Even in this country, where the humblest 
citia3n can pretend to some political knowledge, we know what mighty influence was wielded bj' 
the lame of Jachson." — Lijh of Nupoleon III., hy Edward Roth, p. 379. 



KEPRESENTATIVE AND PRESIDENT. 363 

" It is that presumption wliicli makes Louis Napoleon Bonaparte so 
prominent a candidate for the presidency. What, then, does his name signify 
in the eyes of those who rally around him ? What does it signify for prop- 
erty? What does it signify for commerce and industry? What does it 
signify for France ? 

"It signifies a national government, a fruitful organization, a powerful 
administration. It signifies capacities called into exercise without any spirit 
of exclusion; ability honored, coteries rendered powerless. It signifies well- 
ordered society; industry and commerce revived, encouraged, and recom- 
pensed.* 

" Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, you say, is the sign of a re-action against the 
Republic. You affect to fear the strength which the election will give him. 
Yes : undoubtedly he will have behind him the masses, the population of the 
rural districts, — that is to say, the element of order and of fruitfulness ; the 
working population, — that is to say, the labor and the strength of the country; 
the soldiers, — that is to say, the nation watchful and armed. Yes : he will 
arrive at the presidency of the Republic saluted by the enthusiasm which 
grand memories inspire. Yes : he will have that power which is called 
popularity, — a power which, for thirty years, all our governments have 
wanted. 

" That which, in my view, is a powerful reason for deciding in favor of 
Louis Napoleon, is that he has entered into no engagement with any party ; 
that he has not espoused any of our quarrels; that, in attaining power, he will 
not have been led there by any coterie. In fine, there is no person who can, 
as well as he, found a government which is truly national ; and I mean by 
that a government, which, having for its end the repose, the prosperity, and 
the grandeur of France, will call equally to the service of its great interests 
the most eminent men of all parties, and which will rally around it all the 
elements of action and of good influence which the nation can furnish. 

'•In fine, in my most profound conviction, the presidency of Louis Na- 
poleon will be the most sure defence of our republican society, not only 
against the attacks of demagogism, but still more against retrograde and 
monarchical tendencies." f 

At last, the long-looked-for day of election came. It was cloudless and 
serene. The remark is often made in France, that the " sun of Austerlitz " 
seems ever to shine upon Louis Napoleon. There Avas no disorder at the 
polls, either in the city or in the country. General Cavaignac, who was still 
invested with dictatorial power, secured an orderly and honest election. In 
the rural districts the unanimity was marvellous, and there was great enthusi- 

* "At that time, it may be emphatically said that Louis Napoleon represented only a name; 
but that name was deeply enshrined in the hearts of millions. It was a souvenir of former 
scenes o( national glory and grandeur, such as had no parallel in modern times. It was the 
greatest and brightest name in history. It flattered the pride of France. It was a name 
which must live forever. And he who had inherited this name had displayed at least a con- 
sciousness of his rights, a love of his native country, and an ardent desire to serve her." — The 
Public and Private Life of Napoleon III., Emperor of the French, p. 125. 

t Histoire complete de Napoleon III., Empcreur des Franfais, pj.r MM. Gallix et Guy, 
p 181. 



364 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

asm. Large parties marched to the polls with music and banners, often led by 
the mayor of the village or the cure of the parish, and deposited their votes 
unanimously for Louifi Napoleon. As the reports came pouring into Paris, 
it was soon known that Louis Napoleon had entirely distanced all his com- 
petitors. Though it took some time before the returns could be officially 
examined, the result was speedily placed beyond all doubt.* A committee 
of thiity of the members of the Assembly was appointed to count the votci. 
On the 20th of December, the result was made officially known. M. Rousseau, 
chairman of the committee, made the following report, which was listened 
to by the Assembly amidst the most profound silence : — 

" The Assembly has called on the people to select the citizCTi who is to be 
the keystone of the republican arch. The nation has met, and has cast into the 
ballot-box the testimony of her confidence. You are now about to invest 
the man of her choice with the rights that belong to the truly popular dignity 
of President of the Republic. The voice of the people has spoken in the 
name of the entire country. It is the sanction of their inviolable power. 

"Let lis beware of substituting, for the expression of the will of all, the 
desires of some, and the regrets of others. These regrets should now cease ; 
these divisions should be forgotten ; and the zeal of all good citizens should 
sustain and support him whom the nation has chosen. 

" The sura total of the votes cast for the President of the Republic is 
7,468,251: — 

Louis Napoleon has obtained 5,562,834 

M. Cavaignac „ 1,469,166 

M. Ledru Rollin „ 377,236 

M. Raspail „ 37,106 

M. de Lamartine „ 17,219 

General Changarnier „ , 4,690 1 

"By the number of votes obtained, Citizen Louis Bonapart-e, then, is the 
elect of the French people. The executive power is to be intrusted to hira, 
by you, without opposition, with calmness and dignity, as becomes a great 
nation. Nine months ago, the Republic proclaimed in this hall came forth 
from the storms of the 24th of February. To-day you impose on your work 
the seal of public consecration." 

General Cavaignac then ascended the tribune, and said, "Citizen represen- 
tatives, I have the honor of informing the Assembly that the members of 
the cabinet have just sent me their collective resignation. I come forward, 

* " To the insurrectionary leaders, who had been or who hoped to be elevated to greatness 
by a continuance of the public disturbances, the result of the election of the president had been 
a matter of the most unbounded astonishment and of extreme mortification. Nothing could 
bring them to see that the domination of the Parisian clubs was regarded with very different 
eyes in the solitudt of the fields from what it was in the streets of the metropolis. That State 
is likely to stand the shock best which has the greatest number of independent rural freeholders. 
Beyond all doulit, it was the multitude of these which was the main cause of the triumjihant 
return of Louis Napoleon for the ^resident's chair." — Sir Archibald Alison, vol. fiii. p. 362. 

t These arc the numbers as gV en by Gallix and Guy. There is a slight difference in the 
numbers as given by othjrs. 



EEPEESENTATIVE AND PRESIDENT. 865 

in my turn, to surrender to the Assembly the powers with which it has in- 
vested me. You will understand, better than I can express, the sentiments 
of gratitude which the recollection of the confidence placed in rae by the 
Assembly, and of its kindness towards me, will leave in ray heart." 

M. Armand Marrast, the President of the Assembly, then rose again, and 
said, "In the name of the French people, whereas Citizen Charles Louis 
Napoleon Bonaparte, born in Paris, possesses all the qualifications of eligi- 
bility required by the forty-fourth article of the Constitution ; and whereas in 
the election, open throughout the whole extent of the Republic, he has 
received the absolute majority of votes ; the National Assembly, by virtue 
of the forty-seventh and forty-eighth articles of the Constitution, proclaims 
him President of the French Republic from this day until the second Sunday 
of May, 1852. 

" I now invite the President of the Republic to ascend the tribune and 
take the oath." 

Louis Napoleon, who had entered the apartment while the report of the 
election was being read, now slowly ascended the platfoi-m, and took his stand 
in the tribune. The ribbon of a representative hung from his button-hole, 
and the cordon of the Legion of Honor decorated iiis breast. M. Marrast 
then administered the following oath : — 

" In the presence of God, and before the French people represented by the 
National Assembly, you swear to remain faithful to the Democratic Con- 
stitution." 

" I swear it," said Louis Napoleon earnestly, holding up his right hand. 

M. Marrast then somewhat marred the solemnity of the scene by adding, — 
it is said obtrusively, — 

" We take God and man to witness the oath which has just been taken. 
It shall be inserted in the official report in the ' Moniteur,' and published in 
the form prescribed for the j^ublic acts." 

The Pi-esident of the Republic seemed not to hear these words, and, paying 
no attention to conduct so little in harmony with the occasion, took from his 
pocket a paper, and read the following brief inaugural address : — 

" Citizen Representatives, — The suffrages of the nation, and the oath 
which I have taken, command my future conduct. My duty is marked out: 
I shall fulfil it as a man of honor. I shall look upon those as enemies to the 
country who attem])t to change by illegal means what entire France has 
established. Between you and me, citizen representatives, no real difference 
can exist. Our wishes, our desires, are the same. I Avish, like you, to re- 
establish society upon its foundations; to establish democratic institutions, 
and to search out all the means of relieving the sufferings of this generous 
and intelligent people, who have given me so conspicuous a proof of their 
confidence. 

" The majority which I have obtained not only fills me with gratitude, but 
it will give to the new government a moral force, without which there can 
be no authority. With peace and order, our country can rise, heal her wounds, 
b^uig back her scattered children, and calm her passions. 



366 VIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

" Animated by this spirit of conciliation, I have called around me men of 
honesty, capable, and devoted to the country ; assured that, in spile of the 
diversity of their original politics, they will with one accord unite with you 
in the application of the constitution to the perfecting of the laws and the 
glory of the Republic. 

" The new administration, in entering upon business, must thank its prede- 
cessor for the efforts which it has made to transmit the power intact, and to 
maintain public tranquillity. The conduct of the honorable General Cavai- 
gnac has been worthy of the loyalty of his character, and of that sentiment 
of duty which is the first qualification of the head of a state, 

" We have, citizen representatives, a great mission to fulfil. It is to found 
a republic for the interests of all, and a government just, firm, and animated 
with a sincere love of progress, without being either re-actionary or Utopian. 
Let us be men of the country, not men of a party ; and, with the assistance 
of God, we shall at least accomplish useful, if we cannot succeed in achieving 
great things." 

This speech was greeted with general applause. The Prince President 
then descended from the tiibune, and, advancing to the seat occupied by 
General Cavaignac, shook him cordially by the hand.* General Changarnier 
and General Lamoriciere, as a committee of the Assembly, accompanied him 
to his carriage; and many other members of the Assembly, joining the cortege^ 
escorted him, passing between two lines of the National Guard to the tllysee 
Palace,t which had been assigned as his residence. " Never," says Sir Archi- 
bald Alison, " had the voice of a nation spoken out more decidedly than that 
of France did on this occasion." \ 

There are two anecdotes recorded of Louis Napoleon at this time, which 
indicate forcibly two of the striking peculiarities of his character. When, 

* " Louis Napoleon descended from the tribune, went up to General Cavaignac, and offered 
him his hand. The general, for a few instants, hesitated to accept the pressure. All who had 
just heard the speech of Louis Napoleon, pronounced in an accent so redolent of candor and 
good faith, hlamed the general for his hesitation." — Victor Iluf/o. 

t The Elysee Palace was built in 1718 by the Count of Evreux. Louis XV. purchased it 
for Madame dc Pompadour, and she occupied it with much splendor until her death in 1764. 
The banker Beaujon purchased it, and afterwards sold it to Louis XVL He named it the Jfilysee 
Bourbon. Under the Republic, it became national property ; and was afterwards purchased by 
Murat, who married Caroline Bonaparte. The Emperor Napoleon returned to it after Waterloo, 
and there he signed his final abdication. After the taking of Paris by the Allies, Wellington 
and the Emperor Alexander occupied the palace. " It was the last residence," says Emile Marco 
de St. Hilaire, " of Napoleon, before leaving for his exile, where kings in their hatred im- 
prisoned him ; and it was the first habitation of that one of his heirs whom the suff'rages of the 
people called to power. Singular coincidence ! Popular sovereignty in hatred of royalty, hav- 
ing delegated in 1848 its power to a Bonaparte, fixed his residence in the same place from which 
leagued royalty, thirty-three years before, had driven a Bonaparte, in hatred of popular sover- 
eignty." 

} " All was consummated. The name of Bonaparte, emerging from the electoral urn with 
so imposing a majority, gave at last to France the first national government which it had had 
since 1815 ; the only one which, since that time, could be called the legitimate child of popular 
sovereignty."— Yistoire complete de Napoleon III., par MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 185. 



?^P^:1 




REPRESENTATIVE A.ND rKESIDENT. 367 

after the affair of Strasbourg, Louis Philippe sent him in a frigate to the 
United States, he placed his person under the care of a French military 
officer of inferior grade, whose name was Rebillot. That gentleman dis- 
charged the duties of his position with such marked delicacy, that Napoleon 
never forgot it. Among the names of his first ministry occurs that of M. 
Rebillot as Frefet de Police. 

The intelligent reader will remember the affecting leave which the Emperor 
Napoleon I, took of his Old Guard at the Palace of Fontainebleau, after his 
abdication. The scene, as described in Abbott's " Life of Napoleon," was as 
follows : — 

The morning of the 20th dawned. Napoleon had appointed mid-day as 
the hour of his departure. He remained during the forenoon alone in his 
cabinet. As the hour approached, the troops of the Imperial Guard were 
drawn up in the court-yard of the palace to pay their last token of respect to 
the exiled emperor. An immense concourse from the surrounding country 
had collected to witness the great event. The commissioners of the allied 
powers, the generals of his body-guard, and a few of the officers of the impe- 
rial household, assembled in mournfid silence in the saloon before his cabinet. 
General Bertrand, grand marshal of the palace, faithful to Napoleon until the 
dying scene at St. Helena, announced the emperor. Napoleon, with a serene 
countenance and a tranquil air, came forth. The emotions excited in every 
breast were too deep for utterance, and not a word disturbed the solemn 
silence. of the scene. As the emperor passed down the line of his friends, 
bowing to the right and the left, they seized his hand, and bathed it with 
their tears. 

As he arrived at the landing of the grand staircase, he stood for a moment, 
and looked around upon the guard drawn up in the court, and upon the innu- 
merable multitude which thronged its surroundings. Every eye was fixed 
on him. It was a funereal scene, over which was suspended the solemnity 
of religious awe. The soldiers were suffocated with sorrow. Acclamations 
in that hour would have been a mockery. The silence of the grave reigned 
undisturbed. Tears rolled down the furrowed cheeks of the warriors, and 
their heads were bowed in unaffected grief. They envied the lot of the little 
band who were allowed to depart as the companions of their beloved 
chieftain. 

Napoleon cast a tender and a grateful look over the battalions and the 
squadrons who had ever proved so faithful to himself and to his cause. Before 
descending into the court-yard, he hesitated for a moment, as if his fortitude 
were forsaking him ; but, immediately rallying his strength, he approached the 
soldiers. The drums commenced beating the accustomed salute. With a ges- 
ture, Napoleon arrested the martial tones. A breathless st»illness prevailed. 
With a voice clear and firm, every articulation of which was heard in the 
remotest rank, he said, — 

" Gexerals, Officers, and Soldiers of my Old Guard, — I bid you 
fiirewell. For five and twenty years, I have ever found you in the path of 
honor and of glory. 1 1 these last days, as in the days of our prosperity, you 
have never ceased to be models of fidelity and of courage. Europe has armed 



368 LIFE OF NAPOLEON UL 

against us. Still, with men such as you, our cause never could have been lost. 
We could have maintained a civil war for years ; but it would have rendered 
our country unhappy. I have, therefore, sacrificed our interests to those of 
France. I leave you; but do you, my friends, be faithful to the new sovereign 
whom France has accepted. The happiness of France was my only thought: 
it shall ever be the object of my most fervent prayer. Grieve not for my lot: I 
shall be happy so long as I know that you are so. If I have consented to outlive 
myself, it is with the hope of still promoting your glory. I trust to write the 
deeds we have achieved together. Adieu, my children ! I would that I could 
press you all to my heart ! Let me, at least, embrace your general and your 
eagle." 

Every eye was now bathed in tears ; and, here and there, many a strong 
bosom was heaving with sobs. At a signal from Napoleon, General Petit, 
who then commanded the Old Guard, — a man of martial bearing, but of tender 
feelings, — advanced, and stood between the ranks of the soldiers and their 
emperor. Napoleon, with tears dimming his eyes, encircled the general in his 
arms; while the veteran commander, entirely unmanned, sobbed aloud. All 
hearts were melted, and a stifled moan was heard through all the ranks. 

Again the emperor recovered himself, and said, "Bring me the eagle." A 
grenadier advanced, bearing one of the eagles of the regiment. Napoleon 
imprinted a kiss upon its silver beak ; then pressed the eagle to his heart, and 
said, in tremulous accents, — 

"Dear eagle, may this last embrace vibrate forever in the hearts of all my 
faithful soldiers ! Farewell again, ray old companions ! — farewell ! " 

The outburst of universal grief could no longer be restrained. All were 
alike overcome. Napoleon threw himself into his carriage, bowed his head, 
and covered his eyes with both hands ; and the carriage rolled away, bearing 
the greatest and noblest son of France into exile. 

Thirty-four years had since passed away. The remains of the emperor, 
reclaimed from Saint Helena and greeted by a nation's love and gratitude, 
were mouldering in that most sublime of all earthly mausoleums beneath the 
dome of the Invalides. In homage to his memory, France, by nearly six mil- 
lions of votes, had placed the sceptre of executive power in the hands of his 
nephew. The first military review under the Prince President was held on 
the 24th of December. Louis Napoleon took his position at the entrance of 
the Champs filysees. After the National Guard had filed by him, the troops 
of the line came on. At their head was a division of the Invalides. The 
leader of this division was the same General Petit from whom the emperor 
had so affectionately parted. He was now a venerable man of gray hairs. 
Louis Napoleon left his staff, rode forward to the war-worn soldier, and with 
a cordial grasp of the hand said to him, — 

"General, the emperor embraced you at his last review : I am happy to press 
your hand at my Jirst.'''' * 

* Italy and the War of 1859, by Julie de Marguerittes, p. 87. 




CHAPTER XXII. 

THE ROMAN QUESTION. 

Character of the New Constitution. — Feelings in the Rural Districts. — Antagonism of the 
Assembly to the President. — Instigations to Civil War. — Letter to Prince Napoleon. — 
Excitement of the Revolutionary Spirit. — Insurrection in Rome. — Assassination of M. 
Rossi. — Flight of the Pope. — French Intervention. — Its Necessity. — Capture of Rome. — 
Socialist Insurrection in Paris. — Confirmed Strength of the Government. 

O man can be elevated to power without encountering assaults. 
It is the inevitable doom of greatness. There has never been 
a President of the United States whose character and adminis- 
tration have not been attacked, even with ferocity. And none 
of these liave been more malignantly and persistently assailed 
than George Washington and Abraham Lincoln ; the two who, 
perhaps, more than any others, merited, and now receive, the almost undivided 
love of the nation and the homage of the world. Louis Napoleon Bona- 
parte, though elected by so immense a majority to the chief magistracy of 
France, was peculiarly exposed to hostile attacks. Rival candidates and their 
friends had been disappointed. France was divided into parties intensely 
inimical to each other. These parties were led by men, generally, of much 
ability, many of whom were eager to attain their ends even at the expense 
of civil war. There were Bourbonists, Orleanists, Imperialists, Socialists, 
arrayed in rival bands, and Republicans and Democrats of varied shades of 
political faith. 

It was not possible, under these circumstances, for any degree of human 
wisdom and integrity to pursue a course which would harmonize these irrec- 
oncilable parties, and secure general approval. Candid men will admit tliat 
the President of the Republic, placed in circumstances of so much difficulty, 
deserves generous treatment. A heavier burden was never placed upon any 
man's shoulders than was placed upon his. If it appear, that, in the measures 
he adopted, he was actuated by a sincere desire to promote the happiness of 
France, the final verdict of the world will surely be in his favor. 

In forming the constitution, the Assembly had retained nearly all power in 
its own hands, conferring but little upon the president. The lines of distinc- 
tion between the functions of different branches of the government were 
very obscurely drawn. It was apprehended that the popularity of the name 
of the Emperor Napoleon I. would secure the election of Louis Napoleon, 

47 369 



370 LIFE or NAPOLEON IIL 

and many of the provisions of the constitution seem to have been dictated 
through jealousy of him. The president had no power to dissolve the As- 
sembly, or to take personal command of the army, or to grant pardon, or "to 
issue a decree of amnesty, or to be re-elected until after an interval of four 
years from the expiration of his term of office. He could do nothing without 
the co-operation of the Assembly ; and the majority of that contentious and 
discordant body were so hostile to him, that it was in vain for him to attempt 
1o secure their co-operation* 

The feelings in the rural districts were very strong against the insurgent 
populace of the metropolis, who seemed ever to assume that Paris was France. 
At a public meeting in Lisle, one of the speakers gave utterance to the popu- 
lar sentiment in saying, — 

"It is unprecedented in history, that a few thousand turbulent adventurei-s, 
ever ready for an insurrection, should have succeeded, on so many occasions, 
in putting to hazard the destinies of a people so advanced in civilization as 
those of France. We present to Europe the extraordinary spectacle of a 
nation of thirty-five millions of men ever ready to take the yoke from twenty 
or thirty thousand creators of revolutions, who descend into the streets of 
Paris at a signal given by a few ambitious leaders, and treat France as a 
conquered country. 

" A few months only have elapsed since we saw a handful of misled men 
taking advantage of the inertness of some, the connivance of others, the 
terror of many, and the weakness of government ; gain possession of the 
sanctuary of the national representation, and chase from it the representa- 
tives of the country. A unanimous resistance has now declared itself against 
the Parisian tyranny : a violent desire to shake off its yoke has made itself 
felt even by the central government. It is not a conspiracy, still less a 
dream of a federative government : it is an open and deliberate movement 
of the provinces of France, as the old provinces of Gaul were determined 
that their interests should no longer be swallowed up in those of Rome." f 

The antagonism between the president and the Assembly was soon devel- 
oped. The Assembly had been chosen to form a constitution, and organize 
the government. Its work was done. Still the members wished to retain 

* " Louis Napoleon had to govern, by accidentally-republican institutions, a country not at 
all republican. Did the Assembly assist him in this difficult task? On the contrary, pursuing 
a system of jealousy and suspicion from the outset, it did every thing to thwart him. It could 
not do otherwise. It consistcii of Legitimists, Orleanists, Republicans of yesterday. Revolution- 
ists, Re-actionaries, Socialists, Red Republicans, and Communists. It is not to be denied, at tho 
same time, that it contained some sincere men of generous minds and philosophical temperament, 
who from a peculiar course of studies, or from having witnessed Louis Philippe's government 
constantly assailed, had seriously concluded that a republic was the only form of government 
that was possible in France, and the best suited to the progress of society. Had all the Assem- 
bly consisted of such men, we have no doubt the Republic would have still stood its ground, and 
the president continued president, and nothing more. He would not have changed tho form of 
government ; if for no other reason, simply because he could not. An Assembly of nine hundred 
sincere Republicans would have argued the ability of a nation to govern itself." — Life of Najx)' 
leon III., by Edward Roth, p. 398. 

t Ann. Hist. 1849, 73. 



THE EOMAN QUESTION. 371 

their power. The country people were very much dissatisfied, and sent in 
many petitions, that the Constituant Assembly, having fulfilled its function, 
might be dissolved, and that a new Legislative Assembly might be chosen. 
The discontent became so great, that the Assembly was compelled to yield. 
It accordingly voted, after a long and impassioned debate, its own dissolution, 
to take place on the 19tli of January, and a general election to take place on 
the 4th of May for the new Legislative Assembly. This was considered a 
triumph of Louis Napoleon and of the moderate party in the Assembly. The 
vote was carried by a majority of one ; the numbers being four hundred and 
sixteen to four hundred and fifteen. The Socialists and the Legitimists 
combined against the president and. the moderate Republicans who rallied 
around him. The Socialists had supposed that the revolution placed the 
government in their hands. The election of Louis Napoleon was regarded 
as their signal defeat. Accordingly, they immediately commenced a deadly 
warfiire against him. In a speech which M. Proudhon made on this occasion, 
he said, — 

" Louis Bonaparte once down, the counter-revolution is at an end. It is 
astonishing, that, for a month past, neither the Republicans in the Assembly 
nor the Democratic press have been aware that that is the real state of the 
matter. Strike the idol ; and, the faith being dishonored, the worship is at an 
end. Let the vote strike Louis Bonaparte, and it is done. Have no fear of a 
re-action : it has no force but in the noise it makes. An energetic vote, in five 
minutes, will deliver you from all your dangers." * 

This was an appeal to civil war. It was calling upon the Assembly, to 
whom no such power had been intrusted, to annul the vote of the people, 
reject the president of the popular choice, and usurp the government.f Every 
day, the strife grew more bitter. The president found himself occupying a 
post without power. He could neither do good, nor prevent harm. With 
the overwhelming majority of the people in France in his favor, the loud 
talkers in the Assembly, the busy agitators in the clubs thwarted his endeav- 
ors. The Parisian press was very much under the control of these men. In 

* After the flight of Louis Blanc and Causidiere to London, " M. Proudhon," says Alison, 
" stood forth as the leader of the Socialistic doctrines. He attacked all the institutions of society 
in the most violent manner ; denounced them as violations of the rights of man, and the prolific 
fountain of every social suffering. He stigmatized God as ' the enemy of society,' priests as 
' paid hypocrites,' property as robbery, government as usurpation. The termination of the pub- 
lic career of this dangerous zealot was neither the crown of martyrdom nor the sceptre of power. 
It was an ignonrfhious end. Brought before the Cour d'Assises on the 28th of March, 1849, he 
was condemned to pay a fine of three thousand francs (six hundred dollars), and to be imprisoned 
three years. He has not since been heard of in French history." — Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. 
p. 354. 

T " In the night of the 28th and the 29th, the chief of the agitators in Paris constituted 
themselves permanent, after having sent the word of order to all their brothers and friends 
in the departments. On the morning of the 29th they were to descend into the streets, dissolve 
the Assembly, imprison Louis Napoleon and his friends, establish a Committee of Public Safety, 
proclaim the right of work {le droit au travail), substitute the red flag for the tricolor, and confis- 
cate the liberty and the fortune of all sxispecled citizens, — that is, of all those who had but little 
sympathy with the Socialistic republic. Never was insurrection organized upon a vaster scale, 
or with more destructive projects." — MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 195. 



372 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

the midst of these agitations, the new election came on for the Legislative 
Assembly. Sir Archibald Alison, who certainly was not biassed by any Napo- 
leonic partisanship, gives the following account of public feeling and measures 
at that tiiie : — 

" Had it been possible for Louis Napoleon to dispense with the Assembly, 
and govern of his own authority, he would probably have secured the suf- 
frages of an immense majority of the people. But the nation was not, as yet, 
sufficiently awakened from the illusions of the Revolution to render that 
possible; and, as the government (the Provisional Government) had been 
severely censured for interfering in the elections of the preceding year, it was 
deemed advisable to abstain altogether from any attempt to influence them 
on the present occasion. Thus the people were left without either leaders 
or direction on the one side, and with both of the most efficient kind on the 
other. Thus the parties were nearly equally divided in the new Assembly as 
they had been in the old. 

" The equally divided state of the returns, when announced in Paris, pro- 
duced universal consternation. The disorders and miseries of the Revolution 
were immediately anticipated, and the public funds sank seven per cent in 
one day. An attempt was made to renew the intimidation of the Assembly 
by a threatening mob, which surrounded its doors on the 28th of May, the 
first day of meeting ; but it was dispersed without difficulty by a body of 
cavalry, which cleared the approach amidst frantic yells from the Jacobin 
party." * 

Quite a remarkable letter appeared at this time in the papers, from the 
president, which attracted much comment. Prince Napoleon, son of Jerome, 
had been sent as ambassador to Spain. He was received with much atten- 
tion on the way, and made some imprudent speeches, which were creating a 
great sensation. The president wrote to him as follows : — 

;feLTSEE National, April 10, 1849. 

"My dear Cousiif, — It is said, that, on your way through Bordeaux, you 
made use of words capable of sowing dissension even among the best-inten- 
tioned. You are reported to have said that I did not follow my own inspira- 
tions, because I was ruled by the leaders of the re-actionary movement; that 
I was impatient of the yoke, and wanted to shake it off; and that, in order 
to assist me at the approaching elections, it was necessary to send to the 
Chamber men hostile to ray government, rather than those belonging to the 
moderate party. 

" Such an imputation, coming from you, cannot but surprise me. You 
should know me well enough to be aware that I never brook the ascendency 
of any one; and that I struggle incessantly to govern for the interests of the 
people, not for the interests of a party. I honor those men, who, by their 
capacity and experience, can give me good counsels; but, if I receive daily 
the most contradictory advice, I obey nothing but the impulses of my own 
head and heart. 

" Censure of my political conduct was, last of all, to be expected from you, 

* Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 525. 



THE KOMAN QUESTION. 373 

who found fault with my manifesto because it had received tlie entire sanc- 
tion of the chiefs of the moderate party. This manifesto, from which I have 
not deviated, still continues to be the conscientious expression of my senti- 
ments. 

" My first duty was to re-assure the country. Well, confidence has been 
increasing during the last four months. Every day has its own task. 
Security first, reform afterwards. 

" The approaching elections, I entertain no doubt, by strengthening the 
Republic in order and moderation, will hasten the period of all possible 
reforms. To bring all the old parties together, to reconcile them, to unite 
them, should be the constant object of our exertions. Such is the mission 
attached to the great name we bear; and it would pi-ove a failure if it served 
to divide, and not to rally, the supporters of the government. 

" Henceforward, then, I hope, my dear cousin, you will use every exertion 
to enlighten the people regarding my real intentions, and to avoid furnishing 
grounds, by inconsiderate expressions, for absurd calumnies, which go so far 
as to assert that sordid self-interest alone rules my conduct. Nothing, repeat 
it aloud, shall trouble the serenity of my judgment, or shake the strength of 
my resolution. 

" Free from every moral constraint, I shall advance in the path of honor, 
with my conscience for my guide ; and when I shall retire from power, if I 
may be reproached for faults fatally inevitable, I shall at least have performed 
what I sincerely consider my duty. 

" Receive, my dear cousin, the assurance of my friendship. 

"Louis Napoleon Bonapakte." 

The overthrow of the Bourbon power in France had excited the revolu- 
tionary spirit all over Europe. Crowds of refugees from all countries had 
taken shelter in Rome. For some time, the city was in such commotion, that 
it presented only an aspect of anarchy. The cardinals were so grossly insulted, 
that they dared not appear in the streets. Count Rossi, a gentleman of much 
distinction for his abilities, virtues, and high culture, was principal minister. 
He had been French ambassador to Rome ; and had so won the regards of 
the liberal-minded pontiff, that he had elevated him to the important position 
of prime minister in the Papal Government. The secret societies had deter- 
mined upon his assassination, and had decided by lot who was to strike the 
fatal blow. The assassin had practised upon a wooden image, so that, with 
unerring aim, he could pierce the great artery of the neck. The minister was 
warned of his danger; a priest even violating the law of the confessional to 
put him on his guard. Count Rossi replied, " If any one desires my blood, 
there are plenty of opportunities for shedding it. I shall go on with my 
duties as usual." * 



* "Count Rossi had been exiled in 1818 from Bologna, where he was professor in the 
university; chiefly, it is supposed, on account of his religious principles; for he was a Calvinist. 
Rossi went to Geneva, where he married a daughter of M. Guizot, and, following his father-in- 
law to Paris, attached himself to his fortunes. In France he rose to the highest dignity, and 



374 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

On the 15th of November, 1848, he went to the Chamber in his carriage 
The assassins lined the court as he entered, and received him with a howl of 
execration. In a tumult they gathered around him. The appointed dagger 
pierced his neck, and he fell dead upon the pavement. Though the deed was 
done in the broad blaze of day, the assassin, concealed in the group of his 
accomplices, walked off unmolested.* 

The deputies in the Chamber being informed of the murder, and appre- 
hending a similar fate from the mob, fled in dismay. The remaining ministers 
of the pope also vanished. So great was the teri-or of the hour, that that 
one dagger-thrust seems to have annihilated the Roman Government. The 
revolutionary clubs met in the evening, and prepared to take advantage of 
the consternation by forcing a revolutionary government upon the pope. The 
pontificial territory consisted of nineteen States, covering an area of over 
seventeen thousand square miles, and embracing a population of above three 
millions. A few hundred adventurers in Rome, armed to the teeth and ready 
for any outrage, assumed, without any authority, to impose the government 
of their will upon these millions. 

The pontiff, Pius IX., formerly Cardinal Mastai, was, by the admission of 
his enemies, a sincere, benevolent, honest man ; earnestly seeking to intro- 
duce such reforms as would promote the best interests of his subjects. No 
one, probably, will question the following testimony of Sir Archibald 
Alison : — 

" The character of the pontiff, who at this critical juncture was called to 
fill the chair of St. Peter, was peculiarly calculated to foster these principles 
(liberal opinions) and encourage these hopes. Mild and affectionate in dispo- 
sition, averse to violence, having a horror of blood, he aspired only to make 
himself loved ; and he thought that all the objects of social reform might be 
attained by this blessed influence. He saw before him, in bright perspective, 
a pacific extirpation of abuses, unstained by blood, unmoistened by tears.f 

" His information, both in regard to his own and neighboring countries, was 
very considerable ; and he was animated with a sincere desire to bring up 
Italy, by pacific means, to a level with those countries which had recently so 
much outstripped it in liberty, literature, and social progress. Unfortunately, 

was made a peer. Louis Philippe afterwarcls employed him upon the difficult mission of 
inducing the pope to assist him in the expulsion of the Jesuits ; a mission for which Kossi's 
superior talents, insinuating manners, and profound knowledge of the intrigues of the Papal 
dourt, peculiarly fitted him. The Pope (Gregory XVI.), besides being exceedingly wroth at 
the object of the embassy, was terribly shocked at the idea that the ' most Christian king ' 
should send him a Calvinist ambassador. Eossi, however, succeeded in his mission." — /ta/j 
and the War of 1859, hij Julie de Marguerittcs, p. 269. 

* Monitcur, Nov. 25, 1848. 

t The pope, Giovanni Mastai, was the second son of Count Mastai Ferretti. His parents 
were quite opulent, and resided in the ancient town of Sinigallia, on the Adriatic; where 
Giovanni was born the 13th of May, 1792. As his elder brother inherited the title and the 
estate, Giovanni entered the army, and became a member of the Pope's Guard. At Rome, he 
fell in love with a beautiful girl, nam d Chiara Colonna. She refused his addresses. His 
chagrin waa so great, that he renounced "he world, and entered the church. He soon became 
distinguishol for his apostolic virtues, his gentleness, and his unbounded charities. — Italy and 
the TFar 0/1859, p. 266. 



THE ROMAN QUESTION. 37.') 

he wanted one quality which rendered all the rest of no avail, or rather ren- 
dered them the instruments of evil. He was destitute of firmness, and, like 
most ecclesiastics, had no practical acquaintance with mankind. 

" He thought he would succeed in ruling men, and directing the social 
movement which he saw was inevitable, by appealing only to the humane and 
generous feelings; forgetting that the violent and selfish are incessantly acting, 
and that, unless they are firmly restrained, the movement will soon be per- 
verted to the objects of rapine and spoliation. Experience soon taught hira 
this ; and, in consequence, he was forced into the arms of the other party, 
became the opponent of progress, and acquired the character of vacillation 
and inconsistency. Kind and benevolent, but weak and inexperienced, he 
was the man of all others best fitted to inaugurate, and least to direct or 
restrain, a revolution." * 

One of the first acts of this benevolent pontiff as he commenced his reign 
— an act which had rendered him very popular with the people — was to issue 
a decree of general amnesty for all j^olitical ofiences. There were fifteen hun- 
dred captives (some say three thousand) whose prison-doors were thus thrown 
open. Many of these were persons of high rank and accomplished education. 
The transport of joy which this clemency inspired no words can describe. 
The superb palace of the Quirinal, situated on one of the most beautiful heights 
of Rome, is the favorite residence of the popes. It is a gorgeous edifice, com- 
manding a magnificent view of the city, and embellished with extensive 
grounds, which are laid out in the most approved style of landscape gardening. 

Crowds of the released captives and their friends hastened to the Quirinal 
to express their gratitude to the holy father for his act of mercy. Twice in 
the space of a few hours, the pope came out upon the balcony to give his 
blessing to the grateful multitude, who crowded the court with their thanks 
and homage. Night came, and it brought still a third crowd; and the square 
of the Quirinal blazed with bonfires and toi'ches. Again the venerable pontiff, 
disregarding the rules of etiquette, came forth to pronounce his benediction 
upon the people kneeling in tears of joy before him. The whole city was 
brilliant with the light of a spontaneous illumination. This was on the 16th 
of July, 1846. 

Eighteen months passed away, and, on this very square of the Quirinal, a 
crowd of the fickle multitude surrounded the carriage of the pontiff with hoot- 
ings. They mounted the steps with menaces and imprecations; while one 
wretch leaped upon the box behind, and waved derisively a tricolor flag over 
the head of the holy fither. 

On the 16th of November, the day after the assassination of Rossi, several 
hundred desperadoes, members of secret societies, followed by an immense 
concourse, marched to the Quirinal with a list of men designated by them, 
whom they demanded that the pope should appoint as his ministers. The 
Swiss Guard, but one hundred in number, closed the gates of the palace 
against them. The mob recoiled before a few shots thrown over their heads; 
but soon the Civic Guard came up, several thousand strong, and opened firo 

* History of Europe, vol. viii. p. 205. 



376 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

upon the palace with musketry and cannon. The Swiss fouglt well; but the 
gates were soon blown down : and, a prelate being shot dead in the ante- 
chamber, the pope ordered the firing to cease. 

The mob now sent in a delegation, with a list of ministers composed of the 
most decided revolutionists, which they ordered the pope to sign. He 
resisted for some time ; but the clamor was so great, and the menaces so 
appalling, that he was compelled to yield. Loud shouts burst from the lips of 
the crowd as they retired, exulting over their victory.* 

The sovereign was now a prisoner in his palace, and utterly powerless. He 
took no part in public affairs, and sought only an opportunity to escape. This 
he accomplished through the assistance of the Bavarian minister, Count Spaur. 
The count obtained passports for his wife and Pius IX., under the name of Dr. 
Sumner Kann and lady from Munich. In this guise they entered the minis- 
ter's carriage on the 24th, the count riding outside as their servant; and thus 
they reached Gaeta, the first town on the Neapolitan frontier.! 

Rome was now left entirely in the hands of the revolutionists. The suc- 
cessful insurgents convened an assembly, dethroned the pope, and proclaimed 
a republic. The Prince of Canino, son of Lucien Bonaparte, — a very stanch 
republican, — was chosen President of the Revolutionary Assembly. 

These events occurred in November, 1848, a month before the election of Louis 
Napoleon as President of the French Republic. The executive power of 
France was then in the hands of General Cavaignac as dictator. All intelli- 
gent men saw that the Revolutionists in Rome were acting insanely; for it was 
manifest that Austria would immediately send an army to re-establish the pope 
and crush the insurgents. Count Rossi, the friend of reform, had, before the 
outbreak, earnestly warned these fanatics of the danger which they were 
incurring by rushing, in their weakness, into a war with Austria. 

"What do you propose to yourselves," said he, "by your incessant provoca- 
tions against Austria ? It is not threatening you. It confines itself to the 
limits which the treaties have assigned. It is a war of independence which 
you would invoke. Let us, then, calculate your forces. You have sixty thou- 
sand regular troops in Piedmont, and not a man more. You speak of the 
enthusiasm of the Italian populations. I know them. Traverse them from 
end to end : see if a heart beats, if a man moves, if an arm is ready to com- 
mence the fight. The Piedmontese once beaten, the Austrians may go from 
Reggio to Calabria without meeting a single Italian. 

"I understand you: you will apply to France. A fine result, truly, of the 
war of independence, — to bring foreign armies again upon your soil ! The Aus- 
trians and the French fighting on Italian soil! — is not that your eternal, your 
lamentable history? You would be independent. France is so already. 
France is not a corporal in the service of Italy. She makes war when and 
for whom she pleases. She neither puts her standards nor her battalions at 
the disposal of any one else." J 
These violent men, reckless, and generally unintelligent, heeded not these 

* Moniteur, Nov. 25, 1848. t Italy and the Wa.' of 1859, p. 270. 

t D'Hausonville, vol. ii. p. 251 . 



THE KOMAN QUESTION. 377 

warnings, and precipitated a revolution wliich it was certain that Austria had 
the power and the disposition immediately to crush. As we have mentioned, 
Cavaignac was at this time Dictator of France. Louis Napoleon was then a 
member of the Chamber of Deputies. Though generally silent and inactive, 
he was very carefully studying the posture of afiairs. Fiance was greatly 
agitated by the untoward news from Rome. It was certain that Austria would 
immediately intervene, not to aid the Romans to establish a republic, but to 
seat tlie pope again upon his throne; and then the pontiff, being under siich 
supreme obligation to the Austrians, and holding his sceptre tlirough the pro- 
tection of their armies, would be compelled to govern under those principles 
of absolutism which Austria might dictate. The papal power, morally the 
greatest power in Europe, would thus be in entire subservience to the Era])ire 
of Austria. France could not admit this ; for all the physical and moral strength 
of Italy would thus be arrayed against the principles of popular liberty which 
were springing to life in France.* 

To avert this peril. General Cavaignac, in virtue of his dictatorial powers, 
immediately despatched three steam-frigates to Civita Vecchia to take the 
holy father under the protection of France. It was a political movement 
merely, that French, not Austrian, influence might dominate in the Peninsula. 
The whole subject was debated in the French Chamber of Deputies with much 
animation. No particular line of policy had been marked out for the frigates 
to pursue, though they were authorized to convey the pope to France if he 
would accept the hospitality of the French Republic. The radical Republicans 
hoped that the troops would give their influence to establish and maintain the 
Republic; but the dynasties were watching France with a jealous and mena- 
cing eye. The more moderate party apprehended that this would be regarded 
as an act of propagandisra of revolutionary principles which would alarm all 
the courts, and biing down upon France again, as in the days of Napoleon I., 
the horrors of a universal European coalition. In the debate upon this ques- 
tion, M. Barrot said, — 

" If we allow Austria time to go to the Eternal City, it will be, in the first 
place, a very serious injury to French influence in Italy: it will also insure 
the re-establishment of absolutism at Rome, as in the time of Gregory XVI. 
Let us, then, intervene ourselves, that the cabinet of Vienna may not acquire 
an undue influence in Italy, and that we may prove a safeguard to Roman 
liberty." f 

* Protestants, generally, are not aware of the fervor of emotion with which the zealous mem- 
bers of the Koman-Catholic Church cling to their faith ; and it is estimated that that communion 
numbers in Europe about two hundred millions. The following sentiment from the Abbe' J. H. 
Mignon expresses the feelings of a vast multitude. The sovereign of a Catholic country who 
should ignore this sentiment would be insane. 

" There is one name which my lips never pronounce but with profound veneration. It recalls 
to me, in my mature years as in my more tender youth, the power and the goodness of Christ 
visibly represented on earth ; and the day in which that name shall fall upon my car without 
awakening in me filial respect, I shall believe that an impious thought has come to succeed in 
the depths of my soul that pure faith which I have imbibed with my mother's milk. This name 
is that of the pope." — Projet de Solution de la Question Romaine, par I'AbheJ. 11. Mignon 

t MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 197. 
48 



378 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

The action of General Cavaignac was approved by i majority vote of the 
Assembly. It was voted to intervene, while it was stiL not decided what char- 
acter the intervention should assume. Many, however, strongly opposed a 
movement so entirely undefined. At this vote, Louis Napoleon was not pres- 
e-it. He was censured for not committing himself for or against the measure. 
It would seem that he was in favor of intervention, but was not willing to 
vote blindly, without knowing what course the troops were to pursue. Every 
eye in France was watching his action. This led him to write the following 
letter to the " Constitutionnel : " — 

" Mr. Editor, — Understanding that my declining to vote on the question 
relating to the Civita-Vecchia expedition has been made the subject of 
remark, I think it my duty to declare, that, though altogether of the opinion 
that all proper measures for effectually securing the liberty and authority of 
the sovereign pontiff should be supported, I could not approve by my vote 
of a military demonstration that to me seemed dangerous, even for the sacred 
interests it is intended to protect, and of a nature to compromise the fate of 
Europe. "Receive, &c. 

"Louis N. Bonaparte." 

Many thought that they discerned in this letter a secret leaning towards 
the Revolutionary party in Rome ; and when it was afterwards learned that 
the Prince of Canino, son of Lucien Bonaparte and cousin of Louis Napoleon, 
was chosen President of the Revolutionary Roman National Assembly, Louis 
Napoleon was openly accused of being in secret correspondence with him 
for the purpose of revolutionizing all Italy. The friends of order were 
alarmed. It was feared that Louis Napoleon would place himself at the head 
of revolutionary propagaudism, and that billows of insurrection and war 
would sweep all Europe. 

France was Catholic. Even in the cities, the overwhelming majority of 
the people, and almost the whole population of the country, were devotedly 
attached to their religious faith. The Revolutionists in Rome were generally, 
not only hostile to Catholicism, but the foes of Christianity. Nothing could 
be more obnoxious to the Catholics than to have the revered head of their 
church treated with disresj^ect. Louis Napoleon was then a candidate for 
the presidency. His enemies began to iirge that he was the foe of the Catholic 
faith, that he was in sympathy with the insurgents who had murdered Rossi 
and stormed the Quirinal, and that he wished to dethrone and degrade the 
holy fiither. Louis Napoleon, pressed by these rumors, wrote the foUoAving 
letter to the pope's nuncio, then in Paris : — 

" MoNSEiGNEUR, — I am unwilling that you should give credence to the 
reports tending to render me an accomplice of the Prince of Caiiino's conduct 
at Rome. For a long time, I have had no intercourse with the eldest son of 
Lucien Bonaparte ; and I deplore with all my soul that he has not perceived 
that the maintrenance of the temporal sovereignty of the venerable head of 



THE ROMAN QUESTION. 379 

the Church is intimately connected with the lustre of Catholicity as well as 
with the liberty and independence of Italy. 

" Receive, monseigneur, the assurance of my high esteem. 

"Louis N. Bonaparte." 

Soon after this, France, with almost undivided voice, placed her sceptre of 
executive power in the hands of Louis Napoleon. Never did one assume 
government surrounded with greater difficulties and perils at home and 
abroad.* No intelligent and candid man can contemplate the position, and 
not admire the combined sagacity and firmness which rescued the nation 
from its perils. When the newly-elected president entered the Palace of the 
f'^lysee, the pope was a fugitive at Gaeta, in the kingdom of Naples. The 
three French steamers sent by Cavaignac to Civita Vecchia had accomjilished 
nothing. Austria was gathering her strength to march upon Rome, crush the 
insurgents, and re-enthrone the pope. The ambassadors of all foreign courts 
still recognized the Pontifical Government, and were assembled at Gaeta 
around the little court which the pontifi:' had gathered there. The President 
of the French Republic and the National Assembly deemed it necessary to 
adopt some decisive course of action. 

The Army of the Alps was then under the command of Marshal Bugeaud. 
A detachment of this army, consisting at first of thirty-five hundred men, was 
sent to Civita Vecchia under command of General Oudinot, son of the dis- 
tinguished marshal of the same name under Napoleon L The expedition 
sailed from Toulon on the 22d of April, 1849, and entered the harbor of 
Civita Vecchia on the 25th of the same month. Still the object of the expe- 
dition seems not to have been very clearly announced; though, doubtless, the 
president had a very definite plan in his mind. There were at that time two 
parties, in France, of those who favored the intervention : the one party was 
in sympathy with the pope, and expected that the expedition would restore 
him to his temporal power ; the other party was in sympathy with the Revo- 
lutionists, and expected that the expedition would sustain them in their insur- 
rection. Sir Archibald Alison says, — 

" So completely had the Italian Liberals been misled by the diplomatic 
interference of France, along with England, in their favor, that, when the 
French armament appeared off their shores, they never doubted that they 
were coming as friends. Accordingly, they allowed the troops to land with- 
out opposition ; and for some days the French and Roman soldiers mounted 
guard side by side." f 

* " It -was true that he had many a stormy element to encounter ; had to pass all the quicksands 
and shoals of Parisian capriciousness ; to set upon and subdue the boisterous, bloody mountain ; 
to bring order out of the chaos of revolution ; to quiet the minds of the people of France, and 
rc-assure them that there ^vas sufficient stability, conservatism, and virtue in society to prcserva 
it. lie managed this so steadily as to elicit contidcnce, excite hope, and rally around himself 
those who desired domestic peace, the preservation of property, and the protection of life. His 
name, amid all the wild tumults of his two-years' presidency, loomed up as a landmark of safe- 
ly, a breakwater against the angry waves of discord, a symbol of future solidity and rest." — 
Aaly and the War of 1859, p. 89. 

t Historj' of Europe, vol. viii. p. 398. 



•?80 LIFE OF NAPOLEON UI. 

The troops disembarked on the 26th, and commenced their march towards 
the capitah General Oudinot issued the following proclamation : — 

" Inhabitants of the Roman States, — A French army-corps has landed 
upon your territory. It is not its object to exercise an oppressive influence, 
or to impose upon you a government not conformed to your wishes. The 
corps comes only to preserve you from the greatest misfortunes, and to facili- 
tate, if it can, the establishment of a regime equally separated from the abuses 
forever destroyed by the illustrious Pius IX. and from the anarchy of these 
last times." 

The Roman Revolutionary Assembly, after a long debate, decided that the 
expedition imperilled their republic, and resolved to repel it by force. Gen- 
eral Oudinot encountered unexpected resistance as he approached the walls 
of Rome, and, after a pretty severe battle, was driven back with considerable 
loss. The intelligence of this unexpected defeat excited varied emotions in 
Paris. The enemies of the government were overjoyed. Louis Napoleon 
wrote the following letter of sympathy and encouragement to General Oudi- 
not. It was dated Palace of the Elysee, May 8, 1849 : — 

"My dear General, — The telegraphic intelligence announcing the un- 
foreseen resistance you have met under the walls of Rome has given rae 
much pain. I had expected that the inhabitants of Rome, opening their eyes 
to evident reason, would receive with joy an army that came amongst them 
to accomplish a benevolent and disinterested mission. 

"This has not been the case. Our soldiers have been received as enemies. 
Our military honor is pledged. I shall not suffer it to be injured. You shall 
have re-enforcements. Tell your soldiers that I appreciate their valor and 
share in their trouble, and that they can always rely upon my support and 
my gratitude. 

" Receive, ray dear general, the assurance of my high esteem. 

"Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." 

In the first message of the President of the Republic, on the 6th of June, 
the following account is given by the president of the origin of this expedi- 
tion, and its result until that time : — 

" At Rome, a revolution has been effected which has deeply moved the 
CathoUc and the liberal world. During the last two years, we have seen iu 
the holy see a pontiff who has taken the initiative in useful reforms, and 
whose name, repeated in hymns of gratitude from one end of Italy to 
another, was the symbol of liberty and the pledge of all hopes ; when sud- 
denly it was heard with astonishment that that sovereign, lately the idol of 
his people, had been constrained to fly furtively from his capitol. 

" The acts of aggression which compelled Pius IX. to leave Rome appear 
in the eyes of Europe- to be the work of a conspiracy rather than the 
B]>ontaneous movement of a people who could not, in a moment, have passed 



THE EOMAN QUESTION. 381 

from the most lively enthusiasm to the most afflicti\ 3 ingratitude.* The 
Catholic powers sent ambassadors to Gaeta to deliberate i pen the important 
interests of the papacy. France was represented there. She listened to 
all parties without taking sides; but, after the defeat of Novara,t affairs 
assumed a more decided aspect. Austria, in concert with Naples, responding 
to an appeal from the holy father, notified the French Government that 
these two powers had decided to march upon Rome, to re-establish there, 
unconditionally, the authority of the pope. 

"Being thus obliged to take some action, there were but three courses 
which we could pursue, — either to oppose by arms all intervention (and in 
that case we should break with all Catholic Europe) for the sole interest of 
the Roman Republic, which we have not recognized ; or to leave the three 
coalesced powers to re-establish at their pleasure, and unconditionally, the 
papal authority ; or to exercise, of our own accord, direct and independent 
action. 

"The government of the Republic adopted the latter course. It seemed 
to us easy to satisfy the Romans, that, pressed on all sides, they had no chance 
of safety but from us ; that, if our presence had for its result the return of 
Pius IX., that sovereign, faithful to himself, would take back with him recon- 
ciliation and liberty; that we, being once at Rome, would guarantee the 
integrity of the territory by taking away from Austria all pretext for entering 
Romagna. We even hoped that our flag, planted without resistance in the 
centre of Italy, would have extended its protective influence over the whole 
of the Peninsula, to none of whose griefs can we ever be indifferent. 

" The expedition to Civita Vecchia was then resolved upon in concert with 
the National Assembly, which voted the necessary supplies. It had all the 
chances for success. From information received from Rome, all agreed, that, 
with the exception of a small number of men who had seized upon power, 
the population awaited our arrival with impatience. Simple reason taught us 
that it must be so ; for, between our intervention and that of the other powers, 
the choice could not be doubtful. 

" A concurrence of unfortunate circumstances has decided otherwise. Our 
expeditionary corps, small in numbers, since serious resistance had not been 
anticipated, disembarked at Civita Vecchia ; and the government is instructed, 
that if, on the same day, it could have arrived at Rome, the gates would have 
been thrown open with joy. But, while General Oudinot was notifying the 
government at Rome of his arrival. Garibaldi entered there, at the head of 



* "France was still a Catholic country ; but, even if she were not, here was an act of injustice 
too flagrant, and indeed too dangerous, to be overlooked. She saw a horde of adventurers, most 
of I hem fugitives from the punishment their turbulent conduct had deserved, generously received 
by one of the most benevolent sovereigns that ever existed, and then taking such advantage of 
circumstances as to instigate his mercurial sulyects to dethrone him, and establish a form of 
government, of the navie even of which they did not know the meaning." — Life of Napoleon III., 
hy Edward Roth, p. 413. 

t There is here allusion to the eflforts of the Piedmontese to throw oflf the yoke of Austrian 
domination. Their armies were crushed and annihilated by the Austrians in the terrible battle 
of Novara fought on the 23d of March, 1849. 



382 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

troops formed of refugees from all parts of Italy, and even from the rest of 
Europe. His presence, as may be imagined, increased suddenly the force 
of the pai'ty of resistance. 

" On the 30th of April, six thousand of our soldiers presented themselves 
before the walls of Rome. They were received with cannon-shot. Some 
even, drawn into a snare, were taken prisoners.* We all must mourn over 
tlie blood shed on that sad day. That unexpected conflict, without changing 
the final accomplishment of our enterprise, has paralyzed our kind intentions, 
and rendered vain the efforts of our negotiators." 

The whole of this message is worthy of transcription ; but our space forbids. 
In conclusion, the president says, " I hope, gentlemen, that what I have said 
will prove to you that my intentions are conformed to your own. You wish, 
as do I, to labor for the happiness of the people who have elected us ; for 
the glory, for the prosperity, of our country. You think, as do I, that the 
best means of attaining these ends are, not violence and cunning (ruse), but 
firmness and justice. France confides itself to the patriotism of the members 
of the Assembly. She hopes that truth revealed in broad day from the 
tribune will confound falsehood and disarm error. The Executive power, on 
its part, will do its duty. 

" I invite under the flag of the Republic, and upon the platform of the 
Constitution, all men devoted to the safety of the country. I rely upon their 
co-operation and upon their intelligence to enlighten me, upon my conscience 
to conduct me, upon the protection of God to accomplish my mission." 

The military pride of France was intensely wounded by the repulse which 
her soldiers had encountered beneath the walls of Rome. With the excep- 
tion of a few partisans who rejoiced over any discomfiture of the govern- 
ment, the nation was united in the sentiment, that the disgrace must be 
obliterated by victory and the capture of Rome. General Oudinot repaired 
to Palo, about three miles from Civita Vecchia, to await re-enforcements. 
These were immediately despatched in large numbers from Toulon. In the 
course of a few weeks, he found his force strengthened by eight regiments of 
infantry, one of cavalry, and a train of siege artillery. 

The Neapolitans, composing in reality but a wing of the Austrian army, 
consisting of nearly nine thousand men, infantry and cavalry, and fifty-two 
guns, were now advancing upon Rome. Their intervention was to rivet the 
cliains of absolutism upon Rome and Italy. The French intervention 
aimed to secure for the Papal States, under the pope, liberal institutions 
which should be in accord with those which France was endeavoring to 
establish. At the same time, a Spanish force of six thousand men, auxiliary 
to the Neapolitans, disembarked at Gaeta to assist in the restoration of his 
Holiness. France refused any co-opei'ation with these forces, reserving the 
occupation of Rome for her own troops. 

* " In this untoward affiiir, the French lost four ofBcers and one hundred and eighty men 
killed, eleven officers and four hundred men wounded, and eleven officers and five hundred and 
sixty men made prisoners ; while the entire loss on the side of the Komans was only three hun- 
dred and twenty." — Attn. Hist. 1849, p. 623. 



THE ROMAN QUESTION". 383 

The French troops, stung by defeat, were panting for revenge, and clam- 
ored to be led again against the foe by whom they had been repelled. The 
executive powers of the Roman Republic were formally vested in three men, 
called the triumvirate, — Mazzini,* Annellini, and Saffi; the first a Lombard, 
the other two Romans by birth. The President of France, anxious to arrest 
if possible the effusion of blood, and yet deeming it essential to the interests 
of France that the Austrians should not be permitted to occupy Rome, and 
thus attain the ascendency throughout the whole of the Italian Peninsula, 
sent M. Lefrege, a diplomatic agent, to urge upon this triumvirate the impos- 
sibility of their resisting Austria, should France withdraw ; that French 
protection would secure equal rights for all ; that Austrian domination would 
consign Italy to unrelenting civil and ecclesiastical absolutism. But these 
pacific endeavors were quite unavailing. 

The Revolutionary party in Rome had, in the mean time, adopted the most 
vigorous measures for defence. They had strengthened the walls, mounted 
heavy artillery upon the ramparts, and reared a very perfect series of barri- 
cades to defend the streets. They hoped thus to be able to prolong the con- 
test until the autumn, when the malaria of the Campagna, a foe more deadly 
than bullet or sword, would either destroy the besiegers, or put them to flight. 
There were twenty thousand armed men within the walls, with two hundred 
pieces of artillery, and ample supplies of ammunition.f Early in June, General 
Oudinot had twenty-eight thousand men under his command, witli a train 
of ninety pieces of artillery. 

Hostilities were recommenced on the 2d of June. The siege was vigor- 
ously conducted, and the defence was equally energetic. The French lost 
not a few advantages in their anxiety to conduct the assault in such a way as 
not to imperil the inestimable treasures of art and the stately monuments of 
antiquity with which the city abounded. For seventeen days and nights, 
the conflict raged wHh great severity; and yet General Oudinot would not' 

* " Mazzini, who was at this time, in reality, Dictator in Rome, was one of those remarkable 
men who are painted by their friends as angels, and by their enemies as demons. He was bom 
in Genoa in 1809, the son of a distinguished mother. He studied for the law; but, imbibing 
extreme democratic principles, devoted all his energies, through an incessant series of unsuc- 
cessful struggles, to their dissemination. He is considered a man of much intellectual ability, 
an eloquent speaker and writer. His whole life has been spent in proclaiming his principles by 
speech and pen, and in organizing revolutionary parties. He was a man of singular purity of 
character, loving retirement, study, and solitary walks by moonlight ; and would ever reprove a 
wanton jest or an indelicate allusion made in his presence. Though one may doubt the wisdom 
of his movements, no one can reasonably question the sincerity of his self-consecration to what 
he deemed the best interests of Italy." — The War in Italy in 1859, pp. 277-285. 

t " The Eternal City alone presented an accessible rallying-point to the discomfited insur- 
gents ; and it was, in consequence, filled by them. It was under the command of the most noted 
leaders from all parts of Italy, — Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Avezzana. The first brought to the cause 
the aid of unbounded revolutionary enthusiasm, devout trust in human perfectibility, consider- 
able powers of eloquence, and unscrupulous ambition ; the second led under his standard all 
the ardent spirits and refugees who had been expelled from Lombardy and Tuscany by the Aus- 
trian arms ; while the third, who had come from Genoa with five hundred followers, and had 
been created minister at war, imported the knowledge of command which he had acquired when 
ft the head of tl e National Guard of Genoa." — History of Europe, by Sir Archibald Alison, vol 
% ii. p. 398. 



384 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

allow a single bomb to be thrown into the city. Mazzini and the Revolution- 
ary party were consoling themselves with the hope that Ledru Rollin and the 
Opposition in France would be able to incite an insurrection which would 
overthrow the French Government, and introduce a regime which would 
favor the Roman Republic. In the despatches sent to General Oudinot by 
the president, the minister of war wrote, — 

"The president wishes that the monuments of Rome, which are the admi- 
ration of all civilized people, should be honored and protected. Act so that 
art and history may not have occasion to deplore the ravages inseparable from 
a siege. If you are forced to cany the city by assault, remind your soldiers 
that they are not at war with the inhabitants of Rome, but with their oppress- 
ors and their enemies. Burn more powder if necessary. Put off the capture 
of the city a day or two to spare the blood of our brave soldiers." 

On the 2d of July, a practicable breach was formed. At three o'clock in 
the morning, an advance bastion was carried by assault, and Rome was at the 
mercy of the conquerors. The white flag of surrender was hoisted on the 
Castle of St. Angelo. The French entered the city, and immediately pro- 
claimed the re-establishment of the papal authority under the protection of 
France. The triumvirate fled at midnight with five thousand men, after 
having issued the following proclamation : — 

"KoMANS, — In the darkness of the night, by means of treason, the enemy 
has set foot on the breach. Arise, ye people, in your might ! Destroy him ! 
Fill the breach with his carcasses ! Blast the enemy, the accursed of God, 
who dare touch the sacred walls of Rome ! While Oudinot resorts to this 
infamous act, France rises up, and recalls its troops from this work of invasion. 
One more effort, Romans, and your country is saved forever. Rome, by its 
constancy, regenerates all Europe. In the name of your fathers, in the name 
of your future hopes, arise, and give battle. Arise and conquer! One prayer 
to the God of battles, one thought to your faithful brethren, one hand to your 
arms ! Every man becomes a hero. This day decides the fate of Rome and 
of the Republic. " Mazzini, Annellini, Saffi." 

This was an eloquent though scarcely an appropriate utterance for leaders 
on the rapid retreat. There was some ground for the assertion, that " France 
rises up, and recalls her troops from this invasion." In the preamble to the 
French Constitution which the Assembly had drawn up, it was declared, — 

" The Republic respects all foreign nationalities in the same manner as she 
expects her own to be respected. She undertakes no war with the idea of 
personal aggrandizement, and will never employ her strength against the 
liberty of any nation." 

Those who hoped that the French array had marched to the protection of 
the revolutionary government in Rome, and not to its overthrow, were exceed- 
ingly indignant in view of the measures of the government, and appealed to 
the above preamble as proof that the president had violated his trust. They 
consequently, in accordance with French democratic custom, called upon the 
-mob of Paris to rise in insurrection, and obtain redress by a revolution. In 



THE ROMAN QUESTION. 385 

contemplation of this movement, the Socialists had constrained their candi- 
dates for election to the Assembly to subscribe a declaration containing the 
following sentiments : — 

" The JRepuhlic is above any majorities. If the constitution is violated, 
the representatives of the people should be the- "first to set an example of 
armed resistance. The employment of the forces of France against any 
people is a crime, and a violation of the constitution. France is bound to 
give succor to every people combating," 

The clubs and the radical newspapers reiterated this cry against the govern- 
ment, denouncing it in the severest terms for its intervention in favor of the 
pontiff, and striving to arouse the populace of Paris to a new revolution. 
The following, from a published speech in one of these clubs, will show the 
spirit of the hour : — 

"A contest is commencing. It will be terrible. Treason is consummated. 
They are about to assassinate the Roman Republic. We are entitled to say 
so to a functionary who has betrayed the Republic ; and Bonaparte is that 
functionary. Louis XVI. conspired, and little time elapsed between the 
return from Yarennes and its expiation." * 

The " Vraie Republique " addressed its readers in the following strain : 
" The Mountain will come to the tribune to proclaim the dethronement. High 
treason has been committed. The right of dethronement has arisen. To 
oppose that right would be to tear in pieces the constitution, destroy the 
Republic, and abdicate by the very act the sovereignty of the people." 

" The minister," exclaimed Ledru Rollin in the Assembly, " who ordered an 
expedition to Rome, and who did not direct it to act for the interest of the 
Roman Republic, shall henceforth bear a mark of blood on his forehead. The 
constitution has been violated. We shall defend it by every means in our 
power, — even with arms." 

In accordance with these views, M. Ledru Rollin presented to the Assem- 
bly, on the 10th of June, an act of accusation, signed by one hundred and 
twenty-three of the members, against the president and his ministry. But 
this very Assembly had voted to send the expedition to Rome, and had fur- 
nished it abundantly with supplies. The act of accusation was rejected by a 
large majority. Ledru Rollin and his associates, doubtless, knew that it would 
be. The measure was intended merely as the first step to rouse the populace 
to an insurrection. The conspirators, through the clubs and the radical jour- 
nals, put all their machinery for rousing the mob in active operation. The 
pensive, silent, indomitable president, in his cabinet at the filysee, had his eye 
constantly upon them. He soon satisfied France that tLe destinies of the 
realm were no longer intrusted to a Louis Philippe or a Louis XVI. 

On the morning of the 13th of June, an immense throng began to gather on 
• the Boulevard, near the Chateau d'Eau. All Paris understood what it meant, 
and held its breath in suspense. Who could tell when or how such a confla- 
gration would be extinguished? The throng soon assumed the aspect of a 
resistless insurrection. It was observed that the whole body of the Socialists 

* Club Roisin, Fuuboiirg St. Antoinc, No. 169. 



386 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

of the Faubourg St. Antoine unci of the Faubourg St. Marceau were in the 
ranks. As they marched along the Boulevards, towards the Chamber of Dep- 
uties, they shouted, " We are going to finish with Bonaparte and the National 
Assembly ! " * 

General Changarnier was in command of the armed force of Paris. With 
five regiments, including infantry and cavalry, he quietly, and almost unob- 
served, took his station in the Rue de Richelieu, which enters the Boulevard 
at right angles. When one-half of the column of insurgents had jiassed, he 
suddenly issued from his retreat, and falling perpendicularly upon the flanlc of 
the column, without any difficulty, and without any struggle, cut it in two; 
then wheeling to the right and left, with his forces rapidly accumulating from 
his rear, he advanced in both directions at the pas de charge. Bayonets and 
bullets were ready to be employed if it were needful ; but it was not needful. 
The insurgents fled in all directions like sheep before^ hounds. In a few 
moments the streets were cleared, without firing a gun or shedding a drop of 
blood. A shout of derisive laughter echoed along the streets of Paris as the 
citizens rejoiced over this sudden and comical dispersion of the threatened 
terror.! 

M. Ledru Rollin and twenty-five of the most determined of his confederates, 
who had met to organize a provisional government, took refuge in tlie Conser- 
vatoire des Arts et des Metiers, in the Rue St. Martin. As the troops 
ajjproached, the insurgents threw themselves out of the windows, and took to 
flight; and Ledru Rollin succeeded in escaping to England. J 

At four o'clock in the afternoon, all was quiet. The president, accompanied 
by his staff*, rode along the whole length of the Boulevards. He was loudly 
cheered by the people, who were rejoiced in being thus rescued from the ter- 
rible scenes of revolution. The following proclamation was the next morning 
extensively placarded throughout Paris : — 

"proclamation of the president op the kepijblic to the people. 

"i:LT8EE, June 13, 1849. 

"Some factious men dare again to raise the standard of revolt against a 
government legitimate, since it is the product of universal suffi-age. They 
accuse me of having violated the constitution, — me, who have endured for 
six montlis, without being moved, their injuries, their calumnies, their provo- 
cations. The majority of the Assembly is the object of their outrages. The 

* " There were two manifestoes placarded throughout Paris by the leaders of the insurrection. 
The first, which was signed by a hundred of the representatives who belonged to the Socialist 
and extreme Democratic party, declared that the term of the president, of the ministry, and of ^ 
majority of the Assembly, had been brought to an end by the Roman expedition. 

" The second was as follows : ' The President of the Republic, and the ministers, are without 
the pale of the constitution. That part of the Assembly which by voting has rendered itself their 
eccomplice is also witliout the pale of the constitution. National Guards, arise! Let the work- 
shops i)c closed ! Our brethren of the army, remember that you are citizens, and, as such, that 
your tirst dtity is to defend the constitution ! Let the entire people rise ! ' " — Histoire politique et 
populai're du Prince Louis Napoleon, par iSmile Marco de St. Hilai^e, p. 280. 

t Moniteur, June 14, 1849. 

} Moniteur, June 15, 1849. 



THE ROMAN QUESTION. 387 

accusation brought against me is only a pretext; and ihi proof is, that those 
who attack me now pursued me with the same hatred, the same injustice, 
when the people of Paris nominated me as their representative, and the people 
of France as President of the Republic. 

"This system of agitation maintains in the country uneasiness and mistrust, 
which engender misery. It must cease. It is time that the good should be 
re-assured, and that the wicked should tremble. The Republic has no enemies 
more implacable than the men, who, perpetuating disorder, force us to change 
France into a vast camp, and our projects for amelioration and progress into 
preparations for conflict and defence. 

" Elected by the nation, the cause which I defend is yours : it is that of 
your families as of your property, that of the poor as of the rich, that of entire 
civilization. I shall recoil before nothing in order to make it triumph. 

"Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." 

This utter failure to force upon France extreme Socialistic and Democratic 
principles so strengthened the arm of power, that it was enabled, with but 
slight opposition, to suppress the revolutionary clubs, and so far to curb the 
license of the press as to impose a penalty upon any endeavor to incite the 
citizens to revolt, or to dissuade the soldiers from sustair /ng the established 
government. 




CHAPTER XXIII. 



THE WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 

Speech at Chartres, at Amiens, Angers, Nantes. — Sketch of Bonchamp. — Speech at Rouen. — 
The Workman at Elbeuf. — Incident at Fixin. — Speech at Epernay. — Affairs at Rome. — 
Letter to the President of the Assembly. — Refugees in Paris. — Universal Suffrage sus- 
pended. — Socialist Triumph. — Speech of Thiers. — Salary of the President. — Combination 
against him. — His Imperturbable Serenity. 

BOUT a fortnight after the quelling of the Socialistic insurrec- 
tion in Paris and in Lyons (where the conspirators had also 
roused the populace, and instigated a bloody conflict), the pres- 
ident took a short tour through some of the provinces. His 
strength lay in the millions of tlie rural population, and he was 
everywhere received with great enthusiasm. The brief speeches 
which he made on these occasions, seldom more than two minutes in length, 
were models for such addresses. At Charti'es, he said, on the 6th of July, 
1849,— 

"I thank the mayor for the words which he has uttered; and I offer a toast 
to the city of Chartres, where I have received a welcome so kind and so cor- 
dial. I am happy to visit this city, which recalls two grand epochs, two grand 
souvenirs, of our history. It Avas at Chartres that St. Bernard preached the 
second crusade, — magnificent idea of the middle age, — wliich rescued France 
from domestic broils, and elevated the cultivation of faith above material 
interests. 

" It was also at Chartres that Henry IV. was crowned. It was here that 
he marked the close often years of civil war, in coming to demand of religion 
to bless the return of peace and concord. And to-day it is still to faith and to 
conciliation that it is necessary to appeal, — to faith, which sustains us, and en- 
ables us to bear all the afflictions of life ; to conciliation, wliich augments our 
strength, and leads us to hope for a happier future. I offer, then, ' To Faith, 
to Conciliation, to the City of Chartres!'''''' 

At Amiens, which was essentially a Legitimist town, he was greeted with 
the warmest enthusiasm by the population. It was the 16th of July. The 
president said, — 

"The flattering and enthusiastic welcome I receive touches me profoundly. 
I have done so little for my country, that I am at the same time gratified and 
confused by this ovation. I attribute it, also, much more to my name than to 
myself. France knew, in giving me her suffrages, that that name represented 



WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 389 

not only war and victory, but much more, — order and peace. The city of 
Amiens, particularly, was convinced of this, — this city, which, in the midst of 
a Em-ope an conflagration, has seen within these walls, and even in the hall 
where we are now assembled, the signing of that famous treaty, which, in 1802, 
was designed to conciliate the interests of the two most civilized nations in 
the world. The single idea of the peace of the empire will pass to posterity 
under the name of the city of Amiens. It is, then, to this remembrance that 
I attribute a reception truly triumphal. You wish for peace, — but a glorious 
peace, fertile in benefits at home and in influence abroad. ' To Peace^ to M 
City of Amiens ! ' " 

On the 22d of July, the prince entered the village of Ham, in w^hose 
"vicinity rose the gloomy walls of the castle where he had endured six years 
of captivity. In response to the address of the mayor, he said, — 

"I am profoundly moved by the affectionate reception with which I have 
been greeted by your fellow-citizens ; but, believe me, I have not come to 
Ham from pride, but from gratitude. My heart impelled me to thank the 
inhabitants of this village and of its environs for all the marks of sympathy 
which they unceasingly gave me during my misfortunes. 

"To-day, when, elected by entire France, I have become the legitimate 
chief of this great nation, I cannot take pride in a captivity which was 
caused by an attack upon a regular government. When we see how revolu- 
tions the most just draw evils after them, we can scarcely appreciate the 
audacity of having wished to assume upon one's self the lesponsibility of 
a change. I do not complain, then, of having expiated here, by an imprison- 
ment of six years, my temerity against the laws of my country; and it is 
with satisfaction, that, in these places in which I have suffered, I propose to 
you a toast in honor of the men who are determined, in spite of their con- 
victions, to respect established institutions." * 

At Angers, on the same day, the president said, " In passing through your 
city in the midst of the acclamations of the people, I have asked myself 
what I have done to merit a reception so flattering, so enthusiastic. It is not 
only because I am the nephew of the man who caused all our civil dissensions 
to cease that you receive me with so much kindness : for I cannot do for you 
what the emperor has done ; I have neither his genius nor his power. But 
your acclamations explain themselves, since I represent the system of 
moderation and conciliation inaugurated by the Hepub'ic, — that system which 
consists in implanting in France, not that savage libe/ty which permits each 
one to do wdiat he will, but that liberty of civilized people which permits 
each one to do whatever may not be injurious to the interests of the com- 
munity. Under all regimes^ there are, I know, oppressors and oppressed ; 
but, so long as I am President of the Republic, there shall be no oppressed 
party. There is no city which will comprehend and defend with more 
devotion than Angers this wise policy, which we wish to make triumph- 
ant." 

* La politique impeiiale Exposee par lea Discours et Proclamations de I'Empereur Na- 
poleon III. depuis le 10 decerabre, 1848, p. 30. 



390 LIFE OF KAPOLEON III. 

He reached Nantes on the 30th of July, and, in the following address, 
responded to the welcome he received: "The journey I have made to come 
here to you will remain profoundly engraven in ray heart; for it has been 
fertile in remembrances and in hope. It is not without emotion that I have 
seen the majestic river, behind which the last glorious battalions of our grand 
ai-my took refuge.* It is not without emotion that I arrest my steps with 
respect before the tomb of Bonchamp. It is not without emotion, that to-day, 
seated in the midst of you, I find myself in presence of the statue of 
Cambronne.f All these remembrances, so nobly appreciated by you, prove to 
me, that, if fate had so willed, we might still be the great nation through our 

aiTBS. 

" But there is to-day a gloiy equally grand : it is to oppose ourselves to all 
civil war and to all foreign war, and to become great through our industry 
and our commerce. You see this forest of masts which languishes here in 
your port. It waits but assistance to bear to the ends of the earth the 
products of our civilization. Let us be united ; let us forget all causes of 
dissension ; let us be devoted to order and to the grand interests of our 
country; and soon we shall again be the great nation by arts, by industry, and 
by commerce. The city of Nantes, which has received me so kindly to-day, 
is deeply interested in this question ; for it is destined, by its position, to 
attain the highest degree of commercial prosperity." 

The president, in this address, alludes to the tomb of Bonchamp. The 
allusion merits special notice. One of the saddest things in history is to see 
the noblest of men in civil strife arrayed against each other, sincerely, con- 
scientiously, even prayerfully, contending unto death, each believing that he 
is struggling for God and the right. This should surely teach us a lesson ot 
charity. 

General Bonchamp was one of the most distinguished of the Royalist 
leaders in the war of La Vendee. His character was so pure and elevated, 
that it commanded universal reverence. As he took leave of his young and 
weeping wife to place himself at the head of the troops in defence of the 
king against the Republic, he said to her, — 

" Summon to your aid all your courage ; redouble your patience and 
resignation : you will have need for the exercise of all these virtues. We 
must not deceive ourselves : we can look to no recompense in this world for 
what we are to suffer. All it could offer would be beneath the purity of our 
motives and the sanctity of our cause. We must never expect human glory : 
civil strife affords none. We shall see our houses burned; we shall be plun- 
dered, proscribed, outraged, calumniated, perhaps massacred. Let us thank 
God for enabling us to foresee the worst, since that presage, by doubling 
the merit of our actions, will enable us to anticipate the heavenly reward 

* After the awful disaster of Waterloo, the fragment of the army, forty thousand strong, 
under Marshal Davoust, pursued by nearly a million of the allies, took refuge behind the Loire. 

t General Cambronne was one of the most distinguished soldiers of the empire. He was 
called the first grenadier of France. At Waterloo, he was in command of the chasseurs of the 
Imperial Guard, and gave the celebrated answer to the British proposal of capitulation, — " The 
Guard dies : it does not surreiider." 



WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY A 3 A.INST THE PEESIDENT. 391 

\vhich awaits those who are courageous in adversity and constant in suffering. 
Let us raise our eyes and our thoughts to heaven : it is there that we shall 
find a guide which cannot mislead, a force which cannot be shaken, an eternal 
reward for transitory grief." 

In the terrible battle of Cholet, on the 17th of October, 1793, General 
Bonchamp was mortally wounded. As his life was fost ebbing away, he 
seemed to be greatly sustained by the consolations of religion. Two vener- 
able ecclesiastics soothed his dying hours. 

"Yes," said he, "I dare to hope for the divine mercy. I have not acted 
from pride, or the desire of a glory which perishes in eternity. I have tried 
only to overturn the rule of impiety and of blood. I have not been able to 
restore the throne : but I have, at least, defended the cause of my God, ray 
king, and my countiy ; and He has in mercy enabled me to pardon" — Here 
his voice faltered ; and in another moment his soul was with God. 

The scenes of horror which ensued as the victorious Republicans swept the 
country with fire and with blood cannot here be described. Neither age nor 
sex was spared. Demons could scarcely have been more merciless. Doubtless 
many of the officers would have arrested these horrors if they could. Ma- 
dame Bonchamp was concealed for several days in the thick folinge of an 
oak-tree, with her little girl, almost an infant. " A cough or a cry fiom the 
inflint," says Sir Archibald Alison, " would have betrayed them both ; but 
the little creature, though suffering under a painful malady, never uttered a 
groan. Both mother and child frequently slept in peace for hours, when the 
bayonets of their pursuers were visible through the opening leaves. At night, 
when the enemy were asleep, the little children of the cottagers brought 
them provisions." 

At last, she was arrested and imprisoned. After a long captivity, her little 
daughter, then but six years of age, was sent to the Revolutionary Tribunal, 
with a petition in behalf of her captive mother. The artless child entered 
the presence of the judges, and presented the paper, saying, in lisping accents, 
"I have come to ask a pardon for my mamma." Even these stern judges 
were moved; and one of them, looking at the paper, and seeing the name of 
Bonchamp, said, "Well, we will give you a pardon if you will sing one of 
your best songs." They knew how much she had cheered the prisoners by 
her sweet singing. With this, the child commenced in a loud and very 
charming voice to sing the words which she had heard from sixty thousand 
men on the field of battle, — 

" Vive, vive le Roi ! 
A bas la Republique," 

The simplicity of the child disarmed the wrath of the judges. They 
granted the pardon, after making some severe remarks upon the det3Stable 
education which the fanatical Royalists gave to their children.* Louis Napo- 
leon, the President of the Republic, visited the tomb of the Royalist martyr, 
Bonchamp, with emotion and veneration. 

* Beauchainp's Hist, des Guerres de la Vendue, vol. ii. pp. 267, &c 



392 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

At Saumur, on the 31st of July, the president said, " Of all the cities which 
I have visited since my departure from Paris, Saumur is not the largest ; but 
it is not the least important: for it is not only by its admirable position and 
by its commerce that it is distinguished ; but it is still more so by its patriot- 
ism. This sentiment is cherished by the celebrated school established within 
its walls ; for in this establishment, where such good officers are formed, one 
not only learns how to mount a horse, but those habits of discipline, of order, 
and of subordination, are acquired, which constitute the good soldier as well 
as the good citizen. 

" Here the military spirit still remains in all its force ; and may God be 
praised that it is not likely to be extinguished! Never forget that this mili- 
tary spirit is, in times of crisis, the safeguard of the country. In the first 
revolution, the emperor said, that while, in the interior, aP parties destroyed 
and dishonoi-ed each other reciprocally by their excesses, the national honor 
took refuge in our armies. Let us consecrate all our efforts, that we may 
guard intact, and that we may still develop, that military spirit : for be 
assured, that, if the products of the arts and the sciences merit our admiration, 
there is something which merits it still more ; and that is the »'eligion of duty, 
— fidelity to the flag." 

The president arrived at Tours on the 1st of August. In response to 
the enthusiastic greeting which he there received, he said, "I ought first 
to thank the city of Tours for the cordial welcome it has given me; but I 
ought also to say that the acclamations of which I am the object affect me 
more than they elate me. I have too well known misfortune not to be 
sheltered from the enticements of prosperity. I have not come to you 
with any mental reserve, but to show myself as I am, and not ns calumny 
represents me. 

"It has been pretended, it is still pretended, in Paris, that the government 
meditates a surprise similar to that of the 18th Brumalre. But are we now 
in the same circumstances? Have foreign armies invaded our territory? Is 
France torn by civil war? Are there eighty thousand families in exile? Are 
there a hundred thousand families outlawed by edicts regarding the suspected? 
In short, is law without vigor, and authority without strength? No: we are 
not in a condition which requires such heroic remedies. In my eyes, France 
can be compared to a ship, which, after having been tossed by tempests, 
has at length found a harbor more or less favorable, but where it has cast 
anchor. 

"In such a case it is necessary to repair the ship, restore its ballast, 
strengthen its masts and its sails, before again encountering the perils of the 
open sea. Our laws may be more or less defective ; but they are susceptible 
of improvement. Have faith, then, in the future, without dreaming of coups 
d'etat or of insurrections. Covps cVetat have no pretext ; insurrections have 
no chance of success. Scarcely can they commence ere they will be re- 
pressed. Have confidence in the National Assembly, and in your chief magis- 
trates, the elect of the nation ; and, above all, confide in the Supreme B-^ini^, 
who is still the protector of France." 



WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAIXST THE PRESIDENT. 393 

On the 11th of August, he reached Rouen. His address there was as 
follows : " The more I visit the principal cities of France, the more strong 
is my conviction that all the elements of public prosperity are to be found in 
the country. What is it, then, which prevents to-day our prosperity from 
developing itself and bearing its fruits? Permit me to tell you. It is because 
:t is the peculiarity of our epoch to suffer ourselves to be seduced by chimeras, 
instead of attaching ourselves to reality. Gentlemen, I said in my message, 
'The more obvious the evils of society are, the more certain spirits are 
inclined to plunge into the mysticism of theories.' 

" But what is the difficulty ? It is not enough to say, 'Adore that which 
you have hitherto burned, and burn that which you have adored during so 
many ages.' It is necessary to give society more of calmness and stability ; 
and as a man has said whom France esteems, and whom you all here love, — 
M. Thiers, — ' the true genius of our epoch consists in simple good sense.' 

" It is particulai-ly in this beautiful city of Rouen that good sense reigns. 
I owe to it unanimity of suffrages on the 10th of December ; for, gentlemen, 
you have well judged in thinking that the nephew of the man who has done 
so much to establish society upon its natural foundations could have no idea 
of casting this society into the billows of theories. 

"I am also, gentlemen, happy to be able to thank you for the one hundred 
and eighty thousand votes which you have given me. I am happy to find 
myself in this beautiful city of Rouen which contains witliin itself the germs 
of so much wealth : and I have admired these hills, decorated with the 
treasures of agriculture ; I have admired this river, which bears afar all the 
products of your industry. 

" In fine, I have not been less impressed with the aspect of the statue of 
the great Corneille. Do you know what that proves to me ? It is that you 
are not only devoted to the grand interests of commerce, but that you have 
also admiration for all that is noble in letters, arts, and sciences." * 

The addresses which were made to the president on this tour were so flat- 
tering, that he could entertain no doubt that the masses of the people were 
cordially enlisted in his support. At Rouen, the mayor, in allusion to the act 
of Napoleon I. on the 18th Brumaire, when he overthrew the Directory and 
established the Consulate, said, — 

" In the name of the city of Rouen, whose industrious population owes so 
much to Napoleon, I ofier a toast to that great memory, which, on the 10th 
of December, blazed out for us like a lighthouse in a storm : ' To Napoleon ; 
to his nephew, who is also called to save France and civilization, and who 
well justifies our best hopes.'" 

At Elbeuf, a blouse-clad workman thus addressed the president in behalf 
of his comrades : " Monsieur le President, you do not like long discourses, 
and we operatives cannot make them : so your wishes and our ability square 
wonderfully. Permit us, then, only to exj^ress in a few words how gratifying 



* The above addresses will all be found in La politique imperiale Expose'e par Ics Discours 
et Proclamations de I'Empercur Napoleon IIL depuis le 10 dtcembre, 1848, jusqu'en juillet, 
1865. 

60 



394 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

your visit is to us, and to say that it fills us with joy. On the 10th of Decem- 
ber, our shops were deserted, our sufferings were uncared for. The national 
will places you at the head of the state; and this happy inspiration brings 
back, together with order and confidence, the industrial activity which enables 
us to live. Labor has already produced some improvement in our condition. 
We thank you for this, and we trust in you for the future ; for we know that 
our lot interests you, and deeply engages your attention. In return for what 
you have done, for what you will do, accept, Mr. President, our jorofound 
gratitude ; and rely, we beg of you, on our hands and our hearts." 

The Prince President, cordially grasping the hand of t,he honest workman, 
replied, " I am much moved with the words with which you address me in the 
name of the operatives of Elbeuf. You do not deceive yourself in supposing 
that the working-classes possess my deepest solicitude. My eflTorts shall be 
constantly directed to improve their condition." 

In the little village of li'ixin, near Dijon, a veteran officer of the empire — 
M. Noizot — had reared a monument to the memory of the emperor. Louis 
Napoleon visited the monument. M. Noizot inconsiderately availed himself of 
the opportunity to solicit, of the Prince President, amnesty in favor of M. 
Guinard, one of the condemned of the loth of June. The response of Louis 
Napoleon shows his respect for the rights and prerogatives of that Assembly 
which had proved itself so hostile to him. 

"When I came," said the prince, "guided by a religious sentiment, to visit 
the monument erected to the martyr of St. Helena, I wished to render hom- 
age to the respectful devotion Avhich had conceived the project, and, above 
all, to the thought which has placed the monument in the bosom of this 
Burgundy, where one saw, in 1814, so much heroism for the defence of the 
emperor, or rather for the defence of the rights of the French people, — of 
the rights of all the peoples, of which he was, till the end, the faithful cham- 
pion. 

"I did not expect, I confess, that in such a place, and at such a moment, 
there would be addressed to me a repi'oach. And what is it ? — a reproach on 
the subject of an act which is asked of me, without considering that I am 
interdicted by the constitution from performing that act. Is it not, then, 
known that the prisoners whom a decree of the High Court has sent to Doul- 
lens can only be pardoned by a decree of the Assembly? And I, in regard to 
them, — as in regard to all, small and great, innocent or guilty, — have only a 
role to perform : it is to assure, in the interests of society, the execution of the 
law upon those whom it condemns, as I have sworn to assure its protection to 
all the members of the nation. Have I not fiiithfully kept my oath ? The 
law — is it not sovereign and respected? Do not, then, come and ask me why 
I have not done that which I cannot do without violating my oath. Let the 
Assembly pronounce, and I shall be ready to execute and respect its decision." * 

At fcpernay, the venerable Bishop of Chalons, in a voice trembling with 
grateful emotion, exclaimed, "Blessed be yourself, monseigneur! — you who 
take so much care of us, and who do such great things for us every day. The 

* MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 238. 



WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 395 

recollection of these shall live forever; particularly that of the magnificent 
expedition to Rome, of which you were the chief author, and which has filled 
France and all the Christian world with joy." 

Though the authority of Pius IX. was re-established in Rome, he did not 
immediately return to the city. The government was temporarily intrusted 
to three cardinals. These ecclesiastics, strongly prejudiced in favor of old 
usages, and indignant in view of the outrages which the Revolutionary party 
had committed, began, regardless of the reforms which the good old pope had 
inaugurated, to re-introduce the despotism of the ancient regime. As their 
authority was sustained by the French army, the government of the French 
Republic found itself placed in the unenviable position of upholding a power 
which was trampling upon popular rights. The president, accordingly, wrote 
the following letter to Colonel Ney, his orderly-officer at Rome. It was 
dated at the tlysee, Aug. 18, 18-19. 

"My dear Net, — The French Republic has not sent an army to Rome 
to smother Italian liberty, but, on the contrary, to regulate it by defending it 
from its own excesses, and to give it a solid basis by restoring to the pontifical 
throne the prince who had boldly placed himself at the head of all useful reforms. 

"I learn with pain that the intentions of the holy fether, and our own action, 
remain sterile in the presence of hostile passions and influences. As a basis 
for the pope's return, there are those \vho wish for proscription and tyranny. 
Say to General Rostolan, from me, that he is to allow no action to be per- 
formed under the shadow of the tricolor that could distort the nature of our 
intervention. I thus sum up the re-establishment of the temporal power of 
the pope : — 

" General amnesty, secularization of the administration. Code Napoleon, 
and liberal government. 

"I was personally wounded, when reading the proclamation of the cardinals, 
to see that there was no mention made of the name of France, or of the sufler- 
ings of our brave soldiers. 

"Every insult inflicted on our flag or on our uniform pierces me to the 
heart; and I beseech you to have it known publicly, that, if France does not 
sell her services, she wishes, at least, to get credit for her sacrifices and self- 
denial. 

"When our armies made the tour of Europe, they left everywhere, as a trace 
of their passage, the destruction of feudal abuses and the germs of liberty. 
It shall not be said, that, in 1849, a French army could have acted difterenlly, 
or produced other results. 

"Tell the general to thank the army, in my name, for its noble conduct. I 
am grieved to learn, that, even physically, it has not been treated as it de- 
serves. Nothing should be neglected to have our troops comfortably estab- 
lished. Receive, my dear Ney, the assurance of my sincere friendship. 

" Louis Napoleox Bonaparte." 

This letter, though it was violently assailed by the old Legitimist party in 
France, checked the abuses of the cardinals, and called forth action from the 



396 LIFE or NAPOLEON III. 

pope, which in some degree appeased the anxieties of the RepubUcan presi- 
dent. 

No one could doubt that the voice of the French people was warmly in 
favor of Louis Napoleon. The contending parties in the Assembly, each anx- 
ious to obtain the ascendency, were all convinced that their plans were hope- 
less, unless they could first get rid of so formidable a rival. They therefore 
combined against him, endeavoring to thwart all his plans, and, so far as they 
could, to expose him to obloquy. In the debate in which the president's let- 
ter to General Ney was severely denounced, General Cavaignac rose, and, with 
magnanimity characteristic of the man, said, — 

"I hope that a year's reserve has given me the privilege of expressing 
myself clearly without having my sentiments suspected. Well, I declare it 
freely,.! have found, in the letter of the President of the Republic, sentiments 
the most patriotic and the most worthy, I not only say of him who wrote 
it, but also of the great nation which has chosen him for her first magistrate. 
I render complete and respectful homage to the thought which has inspired 
this letter." 

In order to conciliate antagonistic parties, the pi'esident had formed his min- 
istry of men entertaining very opposite opinions. The result was, that there 
was no harmony of action. The president, therefore, decided to form a new 
cabinet, selecting men of commanding business talent, regai'dless of all party 
influences, but whose qualifications to fill the various departments to which 
they were called could not be questioned. In announcing this measure, he 
sent the following message to the President of the Assembly on the 31st of 
October, 1849: — 

"Monsieur le Pk:^sident, — Under the grave circumstances in which we 
find ourselves, the accord which ought to reign between the different powers 
of the State can only be maintained by their entertaining mutual confidence, 
and explaining themselves frankly to each other. To give an example of this 
sincerity, I wish to inform the Assembly of the reasons which have decided 
me to change the ministry, and to separate myself from men whose eminent 
services I take pleasure in proclaiming, and to whom I have pledged friend- 
ship and gratitude. 

" In order to strengthen the Republic, menaced on so many sides by 
anarchy, to secure order more efiiciently than has been hitherto done, to 
maintain abroad the name of France at the height of her renown, men are 
needed, who, animated by patriotic devotion, comprehend the necessity of a 
direction single and firm, and of a policy clearly defined; who do not com- 
promise power by any irresolution ; who will be as much filled with the con- 
viction of my peculiar responsibility as of their own ; men of action as well 
as of words. 

" For nearly a year, I have given so many proofs of self-denial, that there 
should be no misunderstanding of my intentions. Without rancor against 
any individual, or against any party, I have allowed men of the most diverse 
opinions to arrive at power, but without obtaining the happy results which I 
expected from that union. Instead of effecting a fusion of different shades of 



WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 397 

opinion, I arrive only at a neutralization of forces. Unity of views and 
intentions has been impeded, and the spirit of conciliation taken for feeble- 
ness. Scarcely had the dangers of the street been passed, when the old 
parties were again seen to elevate their flags, revive their rivalries, and alarm 
the country by sowing disquietude. 

" In the midst of this confusion, France, uneasy because she sees no 
guidance, seeks the hand, the will, of the elect of the 10th of December. 
But that will cannot be felt unless there be entire community of ideas, of 
views, and of convictions, between the president and his ministers, and unless 
the Assembly itself join in the national thought of which the election of the 
executive power has been the expression. 

"A whole system triumphed on the 10th of December. For the name of 
Napoleon is a complete programme in itself. It means, at home, order, 
authority, religion, the welfare of the people ; abroad, national dignity. It 
is this policy, inaugurated by my election, which I wish to make triumph, 
with the support of the Assembly and that of the people. I wish to be 
worthy of the confidence of the nation in maintaining the constitution to 
which I have sworn. I wish to inspire the country with such confidence, 
by my loyalty, my perseverance, and my firmness, that affairs may resume 
their course, and that all may have faith in the future. 

" The letter of a constitution has, without doubt, a great influence upon 
the destinies of a country ; but the manner in which it is executed has, 
perhaps, still more. The duration of power contributes vastly to the stability 
of things ; but it is also by displaying ideas and principles that governments 
can prevail, that society can be re-assured. Let us strengthen authority, then, 
without disquieting true liberty. Let us calm apprehensions by boldly sub- 
duing evil passions, and by giving all noble instincts a useful direction. Let 
us strengthen the religious principle without abandoning the conquests of the 
revolution, and we shall save the country, notwithstanding the parties, the 
ambitions, and even the imperfections, which our institutions may contain." 

This message irritated exceedingly the Opposition. It was received with 
applause by the country.* The factions in the Assembly saw clearly that 
Louis Napoleon was every day growing stronger in the affections of the 
people. They had tried calumny, and still the confidence of the masses in 
their president remained undisturbed. They had tried insurrection in the 
streets; but the president had scattered the insurgents in such away as to 
overwhelm them with the ridicule of all France. Party lines began to be 

* " The impression made was very difTerent in Paris <and in the provinces. In the former, 
after the first moments of stupor, the prevailing feeling was one of astonishment and indigna- 
tion. The popular members of the Assembly could scarcely believe that it was seriously 
intended to form a government independent of their influence, and setting at nought their 
eloquence. But, in the provinces, the impression was very different. They regarded it as an 
attempt to emancipate the government from the thraldom of the clubs in the capitol, or the 
despotism of an oligarchy of the Chamber ; and loudly applauded it as the commencement of 
the only government really suited to the circumstances of the countiy." — History of Europe, 
Sir ArclaJiald Aliso7i, vol. viii. p. 527. 



d98 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

more distinctly defined. The moderate Republicans, and many of the 
Orleans party, rallied around the president. Others of the Orleanisis fused 
with the Legitimists; and they, in union, co-operated with the extreme Re- 
publicans, Socialists and Communists of every grade, in persistent and im- 
placable assaults upon the government. And still, notwithstanding all these 
hinderances, even the few sagacious measures which the president was able to 
carry were working out beneficial results. No one could deny the following 
statements, made m one of the Parisian journals : — 

"A year ago, the State finances were gravely compromised. There was a 
deficit of more than three hundred millions. Now, without loans, we can 
show an exchequer which balances. 

" A year ago, labor and commerce had ceased everywhere. Now factories 
are in full activity. The custom-houses have reported as favorably as in the 
most prosperous years. The actual augmentation of the indirect revenue 
over the year 1848 is seventy-seven million francs. 

" A year ago, the city of Paris alone gave support to nearly one hundred 
thousand poor. Now the number is reduced to ten thousand. 

" A year ago, the tolls of Paris had considerably diminished : the workmen 
were withdrawing their deposits from the savings-banks, and pledging their 
effects in the Mont de Piete. To-day the tolls are six millions more than last 
year; deposits in the savings-banks are increased by twenty-five millions 
eight hundred and eighty-six thousand francs; and, according to official 
reports, the total value of effects released from the Mont de Piete is much 
greater than that of the effects pledged. 

" A year ago, the stocks were at seventy. To-day they are at ninety- 
seven." * 

On the 10th of March, 1850, a new election in several departments w^as to 
take place to fill about thirty vacancies in the Assembly. 

The billows of the tempest which overthrew the throne of Louis Philippe 
rolled with more or less of violence over all the kingdoms of Europe. A 
vast multitude of refugees fled from all these countries — Ireland, Bohemia, 
Spain, Belgium, Italy, Poland, and all the German States — to Paris, as the 
headquarters of insurrection for the whole world. These men were generally 
ultra democrats, and reckless in the extreme. Having ruined their prospects 
in their own country, they fled from the terrors of the law to the French 
metropolis. All their energies — and they were not feeble men — were 
directed to constrain the government of France to adopt such principles as 
to compel it to send the armies of the Republic throughout Europe on a 
revolutionary crusade. The law of universal suffrage was such, that ihese 

* " The conduct of Louis Napoleon, as President of the Republic, had thus far disappointed 
and surprised every fiiction in the State. His own partisans were delighted with the sagacity, 
ability, and energy with which he administered the government. The Bourbonists and 
Orleanists, as well as the Red Republicans and Socialists, were astonished and offended by the 
same cause. These parties now combined against the president in the Assembly, and en- 
deavored, by their united opposition, to impede, embarrass, and even to crush, his measures. 
They were determined to prevent him from winning greater popularity by obtaining greatel 
success." — Public and Private History of Napoleon HI., by Samuel L. Smitcker, LL.D., p. 144. 



WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 399 

men could vote without much difficulty. They did vote. In Paris, the 
candidates of the Moderate party were utterly defeated, and the Socialists 
signally triumphed. The number of these aliens was estimated at between 
forty and fifty thousand. They were alike ready to vote the extreme 
Socialist ticket, or to descend into the streets to throw u]) barricades. In 
the rural districts, the government candidates prevailed.* 

The danger of insurrection and anarchy was so great, that the president 
convened a meeting, on the 14th of March, of the leaders of several of the 
different parties, to consider what was to be done. "I have assembled you, 
gentlemen," said the president, " to assist me with your intelligence and patri- 
otism in this crisis. What, think you, should be done to avert the dangers 
revealed by the progress of the Socialists ? " 

After a long pause, M. Montalembert said, "In the old assemblies of the 
clergy, the youngest always spoke first. I will answer the question of the 
prince with as much frankness as he has put it. In my opinion, we can only 
escape from the dangers with which we are surrounded by the president 
employing as his ministers the chiefs of the majority. That is the most 
decisive and significant answer which we can make to the provocation of the 
enemies of society." f 

" I am ready," the prince replied, " to follow the advice of M. Montalembert. 
What say you, gentlemen ? " 

M. Thiers said rather obscurely, " The Republic is a young maiden. It 
costs me much to marry her ; but, if there is no other way of saving the 
country, I am ready to do so." 

" I am entirely of an opposite opinion," said the Duke of Broglie. " The 
union in one cabinet of the chiefs of the Legitimist party and of the old 
ministers of Louis Philippe could afford no guaranty for union, strength, or 
durability. It could be fruitful only in strife or discord." 

Others expressed the same opinion. There was no harmony of counsel ; 
and, as the meeting was dissolved, it was manifest to the president at least, 
if not to all the rest, that the divisions of parties were so wide and irrecon- 
cilable, that no efficient government could be formed except upon a basis 
independent of them all. t 

The triumph of the Socialists in Paris created such alarm as to drive the 
Bourbonists, Orleanists, and the Moderate party, in the Assembly, into a tran- 
sient union to effect a change in the electoral law. A law was passed, after 
a very angry debate of four days, requiring, instead of six months' residence, 
which was the existing law, a residence and registration of three years within 



* Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 529 ; Moniteur, May 31, 1850. 

t " The majority grouped themselves at first around Louis Napoleon against the minority 
in the hopes of availing themselves of his presidency to the profit of aristocratic interests ; but 
when the monarchical party comprehended, that, having attained power, borne on the billows of 
the popularity of the grandest name of modern times, as the living personification of democratic 
interests, the nephew of the emperor would remain faithful to the cause of the people, they 
resolved to wrest from him, by stratagem or by violence, an authority which menaced them in 
their domination." — Histoired'un Coup d 'Eiat, par M. Pcui Bdouino, Introduction, p. 36. 

X Hist, of Europe, Sir Archibald AUsoii, viii. 529. 



400 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

the district, to entitle one to vote. A few exceptions were made in behalf 
of soldiers in the army, and others in the employment of government. Thig 
change not only cut off fi-om the right of suffrage several hundred thousand 
of the floating and vagrant population of the great cities, who were sure ever 
to vote the most ultra democratic ticket, but it also excluded, as was esti- 
mated, three millions of voters in the country, — laborers moving here and 
there over the fields, and workmen ever passing from place to place in the 
prosecution of their trades, nearly all of whom were the supporters of Louis 
Napoleon.* 

The president saw very cleai-ly that the law had a double edge, and that 
the keenest edge was turned against him. " So impressed was he with these 
views," says Alison, " that he exerted all his influence to prevent the bill 
passing, and yielded, at length, rather in deference to the opinion of others 
than in consequence of his own convictions." Not deeming it wise, then, to 
interpose his veto, he qualified his approval of the measure by saying, — 

" I am willing that there should be a temporary suspension of the right of 
universal suffrage. In an urgent crisis, the law can suspend a right ; but it 
can never abrogate or annul it. Universal suffrage must be restored as soon 
as circumstances permit." f 

In the debate upon the subject of limiting the suffrage, M. Thiers made a 
speech, which was greatly applauded by the Royalist party in the Assembly, 
but which was very distasteful to the masses of the French people. 

"It is necessary," said M. Thiers, "to do every thing for the poor, except to 
permit them to decide the great questions upon which depends the future of 
the country • every thing for the poor, except allowing them to have any 
share in the government of the poor. Besides, those men whom we have 
excluded — are they the poor? No: they are the vagabonds; they are those 
stragglers and vagrants who merit the title the most branded in history, — 
the title of the. multitude. I know that there are men who do not like to 
deprive themselves of the support of the multitude. But moral legislators 
should repel it. Republicans, good and true republicans, ought not to wish for 
the aid of the vile midtitude^ which has destroyed all republics. I know how 
tyrants agree with it ; for they nourish it, caress it, and despise it. But repub- 
licans who would cherish or flatter the multitude are false and wicked 
republicans. 

" Do you not understand history ? Open history. What does it teach us ? 
I will tell you. History teaches us that it is the vile, the miserable mAdtitude 
that sold Roman liberty to the Caesai-s for bread and circus-games, and then 
murdered the emperors it had chosen for itself. It is the multitude which 

* MM. Gallix ct Guy, p. 229. 

t " The object thus aimed at by the abolition of universal suffrage was twofold. It was 
intended by the Bourbonists and the Orleanists to prevent the re-election of Louis Napoleon to 
the presidency, and also to crush the growing power of the Socialists. The president knew full 
well that the time for decisive action on his part had not yet arrived. Ho also knew that the 
constant vacillation of public sentiment in France might, and probably would, reverse what had 
just been decreed, before the lapse of any very long period of time." — 1? h'ic and Private His- 
tori/ of Napoleon III., by Samuel L. JSmucker, LL.D., p. 144. 



"WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE TRESIDENT. 401 

greeted with its acclaim the enthronement of Nero ; which found Galba too 
severe; and which hesitated between the debauched Otho and the ignoble 
Vitellius. 

"It was that vile multitude which surrendered to the Medici the liberty of 
Florence ; which in Holland massacred the Witts, who most assuredly were 
not the enemies of liberty. It was the multitude^ which, in France, ignomini- 
ously strangled Bailly, and which applauded that execution of the Girondins 
which was but an abominable assassination ; which shrieked with joy over 
the merited punishment of Robespierre, but would as frantically applaud 
yours or mine. It was, in fine, that vile multitude which submitted to a great 
man because he understood it and could master it ; which intoxicated him 
with its adulations, drove him to despotism ; and which in 1815 threw a ropo 
around the neck of his statue, and dragged it through the gutter." 

Prince Napoleon, son of Jerome, immediately demanded permission to 
speak, and with difficulty obtained the tribune. " I could not restrain my- 
self," said the prince, "when I heard M. Thiers say that it was the peopW'' — 
" No, no !" interrupted the friends of M. Thiers: "he did not say the people^ 
but the m.xdtitxider 

" The people," continued Piince Napoleon, "that tied the rope around the 
neck of the emperor's statue. I am astonished that the Honorable M. Thiers, 
the distinguished historian, does not know that it was the royalists who did 
that deed. It is on account of the name I bear that I defend the interests 
of the people. I liad rather be on the side of the conquered at Waterloo 
than on that of the conquerors." 

The vote restricting the right of suffrage was carried by a majority of 
four hundred and thirty-three to two hundred and forty-one. One of these 
excited debates led to a duel between M. Thiers and M. Bixio, which resulted 
in a very curious reconciliation. M. Bixio accused M. Thiers of saying that 
the election of Louis Napoleon as president was a disgrace to France. M. 
Thiers denied the accusation. M. Bixio persisted. A duel was the result. 
The two representatives met, pistols in hand. Twice they exchanged shots. 
The seconds then interfered, and said that matters must stop there. It is 
reported that M. Bixio then said to M. Thiers, — 

"It is possible that you may have forgotten. As for me, I remember. 
Therefore it is only a question of memory," 

The adroit historian responded, " It is possible that you did not understand 
me. As for me, I know what I meant. So it is only a question of interpre- 
tation." 

With honor thus satisfied, the two illustrious combatants separated quite 
reconciled.* 

The salary of the president, as fixed by the constitution, was six hundred 
thousand francs a yeai (one hundred and twenty thousand dollars). The 
salary, or civil list as it was called, of Charles X., was thirty millions of francs 
(six million dollars). Louis Philipjie had fourteen millions of francs (two 
million six hundred thousand dollars), and also an immense personal fortune, 

* Moniteur, May 31, 1856. 



402 LlIE OF NAPOLEON III. 

On the 5th of June/ a bill was presented ly the ministers to increase the 
president's salary to three millions of francs (six hundred thousand dollars). 
This demand furnished another battle-field, upon which the Opposition made a 
stand. In the Assembly, in the clubs, in the Socialist journals, the war was 
waged with great ferocity. The minister of finance, in pressing the claim, 
said, — 

" Wlien the Constituent Assembly appointed the salary of the president of 
the Republic to be six hundred thousand francs a year, it reserved for the 
Legislative Assembly the right of increasing this sum if it were considered 
insufficient for the necessities of the presidency, and for the benevolent and 
charital^le expenses attached to the first magistracy of the Republic. It is, 
then, to supply an expenditure, which the habits and customs of our country 
render a duty, that the government now proposes to the Assembly to 
increase the salary of the president. The experience of more than a year 
has proved its insufficiency. This insufficiency would degrade, both in our 
own eyes and those of the stranger, the lofty position which the chief magis- 
trate occupies. It would forcibly close his hands against the innumerable cases 
of misfortune, which, from all parts of the country, continually address them- 
selves to him as the personified benevolence of France. It would render 
him powerless to do good." 

In reply to a taunting article in the " Rationale," stating that the executive 
had something else to do besides " flinging the nation's money at the first 
beggars that came in the way," the minister added, — 

"Do we wish to know who are those beggars whom the Socialist journals 
treat with such contempt? They are not only the old soldiers of the 
empire, — veteran warriors who have shed their blood on every battle-field 
in Europe ; these are only a small part of the number : they are benevolent 
and charitable societies, who solicit the president for aid to relieve abandoned 
children and sick tradesmen ; they are clergymen, who go about seeking 
assistance for decaying churches and impoverished dioceses ; they are artists, 
composers, men of letters, who ask the head of the State to subscribe to 
their works, to their concerts, to their pictures, to their statues; they are 
prefects, mayors, who think that they are honoring the president by asking 
him for his name among the subscribers to monuments which are to per- 
petuate the great recollections of our history ; they are antiquated function- 
aries, widows, old state servants, who want a morsel of bread. This list, 
lamentably long, comprises pensioners of the old civil list, chevaliers of 
St. Louis, and, lastly, many political offenders, and even a near relative of 
JSifazzini." 

The conflict upon this question was long and bitter. At length, liowever, 
the measure was carried by a small majority. The vote stood three hundred 
and fifty-four to three hundred and eight.* 

* The salary of six hundred thousand francs, says Alison, " was obviously and scandalously 
inadequate t3 support the situation in common decency. No sooner, however, was this proposal 
[to increase sie salary] broached, than the whole leaders in the Assembly coalesced against it; 
aTid, although the press in the departments declared loudly in its favor, it was only by the 
mediation of Ceneral Changarnier that the enlarged salary was voted." — History of Europe, 
by Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 530. 



WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 403 

Treating of this subject, MM. Gallix and Guy write, " Twelve hundred 
thousand francs a year is one hundred thousand francs a month. Now, we 
ask of any candid man if that is sufficient for the chief of a great nation 
Hke France. Of this one hundred thousand francs a month, we know, from 
very good authority, that Louis Napoleon consecrated more than forty 
thousand to charity; and, in giving that sum, he did not respond to one- 
quarter of the demands he would gladly have answered. 

"The prince, indeed, manifests liberality which has only been equalled by 
that of his grandmother, Josephine, and his mother, Hortense, and which has 
no limits but those of his resources. There is but little wretchedness in 
Paris with which he is not familiar. M. Ferdinand Barrot has recently 
related to us two touching traits of this delicate munificence. 

" One day, Louis Napoleon learned that a lieutenant of the guard at the 
£lysee imposed upon himself many pi-ivations to solace his aged mother, to 
whom he sent, every month, half of his wages. The prince sent for the 
officer, and said to him, ' You are a good son, and must be a good soldier. I 
know the sacrifices you make, and it is my duty to meet them hereafter. 
Permit me to pay the pension to your mother.' 

"At another time it was a captain, who from his emoluments defrayed the 
expenses of his young brother at the School of St. Cyr. Louis Napoleon 
took the young pupil under his own charge. We should never finish should 
we endeavor to enumerate all the incidents of this kind which have been 
related to us."* 

On the 12th of August the Assembly adjourned, the majority of whose 
members, in a coalition of the Legitimists, Orleanists, and Socialists, had 
manifested such persistent hostility to the president. A committee of per- 
manence was appointed to watch the president during the vacation. It con- 
sisted of twenty-one of the leaders of the parties now coalesced against him. 
There was no refuge for Louis Napoleon but to throw himself upon the 
support of the provinces. If that failed him, he was powerless for good, and 
his mission was at an end. The next day after the adjournment, the president 
set out on a short tour through the southern provinces, probably to ascer- 
tain the state of public sentiment respecting himself The Opposition had 
left no means untried to render him obnoxious to all whom they could reach 
with their influence. Notwithstanding the efforts of his political antagonists 
to throw obloquy upon his name, he met with a triumphant reception in every 
place he entered.f Dijon gave him an enthusiastic greeting. At Lyons, on 

* Histoire complete de Napoleon III., Empereur des Fran^ais, par MM. Gallix et Guy, 
p. 230. 

t The truth of the following representation probably no one will question : " We cannot 
describe his progress further than by saying, that, in spite of the efforts of the Socialists to 
interrupt it, it was generally a triumphant procession from department to department. Besides 
the old halo of the name that in many minds almost deified him, people by this time had seen 
and acknowledged his omi merits ; his ability, at least, to maintain general tranquillity. For 
more than a month now he put his hand on the heart of the country, and felt its pulsations. 
He saw that France, taking but little interest in the personal ambitions of the Assembly, and 
terrified at the spread of Socialism, was weary of suspense, and wished for permanent tran- 
juillity at almost any sacrifice. Cries of ' Vive Napoleon ! ' were far more frequently heard tkui 



404 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

the 15th, he was received witli a banquet at the Hotel de Ville. In responso 
to a congratulatory address from the mayor, the president said, with the 
frankness and honesty which characterized all his utterances, — 

" Let the city of Lyons receive the sincere expression of my gratitude for 
the sympathetic reception it has given me. But, believe me, I have not come 
to these regions, where the emperor, my uncle, has left traces so profound, 
merely to receive ovations or to hold reviews. The object of my journey is 
by my presence to encourage the good, to re-assure the doubting, and to 
judge for myself of the sentiments and wants of the country. The task 
which I have to accomplish requires your co-operation ; and, in order to secure 
that co-operation, I owe it to you to say what I am and what I wish. 

"I am not the representative of a party, but the representative of two 
great national manifestations, wliich in 1804, as in 1848, have wished to save, 
by establishing order, the great principles of the French Revolution. Proud 
of my origin and of my flag, I shall remain faithful to them. I shall be 
entirely subject to the country, whatever she requires of me, whether renun- 
ciation or perseverance. 

" Reports of a coup d'etat have perhaps reached you, gentlemen ; but you 
have not believed in them. I thank you for it. Sarpiises and usurpations 
may be the dream of parties who have not the support of the nation. But 
the elect of six millions of votes executes the will of the people : he does 
not betray them. Patriotism, I repeat, may consist in renunciation as well 
as in perseverance. 

" Before a general danger, every personal ambition should disappear. In 
such a case, patriotism is to be recognized as maternity was recognized in a 
celebrated judgment. You remember the two women who claimed the same 
child. By what sign was the love of the real mother discovered ? By the 
renunciation of her rights to save a beloved object. Let the parties who love 
France not forget this sublime lesson. I myself, if necessary, shall remember 
it. But, on the other hand, should guilty pretensions revive, and threaten to 
compromise the repose of France, I shall know how to reduce them to impo- 
tence by invoking the sovereignty of the people ; for I recognize in no person 
the right to call himself a representative of the people more than in myself" * 

These words were received with great applause. The next morning, in an 
address to the president of the barristers-at-law, he said, — 

"You know that I cannot remain long within your walls; and you have 
conceived the idea of assembling around me as many representatives as possi- 
ble of the different elements which contribute to the prosperity of Lyons. I 
thank you for it; for I am happy on all occasions to place myself in contact 
with the people who have elected me. 

" In frequently meeting each other, we become acquainted with eacli other's 

cries of ' Vive la Republique ! ' The latter cry had by this time come to mean ' Vive la Re'pnb- 
liquc Rouge! ' and was hardly ever heard except from Socialist lips." — Life of Napoleon III., bif 
Edward Roth, p. 456. 

* " It was a striking proof at once of his courage and of his wisdom that he selected for hi^ first 
public demonstration a city so recently the theatre of a bloody Socialist revolt. It proved emi- 
nently successful." — Sir Archibald Alison. 



WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 405 

sentiments and ideas; and tlius we learn to understand one another. In thus 
meeting, many veils fall, and many prejudices are dissipated. When at a dis- 
tance, I could think the population of Lyons animated by that visionary spirit 
which creates so many troubles, and to be almost in hostility against authority. 
Here I find that population calm, industrious, sympathizing with the author- 
ity which I represent. On your side, you perhaps expected to encounter in 
me a man greedy of honors and of power; and you see in the midst of you a 
friend, a man entirely devoted to his duty and to the great interests of the 
country." 

In another speech on the same day, at the inauguration of a society for 
mutual succor by the weavers in silk, he warmly and beautifully commended 
the object. He took occasion to express his entire want of confidence in the 
Utopian visions of the Socialists, and his cordial approval of a society which 
would unite the rich and the poor together to alleviate human suffering. "It 
is, then," said he, " my firm intention to do every thing in my power to extend 
throughout all France societies for mutual succor; for, in my judgment, these 
institutions, once established everywhere, will be the best means, not in solving 
insoluble problems, but to alleviate real suffering, and to stimulate equally prob- 
ity in labor, and charity in opulence." 

On the same day, in response to a very cordial address from the president 
of the Chamber of Commerce in Lyons, the president said, — 

"I thank the commerce and the industr}'- of Lyons for the felicitations which 
they have addressed to me; and I give my entire sympathy to the wishes 
which they have expressed. To re-establish order and confidence, to maintain 
peace, to complete as rapidly as possible our great lines of railroads, to pro- 
tect our industry, to develop the exchange of our products by a commercial 
system progressively liberal, — such has been, such will be, the constant aim 
of my efibrts. 

"If decisive results have not been obtained, the fault, you know, is not wiih 
my government. But the more speedily our country returns to regular paths, 
the more surely will its prosperity be renewed; for — it is well to repeat it — 
material interests are never advanced but by the wise direction of moral inter- 
ests. It is the soul which guides the body. That government deceives 
itself strangely which bases its policy upon avarice, egotism, and fear. 

" It is in protecting the diverse branches of public wealth ; it is, in our for- 
eign relations, in defending boldly our allies; it is in carrying high the flag of 
France, — that one can procure for the agricultural, commercial, industrial coun- 
try the greatest benefits : for that system will have honor for its base ; and 
honor is always the best guide. 

"As I am now about to bid you adieu, permit me to recall the celebrated 
words — no, I check myself: there would be too much pride on my part to 
say to you, as did the emperor, 'Lyonnese, I love you' — but permit me to say 
to you from the depths of my heart, 'Lyonnese, love me.'"* 

At Strasburg, on the 22d of August, the president said, — 

* La Politique imperiale de TEmpereur Napoleon III., p. 70. 



406 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

"Gentlemen, — Receive my thanks for the cordiality with which you have 
welcomed me among you. The best manner io fete me is to promise me, as 
you have just done, your supi^ort in the struggle now existing between vision- 
ary schemes and useful reforms. Before my departure, some wished to dis- 
suade me from my voyage into Alsace. They said, 'You will be unwelcome 
there. That region, perverted by foreign emissaries, no longer recognizes the 
noble words of honor and of patriotism which your name recalls, and which 
name has made the hearts of its inhabitants to vibrate for forty years. Slaves, 
without knowing it, of the men who abuse their credulity, the Alsacians will 
refuse to see in the elect of the nation the legitimate representative of all 
rights and interests.' 

"And I replied, 'It is my duty to go wherever there are dangerous illusions 
to dissipate, and good citizens to strengthen. They calumniate old Alsace, — 
that land of glorious souvenirs and of patriotic sentiments! I shall find there 
— I am sure of it — hearts which will comprehend my mission and my devo- 
tion to the country. A few months, indeed, cannot transform a people deejoly 
imbued with the solid virtues of the soldier and the laborer into a peojDle hos- 
tile to religion, to order, and to property.' 

"Moreover, gentlemen, why should I be unwelcome? Placed by the 
almost unanimous vote of France at the head of a power legally restrained, 
but immense through the moral influence of its origin, have I been seduced 
by the thought to attack a constitution, made, moreover, as no one is igno- 
rant, in a great part against me ? No : I have respected, and I will respect, 
the sovereignty of the people, even when its expression is false or hostile ; 
and I have done this because the title which I covet the most of all is that 
of an honest man. 

"I am, then, happy, Strasburgians, in thinking that there is a community 
of sentiments between you and me. Like me, you wish to see our country 
grand, strong, and respected. Like you, I wish that Alsace should resume 
its ancient rank ; becoming again that which it has been during so many 
years, — one of the provinces the most renowned, choosing citizens the most 
distinguished to represent her, and rendered illustrious by the most valiant 
warriors." 

The popularity of the president with the masses was every day increasing. 
This led the Opposition in the Assembly to a closer union in their hostility, 
and to the adoption of more determined and desperate measures. As usual, 
the plan was formed to resort to arms if the president refused obedience to 
the will of the legislature. The Bourbonist, Orleanist, and Socialist leaders 
made an appeal to General Changarnier, and gained him to the coalition, 
though he had been formerly a warm friend of Louis Napoleon.* General 
Changarnier was coramandei*-in-chief of the whole military force in Paris. 
His influence was so great, that he was regarded as a third power in the 
State. Still he was considered an ambitious, impracticable man, often assum- 
ing authority to which he was not entitled. He had his headquarters at the 

* History of Europe, Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 530. 



WAK OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE PEESIDENT. 407 

Tuileries. Upon the death of Louis Philippe, he was guilty of the indecorum 
of appointing funeral-services in the chapel of the palace without consulting 
the president. Louis Napoleon took no notice of the indiscretion ; and, when 
some of his friends complained of the incivility of the act, he replied, — 

" I shall never look on the prayers which the Church oifers for the dead as 
an act of political malevolence or opposition." 

General Changarnier assumed that the supi'eme control of the array 
belonged to him, independently of the jurisdiction of the minister of war. 
There was a quarrel. The president was appealed to. He sustained his 
minister. It is said that this so exasperated the general, that he joined a 
conspiracy to have Louis Napoleon deposed by the Assembly, and taken to 
the prison of Vincennes ; while he, protected by his troops, was to take the 
place of the president in the filysee.* 

We have alluded to the death of Louis Philippe. He died at Claremont, 
in England, on the 26th of August, 1850. Just before his death, M. Thiers, 
and several other prominent members of the Orleans party, hastened to his 
bedside, there to decide upon the line of policy to be pursued in their 
endeavors to overthrow the Republic. It will be remembered, that whatever 
political rights Louis Philippe could transmit fell to his grandson, Count de 
Paris, son of the Duke of Orleans, who was killed by being thrown from his 
carriage.! 

But the elder branch of the house of Bourbon regarded Louis Philippe as 
a usurper. The legitimate heir to the crown, according to the doctrine of 
divine right, was the grandson of Charles X., the son of the Duke de Berri, 
who was assassinated as he was leaving the theatre. This young prince, at 
this time, was known by the title of the Count de Chambord. The Legiti- 
mists, however, regarded him as their king, ever addressing him as Henry V. 
He had taken up his residence at Wiesbaden, in Germany, where he estab- 
lished his little court; assuming that he was King of France, though tempora- 
rily defrauded of his crown. Upon the death of Louis Philippe, a large 
number of Legitimists repaired to the court of the Count de Chambord, and 
formed what was called the Congress of Wiesbaden. Here they endeavored 
to unite the two royalist sections into one compact body, in resistance to the 



* " The cliief members of the Committee of Permanence were to draw up an act accusing 
the president of exceeding his powers, of attempting to change the form of government, and 
usurping the sovereign authority. This act was to be handed to M. Dupin, the President of 
the Assembly, who was also to sign it. It was then to be given to General Changarnier, who was 
to arrest Louis Napoleon, and conline him in prison. The general was then to assume a dicta- 
torship until the Assembly had approved of what had been done." — Public and Private Uistory 
of Nufioleon III., bjj Samuel L. Smacker, LL.D., p. 146. 

t The feelings with which many of the supporters of Louis Philippe had regarded his gov- 
ernment may be inferred from the following extract from a speech of M. Montalembcrt : — 

" The Honorable SL Thiers will permit me to say that we suffered shipwreck, he and I, in 
February, 1848. We belonged to the crew when we sailed together in that splendid ship, 'The 
Constitutional Monarchy.' But the storm burst, the pilot was flung into the sea, the vessel 
foundered, we were perishing, when Providence permitted him and me to meet together again 
on a raft. 1 call the present government a raft. I do not know towards what shore it will bear 
us ; but I avow it, though I regret the vessel, I bless the rajl." 



40b LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

new government in France. The attempt was a failure. Bitli parties were 
greedy of power. They could not agree in the division of the plunder. They 
did, however, agree unitedly to assail the government, and overthrow it if 
possible. They could then struggle between themselves for the spoils. Nearly 
all the members of the permanent commission attended one or the other of 
these treasonable bodies. Ere the Congress of Wiesbaden adjourned, it 
addressed a circular to every man in Franco supposed to be of Legitimist 
opinions. This letter was dated Aug. 30, 1850, and contained such senti- 
ments as the following : * — 

" The Count de Chambord has declared that he reserA'ed for himself the 
direction of the general policy. To provide for sudden eventualities, and to 
secure that complete unity of thought and action which alone can constitute 
our strength, the count has named the men expressly appointed in France to 
put his policy into execution. He has formally condemned the system of an 
appeal to the people as implying the negative of the great principle of heredi- 
tary monarchy. He repels in advance every proposition, which, suggesting 
that thought, would modify those conditions of stability which are the essen- 
tial character of our principle of legitimacy, and which should be regarded 
as the only means of saving France from revolutionary convulsions." f 

Fully to comprehend the significance of this movement, we must suppose 
the governors of several of the States of our Union, many of the most promi- 
nent of the generals of the array, and a large number of the leading members 
of Congress, to meet a grandson of George IH. in Canada, in open congress, 
there to mature their plans to overthrow our republic and restore the old 
monarchy. They issue their circular, appoint their agents from the most 
wealthy and influential men in the Union, and mature their plans of ac- 
tion. I 

There was an important review of the troops at Satory, near Versailles, on 
the 16th of October. The occasion drew together an immense concourse of 
spectators. Whenever the president met the troops, he was greeted with the 

* " Here, then, were four great parties — the Legitimists, the Orlcanists, the Bonapartists, and 
the Socialists — all engaged in keen straggle for the ascendancy. Where were the real Republi 
cans ? Nowhere. Who stood by tlie constitution '? Nobody. It was a good name to fight 
under, and each party claimed it for itself; but no one seriously considered it any thing else 
than a dead letter. In such a state of things, it is plain that nothing but the will of France, uni- 
versally expressed, could decide a question that was every day becoming more difficult." — Life 
of Napoleon III., hy Edward Roth, p. 380. 

t This important letter is given in full by iM^I. Gallix and Guy, pp. 243-246. 

J " We have seen in what manner many of the members of the Permanent Commission de- 
■^ndel the constitution; some at Wiesbaden, others at Claremont. These were the men who 
cried most loudly that the prince was violating, in the reviews, the constitution. At first, they 
only complained of the cry, ' Vive I'Empereur ! ' as if in this they ought to see any thing but 
liomage to the memory of a great man ; as if, under the reign of Louis Philippe, it had not l)een 
constantly tolerated, and even encouraged. Then they went farther, and included in the anath- 
ema all manifestations of sympathy addressed to the prince, — even the constitutional and legal 
cry of ' Vive le Pre'sident!' It was deemed perfectly just under Louis Philippe, under Charles 
X., under Louis XVIII., that the army should cry, ' Vive le Hoi !' but it was deemed contrary 
to military discipline, that, under the Republic, the cry should be heard of Vive le President!'" 
— Histoire complete de Napoleon III., par MM. Gallix tt Cuu. d. 246. 



WAR OF THE ASSEMBLY AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 409 

gi-eatest enthusiasm. His presence seemed to revive the memory of the 
emperor. The shout would run along the lines, " Vive Napoleon !" and not 
unfrequently there would be heard intermingled the cry, " Vive I'Empereur ! " 
On this great occasion, it was observed, to the surprise of all, that three regi- 
ments of infantry, which came first, passed the president in perfect silence; 
but wlien the cavalry came, consisting of forty-eight squadrons, as they 
defiled past on a quick trot, they shouted with redoubled enthusiasm, " Vive 
Napoleon! vive FEmpereur!" General Changarnier could not conceal his 
chagrin. Upon investigation, it appeared that General Neumayer had strictly 
forbidden his division from greeting the president with any acclaim Avhate\ or. 

It was supposed that a subordinate officer would not have ventured upon 
such a step without the direct orders, or at least the concurrence, of his 
superior officer. Still there was no evidence against General Changarnier. 
General Neumayer was dismissed from office ; but the president, not wishing 
to punish hira too severely, gave him another command equally important. 
These occurrences only added to the popularity of the president with the 
army. General Changarnier, conscious of his discomfiture, was mortally 
incensed. After brooding over his cliagrin for several days, he issued a 
decree, exceedingly impolitic under the circumstances, forbidding all the troops 
under his command from uttering any cries whatever when under arms. This 
was universally understood to be an open declaration of war against the 
president. The prohibition, so manifestly dictated by jealousy, only increased 
the desire of the troops to shout " Vive Napoleon ! " * 

The situation of the president was now as embarrassing and painful as can 
well be imagined. The masses of the people were with him. The leaders of 
all the great parties, men of consummate ability, were leagued in deadly 
hostility against hira. The right of suffi-age had been so curtailed as to 
deprive the president, as it was estimated, of three millions of votes. To add 
to his embarrassment, it was rumored through Paris, and the rumor was upon 
everybody's lips, that a conspiracy was formed for his utter overthrow. 

The Prince President was acquainted with all the plots against him, and 
was kept informed of all the details of the contemplated movements. The 
conspirators in their combination felt so strong, that they attempted but little 
concealment. The president was so calm in his tone, so quiet in his manner, 

* " General Changarnier was now commander-in-chief of the National Guard and of the 
Army of Paris. He was a man of ability, but exceedingly ambitious and impracticable in his 
character. He had assumed and almost attained the position and influence of a third power in 
ihe State; and he claimed to be equal in importance to the president or the Assembly. The 
Legitimists supported him in his aims and measures, hoping thereby eventually to crush the 
president. He was then secretly using his utmost endeavors to gain over the Aimy of Paris, and 
to alienate it from the executive." — Public and Private Life of Napoleon III., hj Samuel M. 
Smitclcer, LL.D., p. 146. 

" On the 2d of November, there appeared an order signed by him (Cliangarnicr), forbidding 
the troops under his command to utter cries while under arms. So universally was this under- 
stood to be a declaration of war on his part against the president, tliat the journals in Changar- 
nier's interest immediately announced his dismissal, accompanied by the statement that it was 
not as yet executed because no minister could be found bold enough to attach his signature to 
such an order." — History of Europe, Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 531. 
52 



410 LIFE OF NAPOLEON ni. 

and apparently so unagitated in view of liis great peril, that they deemed 
him deficient not only in energy, but in sagacity. They thought him a weak 
man, who would stand meekly, and receive blows, with no spirit or strength 
to strike back. Signally, in overwhelming and richly-merited defeat, they 
were soon convinced of their error. 

As General Changarnier, who was to be invested with the temporary dicta- 
torship, was a strong Orleanist, it was supposed that he would set aside the 
Legitimist claims of the Count de Chambord, and by military force re-establish 
the throne of Louis Philippe in the person of the Count de Paris. M. Thiers 
was commonly mentioned as the organizer of this conspiracy. 

There is something sublime in the apparent unconcern, the serenity, with 
which the Prince President contemplated all these manoeuvres and plots, and 
in the quiet, noiseless, but resistless energy with which he baffled and utterly 
overwhelmed his foes. 

It is recorded, that one day Count Mole hastened to the filysee, and asked 
to see the president. 

" Prince," said he, " the Permanent Committee wishes to have you arrested. 
Proposals have just now been made to me: but I rejected them with indig- 
nation ; and I said, on retiring, that I would give you warning." 

" I thank you, count," Louis Napoleon replied : " I expected no less from 
you. But I was aware of all this before, and thought so little of these foolish 
projects, that I have just now been walking through the Champs filysees. If 
they were really in earnest, they had a good opportunity." 

" But," said Count Mole, surprised at this coolness, " there are men there 
fully capable of executing this plot in the name of the Assembly." 

"If they will attack me in the name of the Assembly," was the reply, "they 
must not forget that I will defend myself in the name of France." * 

Such was the posture of affairs when the Assembly resumed its session on 
the 11th of November, 1850. 

• Life of Napoleon III., by Edward Roth, p. 467. 




CHAPTER XXIV. 

DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY AND TACTICS. 

Speech at the Opening of the Assembly. — Petitions for the Kevision of the Constitution. — 
Assumptions of Changarnier. — His Ecmoval from Command. — Excitement in tlie Assembly. 
— Salary of the President curtailed. — Conciliatory Spirit of the President. — The Speech at 
Dijon. — Conflict upon the Question of Universal Suffrage. — Speech at Poitiers, at Chatelle- 
rault. — Doctrines of the Socialists. — Opening of the Session in 1851. — Coalition against 
the President. — His Untroubled Spirit. — Conspiracy for his Ruin. 

|T the opening of the Assembly on the 12th. of November, 1850, 
the president delivered his annual message. After a brief nar- 
rative of the internal condition and foreign relations of the 
Republic, he said, in conclusion, — 

"Such, gentlemen, is a rapid exhibition of the situation of our 
affairs. Notwithstanding the difficulty of circumstances, law 
and authority have so far regained their empire, that no one henceforth can 
believe in the success of violence. France desires, above all things, repose. 
Still agitated by the dangers which society has encountered, she rests a stran- 
ger to the quarrels of parties and of men, so mischievous in the presence of 
the great interests which are at stake. 

"As first magistrate of the Republic, I have been obliged to place myself in 
connection with the clergy, the magistracy, the agriculturists, the manufac- 
turers, the administration, the array ; and I have seized every opportunity to 
show them my gratitude for the support which they have given me. If my 
name and my efforts have succeeded in arousing the spirit of tlie army, of 
which I alone, according to the terms of the constitution, have the power to 
dispose, it is a service, I venture to say, which I have rendered to the country; 
for I have always directed to the advantage of order ray personal influence. 

"It is now permitted to every one, except myself, to desire the speedy 
revision of our fundamental law. If the constitution contain imperfections 
and dangers, you are at liberty to hold them up before the gaze of the country. 
I alone, bound by my oath, keep within the strict limits which it has traced 
out. Tlie general councils have, in great numbers, expressed the wish for its 
revision. This wish is addressed to the legislative power. As for me, the 
elect of the people, amenable but to the people, I shall always conform to the 
wishes of the people legally expressed.* 

* "The following petition from the Central Committee of Paris, for the revision of the consti- 
tution, signed by MM. Turgot, Lebobe, Thayer, and other men of note, will give an idea of the 
general character of them all : — 
" ' To Messieurs thk Representatives of the People. 

"' Messieurs, — Experience has demonstrated to France the vices of the constitution of 1848, 



412 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

"If in this session you vote the revision of the constitution, a constitutional 
assembly will be formed to revise our fundamental law, and to regulate the 
lot of the executive pv wer. If you do not vote it, the people in 1852 will 
manifest solemnly the expression of their new wishes. But, whatever may be 
the solutions of the future, let us understand each other, so that it may never 
be left to pride, passion, or violence to decide the lot of a great nation. Let 
us inspire the people with the love of repose, by introducing calmness into our 
deliberations ; let us inspire them with the religion of right, by never violat- 
ing its dictates ourselves : then, rely iipon it, the improvement in our politi- 
cal morals will compensate for the danger of institutions created in days of 
distrust and uncertainty. 

"Believe me, that with which I am now specially occupied is not to know 
who will govern France in 1852: it is to employ the time at my disposal in 
such a manner, that the transition, whatever it may be, may take place without 
trouble or agitation. The employment which is noblest, and worthiest of a 
generous soul, is, not to seek, when one is in power, by what expedients he can 
retain himself there, but to seek incessantly for the means of consolidating, for 
the benefit of all, those principles of authority and morality which are contin- 
ually struggling with the passions of men and the instability of laws. 

" I have loyally opened to you my heart. You will respond to my frankness 
by your confidence, to my good intentions by your co-operation ; and God will 
do the rest." 

In this message, alluding to the Roman question, the president said, — 

" Since my last message, our foreign policy has obtained in Italy a great 
success. Our arms have overthrown at Rome that turbulent demagogism, 
which, in all the Italian Peninsula, has compromised the cause of true liberty ; 
and our brave soldiers have had the distinguished honor to replace Pius IX. 
upon the throne of St. Peter. The spirit of party will never be able to obscure 
that memorable fact, which will ever constitute a glorious page for France. 
The constant aim of our efforts has been to encourage the liberal and philan- 
thropic intentions of the holy father. The pontifical power continues to real- 
ize the promises contained in the motxi proprio* of September, 1849." 

This conciliatory address had but slight influence in appeasing the angry 
passions of the Assembly. Political rancor was raging with the utmost fierce- 
ness. The prize for which the contending parties were struggling was the 
government of France, with all the honors and the wealth it could confer at 
the disposal of the victors. Politicians engaged in such a battle are not ex- 



the impossibilities and the perils which it contains. Its revision has become an imperious neces- 
sity. In tlie name of agriculture, of commerce, of manufoctures ; in the name of all suffering 
interests; in the name of the public safety, — the undersigned appeal to your patriotic solicitude. 
It belongs to them to point out the danger ; it belongs to you to cause it to disappear. Full of 
confidence in your Iiigh appreciation of the interests of the country, and of the means of safety 
which the constitution has placed in your hands, the undersigned pray you to decide that the con- 
stitution shall be revised.' 

" Petitions similar in spirit were sent to the Assembly, signed by two millions of Frenchmen." 
— MM. GalUx et Guy, p. 270. 

* Of his own accord. 



DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY AND TACTICS. 413 

pected to listen to reason. The parties hostile tc the president were soon 
again busy as ever in their machinations. 

When the constitution was formed, an article was introduced declaring that 
no one should be a candidate for the presidency a second time until the expi- 
ration of four years after his term of service. Petitions now began to be sent 
in to the Assembly from the people in vast numbers, praying that the consti- 
tution might be revised, avowedly for the purpose of repealing that provision.* 
The leaders of the Opposition hesitated to undertake the insurrection and the 
coup (Tetat which they were contemplating: for, by the constitution, the presi- 
dent had control of the army ; and the army was devoted to his service, as 
well as the rural population. Under these circumstances. General Changar- 
nier, who was in command of the whole military force in Paris, ventured to 
issue instructions to the troops, forbidding them to obey any orders except 
such as issued from himself, and declaring all other orders, from whatever 
source, "whether functionai-y, civil, political, or judiciary," to be null and void.f 

This was, of course, an assumption of power, and a direct insult to the presi- 
dent, not to be overlooked. Louis Napoleon, with his invariably serene and 
imperturbable spirit, made courteous inquiry of the Assembly, if those instruc- 
tions were given by order of the Assembly, or upon the personal responsibility 
of the general-in-chief Though it was manifest that General Changarnier had 
acted in sympathy with the body of which he was a conspicuous member, still 
he was compelled to assume the responsibility of the gross usurpation. The 
reply he made, though not easily reconciled with the llxcts, was very adroit. 

"I drew up those orders," said he, "to preserve the unity of command, and 
in contemplation of a combat; but in no instruction of mine has the constitu- 
tional right of the Assembly to call out the troops been controverted, or their 
right to delegate that power to the President of the Assembly."J 

Seldom has one short sentence contained such fruitful seeds of tumult as the 
words, "in contemplation of a combat." No one dreamed that the president 
was designing to rouse the disorganized masses of Paris into an insurrection. 
It must, therefore, be that the leaders of the Opposition were contemplating 
such an act ; and that, consequently, they deemed it necessary to wrest the mili- 
tary from the coipmand of the president, lest he should bring it forward in 
defence of the government. 

The Assembly was flattered and gratified by the announcement that the 
command of the army did not belong to the president, but to the Assembly ; 
and that that body could delegate the command to whom it would. § 

* "In a very urgent petition from the Municipal Council and the inhabitants of Nogent les 
Vierges, we find the following concluding sentence. A similar request accompanied very many 
of the petitions. 

" ' Perhaps it is necessary that the undersigned should add here the expression of the desire 
which thoy cherish, — to see prolom/id fw many years the powers of the present j)resident, ivhose glorious 
name is still so magical among the rnanujacturing and agricultural populations.' " — MM. Gallixet Guy, 
p. 271. 

t Ann. llist. 1851 ; Moniteur, Jan. 8, 1851. 

X Moniteur, Jan. 8, 1851. 

§ '■ The Assembly had been for some time trying to found its claims to the disposal of the army 
on a peculiar explanation of the thirty-second article of the constitution, of which, being loosely 



414 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

The minister of war, doubtless acting in entire sym: itliy with the presi- 
dent (for the most friendly relations existed between them), immediately 
resigned, saying in his letter, — 

" Prince, there is no longer a minister of war; since the Assembly arrogates 
to itself the right to command the army, and to give orders to all, — generals 
and troops." 

On the 9th of January, 1851, General Changarnier was informed that his 
resignation would be accepted. It Avas a bold step for the president to take. 
The Assembly had not supposed that he would dare to do it. The dismissal 
fell like a thunderbolt upon the astounded general and the Assembly. They 
were both bewildered by the blow. The army was now indisputably in the 
hands of the president. To attempt opposition by force was in vain. The 
sympathies of the army, as all knew, were with the president. Generals 
Perrot and D'Hilliers, who took the j^lace of General Changarnier, — the one 
in command of the National Guard in Paris, and the other of the regular 
troops, — would deal very roughly with any insurrection which should show 
itself in the streets. 

" In the first transports of their indignation," says Alison, " the Assembly 
spoke of ordering the formation of an army of fifty thousand men, and 
placing them under the orders of General Changarnier. The extreme divis- 
ion of parties in the Assembly rendered it impossible to obtain a majority 
for any decisive measure." * The hostile parties slightly qualified their re- 
venge by passing a vote, that General Changarnier retained, unimpaired, the 
confidence of the Assembly. " The Assembly has lost its sword ! " was the 
exultant cry throughout the nation when it was announced that Changarnier 
was dismissed. It had, indeed, "lost its sword." The presidejit, in self- 
defence, had wrested it from that body, and held it with a firm grasp. 

The dismissed general proposed that he should receive the appointment 
of General of the Army of the Assembly. Chagrined that the Assembly 
declined to adopt this insane revolutionary measure, he said, in the tumul- 
tuous and angry debate which ensued, as a reason for the want of decisive 
action, — 

"The country is divided into five parties, — the Legitimists, the Orleanists, 
the Moderate Republicans, the Demagogues, and, finally, those men who 
desire the imperial dictatorship." 

M. Thiers made a very bitter speech, two hours long. "There are," said 
he, " but two powers in the State, — the President and the Assembly. If the 
Assembly yield now, there will be but one power. The form of the govern- 
ment will be changed. The word will be pronounced when he pleases : and 
it is of but little moment when it comes ; for the empire is made.''^ 

Lamartine magnanimously and eloquently defended the president, stating 
that he had an incontestable right to do as he had done ; that it was one of 

worded, it seemed susceptible. It was, therefore, with great delight that it saw General Changar- 
nier, ' the third power in the state,' pronouncing so decidedly in favor of parliamentary sover 
eignty." — Life of Napoleon III., by Edward Roth. 
* History of Europe, vol. viii. p. 532. 



DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY AND TACTICS. 415 

the clearly-defined perogatives of the president to dismiss t'. e officers of hia 
appointment.* 

The Assembly, soon after this, discredited itself by a petty act of annoy- 
ance, which only added to the popularity of the president, and increased his 
influence with the people. It will be remembered that the salary of the 
chief of the State had, by a small majority of votes, been increased from six 
hundred thousand francs to three millions of francs a year. The Assembly 
refused to vote the increased appropriation, and reduced him to his inadequate 
salary of six hundred thousand francs. 

The president uttered no complaint. He sold off part of his horses, 
diminished his establishment, and rigorously brought his expenses within his 
diminished income. The popular indignation was so great, in view of this 
treatment of the first magistrate of the Republic, that large subscriptions 
were immediately started among the humbler classes of the people, even 
among the workmen of the Faubourg St. Antoine, to make up the deficiency. 
The president added still more to his popularity by declining to receive the 
proffered bounty. The following notice was inserted in the "Moniteur:" — 

"In consequence of the bill which has just passed, limiting the expenses 
of representation, numerous subscriptions have been raised. It is a manifest 
and imposing testimony of sympathy and approbation for the conduct of the 
president. He is profoundly touched by it, and cordially thanks all those 
who have entertained the thought ; but he thinks it his duty to sacrifice to 
the repose of the country his personal gratification. He knows that the 
people will do him justice ; and that is sufficient for him. The president 
declines, then, any subscription, however spontaneous and national may be its 
character." 

Still anxious for harmony and co-operative action, the president sent in a 
very conciliatory message to the Assembly on the 24:th of January, 1851. It 
contained the following expressions : — 

"The union of the two powers is indispensable to the repose of the 
country; but, as the constitution has rendered them independent of each 
other, the only condition of that union is reciprocal confidence. Penetrated 
by this sentiment, I shall ever respect the rights of the Assembly in main- 
taining intact the prerogatives of power which I hold from the people. 

"In order not to prolong painful difference, I have accepted, in accordance 
with the recent vote of the Assembly, the resignation of a minister who has 
given to the country and the cause of order the most brilliant pledges of his 
devotion. Wishing, however, to form again a cabinet with chances of 
etability, I cannot select its elements from a majority born of exceptional 
circumstances ; and I see with regret that it is impossible for me to find a 

* " Meanwhile the president convened the leading members of the Assembly at the ^^lysee 
Bourbon on the 8th of January ; when ' he declared his earnest desire to remain on good terms 
with the legislature ; offered to take his ministers from the majority ; to abandon his enlarged 
civil lists ; in a word, to do every thing they desired, except give up the right which the consti- 
tution gave him, — of dismissing an inferior officer.' There was no doubt that this was legally 
within his power ; and accordingly the conference broke up without any result." — History oj 
Euiopc, Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 532. 



416 LIFE OF KAPOLEON III 

combination among the members of the minority, notwithstanding 'its im- 
portance. 

"In this conjuncture, and after unavailing endeavors, I have resolved to 
form a ministry of transition composed of capable men not belonging to any 
fraction of the Assembly, and who are resolved to devote themselves to the 
conduct of affairs without the prejudices of party. Honorable men who 
accept such a patriotic task will merit the gratitude of the country. France 
desires, above all things else, repose ; and she expects of those whom 
she has invested with her confidence conciliation without feebleness, calm 
steadfastness, and inflexibility in the right." * 

The president formed such a ministry; but the Assembly remained as 
implacable as ever. Petitions for the revision of the constitution were now 
greatly multiplied. "This step was loudly demanded," says Sir Archibald 
Alison, "by all intelligent persons in the kingdom, from the proof which had 
been aftbrded of the impossibility of the public business being conducted, 
with the executive in a constant state of antagonism with the legislature, 
and the latter so split up into irreconcilable parties, that no cabinet capable 
of carrying on the government could be formed out of the majority." 

Between the 5th of May and the 31st of June, petitions for the revision 
of the constitution were presented to the Assembly, signed by 1,123,625 
persons ; and still they were coming. Nearly four hundred thousand of these 
petitioners openly expressed the desire that the constitution should be so 
altered, tliat the powers of the president might be prolonged. To accomplish 
this measure, a vote of three-fourths of the house was necessary. The 
Socialists boasted that the revision could never pass, as they were confident 
that they were strong enough in the Assembly to prevent it. 

While the public mind was in this agitated state, and all France was con- 
templating the future with alarm, the president, with many others of the 
government, accepted an invitation to assist, on the 1st of June, 1851, in the 
inauguration of a railroad at Dijon. On the journey, he was greeted with 
great enthusiasm. At every railroad-station, cries resounded of "Vive 
Napoleon!" "Vive I'Empereur!" He made a speech upon the occasion 
which attracted the attention of all Europe. The French people commended 
it warmly : the Assembly violently condemned it. 

"I could wish," said he, "that those who doubt of the future had accom- 
panied me through the populations of the Yonne and the Cote d'Or. They 

* " The position of the president was daily becoming one of extreme difficulty and danger. 
The secret conspiracy against him, of which Changarnier was the head, acquired increased 
bitterness and energy by the dismissal of that officer. The opposition to him in the Assembly 
was becoming more and more determined. Every day, the wheels of government were ap- 
proaching nearer to a dead-lock; and the responsibility of such a horrid crisis of anarchy and 
ruin would be thrown by the concurrent voices of the factions on the president. But Louis 
Napoleon possessed the confidence of the nation openly, and of the army secretly ; and the 
time was rapidly approaching, when he must either yield ignobly, and be crushed forever 
beneath the endeavors of his imbittered foes, or he must save himself from ruin by some great 
act of desperate energy, resolution, and power, by which his enemies would be overthrown and 
he be rescued, while at the same time he retained the esteem and the confidence of the nation." — 
Public and Private History of Napoleon III., by Samuel M. Smucker, LL.D., p. 149. 



DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY AND TACTICS. 417 

would have been re-assured in judging for themselves of the state of public 
feeling. They would have seen that neither intrigues nor attacks, nor pas- 
sionate discussions of parties, are in accordance with the sentiments and tlie 
situation of the countiy. France neither wishes for the return of the ancient 
regime, under whatever form it may be disguised, nor for the trial of baleful 
and impracticable Utopias. It is because I am the most natural adversary of 
both the one and the other that France has placed her confidence in me. If 
it be not so, how can one explain this touching sympathy of the people with 
me, resisting visionary schemes, and absolving me from being the cause 
of their sufferings ? 

"In fact, if my government has not been able to realize all the ameliora- 
tions which it has had in view, the reason must be assigned to the manoeuvres 
of factions, which paralyze the good dispositions of assemblies, as well as 
those of governments the most devoted to the public good. It is because 
you have shared in those convictions that I have found here in patriotic 
Burgundy a reception which is for me both approbation and encouragement. 

" I avail myself of this banquet, as of a tribune, to open to my fellow- 
countrymen my whole heart. A new phase of our political life is commen- 
cing. From one end of France to the other, petitions are being signed to 
demand the revision of the constitution. I await with confidence the mani- 
festations of the country and the decisions of the Assembly, which can only 
be actuated by the sole thought of the public good. 

" Since I came into power, I have proved how much, in the presence of the 
grave interests of society, I have disregarded that which only affects me per- 
sonally. Attacks the most unjust and the most violent have n>ot disturbed ray 
attitude of calmness. Whatever may be the duties which the country may 
impose upon me, she will find me decided to follow her will; and believe 
me, gentlemen, France shall not perish in ray hands." * 

All the enemies of Louis Napoleon were opposed to any revision of the 
constitution. " The revision of the constitution," said Cavaignac frankly, 
" would put the Republic in the balance against the Empire ; but the Repub- 
lic should not permit itself to be called in question." The fact was candidly 
admitted, that the majority of the people of France might prefer the Empire; 
and that, therefore, it was not safe to submit the question to their decision. 

The discussion of this question commenced in the Assembly on the 14th of 
July, and closed on the 20th. There were seven hundred and twenty-four 
members who voted. A three-fouiths vote i-equired five hundred and forty- 
three votes to carry the measure. The vote against the revision was two hun- 
dred and seventy-eight, leaving but four hundred and forty-six in its favor. 
Thus, though the majority in the Assembly who voted for the bill was one 
hundred and seventy-one, the bill was lost.t 

* La politique imperialc Expose'e par les Discours et Proclamations de rEmpercur Napoleon 
III., depuis le dix decembre, 1848, jusqu'en juillet, 1865. 

t " It is remarkable, that in the minority, against the revision of the constitution, w.eie to bo 
found the names of M. Thiers and M. llcmusat; though there were n&l, probably, in. all ITuance, 
two men more thoroughly convinced of the ruinous tendency of tho existing iastitutiiBms than 
those political philosophers." — Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 533. 
63 



418 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

As the constitution forbade the re-election of the president, the coalesced 
minority of two hundred and seventy-eight in the Assembly hoped, that by 
thwarting the wishes of the majority of the Assembly, and the general voice 
of the nation in refusing its revision, they had effectually excluded Louis 
Napoleon from being again a candidate. The disquietude in the nation now 
became very great. The Republic had proved an utter failure. There were 
but few who even pretended to regard it with respect. The struggling fac- 
tions, in anticipation of its speedy overthrow, were each waiting only to estab- 
lish its own supremacy upon the ruins. The masses of the people, as no one 
could deny, and as all admitted, were neither Orleanists, Bourbonists, Social- 
ists, nor Republicans : they were Imperialists. They remembered with un- 
dying affection the empire of Napoleon I., its order and prosperity at home, 
its dignity abroad ; and earnestly they desired its restoration. 

The president had continued true to his life-long convictions in favor of 
universal suffrage. Upon this point he remained inflexible, ever affirming 
that it was the right of the people, the whole people, to choose their own 
institutions. The members of his cabinet were, however, so much alarmed 
by the triumph of Socialistic principles in the great cities, that they thought 
that the restoration of universal suffrage would be the ruin of France. The 
president found himself upon this vital point irreconcilably at variance with 
his cabinet. The ministry, consequently, resigned, and were succeeded by new 
men who were in sympathy with the president upon this democratic principle. 
This was regarded as a public announcement to France of his devotion to 
the law of universal suffrage.* 

The rejection of the revision of the constitution did by no means satisfy 
the country. The agitation increased. Petitions, numerously signed, contin- 
ued to be poured in. Out of eighty-six departments of France, eighty, in 
their general councils, expressed their strongest wishes for the measure. 
Thus the political posture of affairs now assumed the attitude of the people 
of France and a minority in the Assembly in harmonious and sympathetic 
action with the president, struggling for popular rights against the factions 
in the Assembly and the clubs in the great cities.f 

All the speeches which the president now made indicated the confidence 
with which he was inspired, and the serenity with which he contemplated the 
future, Avhich to most minds seemed so menacing. On the 1st of July, 1851, 

* Monitenr, Oct. 28, 1851. 

t " The Assembly, instead of assisting the president to govern legally and constitutionally 
rendered such a course on his part almost impossible. For fear Louis Na])olcon Bonaparte 
might be their leijal, constitutional president in 1852, they would not revise an impracticalile 
2onstitution, thougli implored to do so by two millions of petitioners, and by eighty out of 
eighty-six departments of France. They persisted in refusing the right to vote to three millions 
of French citizens, though it was by their votes that they themselves had obtained authority. 
Carried away by the petulant wit of Victor Hugo, the sneering selfishness of Thiers, by their 
own cankered prejudices, by every thing but common sense and a proper regard for the voice of 
the nation at large, they entered into a conspiracy to seize the president on a charge of high 
treason, and fling into prison, perhaps sho4*,, the very man on whose head the safety of France, 
perhaps of Europe, was depending." — Zfi of Napoleon III., hy Edward Roth, p. 490. 



DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY AND TACTICS. 419 

in a speech which the president made at Poitiers upon the opening of a rail- 
road, he said, — 

"Monsieur le Maire, — Be my interpreter to your fellow-citizens, to 
thank them for their welcome, so enthusiastic and so cordial. As do you, I 
also contemplate the future of the country without fear ; for its safety will 
ever come from the will of the people freely expressed and religiously 
accepted. Therefore I invoke w|th my most ardent wishes the solemn 
moment in which the powerful voice of the nation will dominate over the 
oppositions, and bring into accord all rivalries ; for it is very sad to see 
revolutions agitate society, create ruins, and nevertheless ever to leave stand- 
ing the same passions, the same exigencies, the same elements of trouble. 

" When one traverses France, and beholds the rich variety of her soil, the 
marvellous products of her industry ; when one admires her rivers, her roads, 
her canals, her railroads, her ports which two seas bathe, — one asks himself to 
what degree of prosperity France may not attain, if durable tranquillity will 
permit its inhabitants to co-operate with nil their energies for the general 
good, instead of surrendering themselves to intestine discussions. 

" When, in another point of view, we reflect upon that territorial unity 
whicl the persevering efforts of royalty have bequeathed to us ; upon that 
unity, political, judicial, administrative, and commercial, which the revolution 
has given us ; when we contemplate the population, intelligent and laborious, 
animated almost entirely by the same religious faith, and speaking the same 
language; the venerable clergy teaching morals and virtue; the upright magis- 
tracy causing justice to be respected; the army, valiant and disciplined, faithful 
to honor and duty ; in fine, when Ave contemplate that crowd of eminent men 
capable of guiding the government, capable of conferring renown upon politi- 
cal assemblies, and also upon those of the sciences and the arts, — we inquire 
with anxiety what can be the causes which prevent this nation, already so 
great, from being still greater : and one is astonished that a nation which 
contains so many elements of power and prosperity should exjiose itself so 
frequently, to be plunged, of its own accord, into ruin. 

" Is it because, as the emperor said, ' Old institutions are destroyed, and the 
new are not yet established ' ? Whatever the cause may be, let us to-day do 
our duty in preparing for France solid foundations. 

"I love to address these words to you in a province renowned at al. 
epochs for its patriotism. Let us not forget that your city was, under 
Charles VII., the centre of an heroic resistance ; that it has been for a period 
of fourteen years the refuge of nationality in invaded France. Let us hope 
that it will be still one of the first to give the example of devotion to civiliza- 
tion and the country." 

The variety, the harmony, and the aptitude of these brief speeches are very 
striking. While the president was assailed in the most envenomed phrasef 
of vituperation and abuse, assailed in terms with which we are not willing 
to soil these pages, we search his speeches in vain for a discourteous or an 
undignified word. On July 2, the day after the speech at Poitiers, he mad 
the following address at Chatellerault; — 



420 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IH. 

" Gentlemen, in thanking Monsieur the Mayor for the affectionate words 
with which he has addressed me, I am not able to attribute to myself alone 
the happy results for which he has so kindly given me credit. My conduct 
for three years can be summed up in a few words. I have placed myself 
resolutely at the head of the men of order of all parties ; and I have found 
in them efficient and disinterested co-operation. If there have been any 
defections, I am ignorant of them; for I press forward without looking behind 
me. In order to advance in such times as ours, one must have a motive and 
an object. My motive is love of country; my object is to cause religion 
and reason to triumph over IJtoi)ian schemes; it is that truth should not 
tremble before error. That i-esult will be obtained, if throughout France we 
follow the example of Chatellerault, and if we foige arms, not for the emeute 
and for civil war, but to increase the force, the grandeur, and the independ- 
ence of the nation." 

The day for the next presidential election was now rapidly approaching. 
By a provision of the constitution which the people had endeavored in vain 
to have repealed, Louis Napoleon, the only man whom the masses of the 
people wished for, could not be a candidate. There was a restless, dissatisfied 
feeling throughout the country. The Bourbon party brought forward the 
name of M, de la Rochejacquelin : the Orleanists spoke of the Prince of 
Joinville, — one of the sons of Louis Phih'ppe. One wing of the Republican 
party was in favor of General Cavaignac ; another, of M. Carnot. The So- 
cialists were divided between Ledru Rollin and Raspail. The condition of 
the country seemed, indeed, deplorable. There was much poverty and much 
Buffering. Most thinking men contemplated the future with the deejicst 
apprehension. 

The Socialists were everywhere busy. The abject poor in the great cities 
listened eagerly to their teachings. These fanatic men taught that the whole 
structure of society should be overthrown, and constructed upon a new basis, 
where there should be no private property, no separate famiUes, no religion, 
"la the new order of affairs, there should be no rich, no poor, no prohibitions, 
no crimes, no prisons, no punishments, no wars, no religions ; but all should 
socially dwell together, fraternally united by holy equality. People had be- 
come perfectly frenzied on such L^topias as these. They not only considered 
them realizable, but deemed tliemselves ju.stified in going any lengths to 
enforce them. Confiscation of property, and destruction of life, were regarded 
as perfectly lawfid means for such an end. "Vive la Guillotine! " was almost 
as common a cry as " Vive la Republique ! " * 

Such was the state of the country when the last session of the Assembly 
was opened on the 4th of November, 185L All Europe awaited with 
interest the message of the President of the Republic. It was, as ever, con- 
cise, brief, frank, and very comprehensive. 

"Gentlemen Repeesentatives, — I come, as each year, to present to you 
a summary account of the important facts which have occurred since the last 
message. Still, I think it a duty to pass over events, which, against my will, 



* Life of Napoleon III., by Edward Eoth, p. 489. 



DIPLOMATIC STKATEGY AND TACTICS. 421 

have produced certain dissensions always regrettable. The public peace, 
with the exception of a few partial agitations, has not been troubled ; and, 
even at many times when political difficulties were of a nature to weaken the 
sentiment of security and to excite alarm, the country, by its peaceable atti- 
tude, has manifested confidence in the government, the evidence of which is 
most precious. 

" It would, however, be dangerous to indulge in illusions upon this appear- 
ance of tranquillity. A vast demagogical conspiracy is now organizing in 
France and in Europe. Secret societies are endeavoring to extend their 
ramifications even in the smallest communes. Without being able to agree 
upon men or things, they have agreed to bring all the madness, the violence, 
and the obduracy of parties to a focus in 1852, not to build up, but to over- 
throw. 

" Your patriotism and your courage, with which I will endeavor to keep 
pace, will save France, I cannot doubt, from, the perils with which she is 
menaced. But, to overcome these dangers, we must contemplate them with- 
out fear as without exaggeration; and, while fully convinced that (thanks to 
the force of the administration, the enlightened zeal of the magistrates, the 
devotion of the army) France cannot perish, let us unite our efibrts to depiive 
the spirit of evil of the hope of even a momentary success. 

" The best means to attain this end have always appeared to me to be the 
application of that system which consists on the one side in satisfying legiti- 
mate interests, and on the other in stifling at their first appearance the 
slightest symptoms of an attack against religion, morality, or society. Thus 
to procure labor by granting to companies our great lines of railroads, and to 
use the money which the State shall obtain fi-om these concessions to give 
active impulse to other works in all the departments; to encourage institu- 
tions designed to secure agricultural or commercial credit; to aid by charita- 
ble institutions in the relief of all suffering, — such has been, such ought still 
to be, our first care. It is by following this course that we can most easily 
resort to repression should it be found necessary." 

In reference to foreign afflnrs, the president says, "We ought to congratu- 
late ourselves upon our relations with foreign powers. From all parts, there 
come to us assurances of the desire which is felt to see our difficulties peace- 
fully settled. On our side, a loyal and sincere diplomacy is associated with 
all those measures which can contribute to assure the repose and the peace 
of Europe. The longer that peace is prolonged, the more intimate will be 
the ties which will bind together the different nations. The vast and liberal 
idea of Prince Albert has contributed to cement this union. The English 
people have received our fellow-countrymen with a noble cordiality; and this 
rivalry of the industries of all the world, instead of fomenting jealousies, will 
only increase reciprocal esteem among the nations." * 

Referring to the Roman question, the president says, "At Rome, our 

* The president here refers to the great Fair established in the Crystal Palace, in London, 
for the exhibition of the world's industry. 



422 LIFE OF KAPOLEON III. 

situation continues the same. The holy father does not cease to show hia 
constant soHcitucle for the happiness of France and for the comfort of our 
soldiers. The work of organization of the Roman Government progresses 
slowly. A Council of State is, however, established ; and the municipal and 
provincial councils, which are gradually being organized, will serve to form 
a considte to take part in the administration of the finances. Important 
legislative reforms are in progress. In fine, measures are in active operation 
for the creation of an army, which will render possible the withdrawal of the 
foreign forces stationed in the States of the Church." 

After briefly alluding to the relations of France with the other foreign 
powers, the president enters upon the great theme of his message, — the 
importance of restoring universal sufil-age to the people of France. " Not- 
withstanding these satisfactory results," says the president, " a state of gen- 
eral uneasiness is daily increasing. Everywhere employment grows slack, 
sufiering is multiplied, the various interests of industry are alarmed, and 
anti-social hopes exult, as the weakened public authorities approach their 
term. 

" In such a state of things, the first object of the government should be to 
seek the means of removing the dangers and securing the best chances of 
safety. My words on this subject in my last me«sage, which I recall with 
pride, were favorably received by the Assembly. I said to you, — 

"'If in this session you vote the revision of the constitution, a constitu- 
ent assembly will be formed to revise our fundamental laws, and to regu- 
late the lot of the executive power. If you do not vote it, the people in 1852 
will manifest solemnly the expression of their wishes. But, whatever may be 
the solutions of the future, let us understand each other; so that it may never 
be left to pride, passion, or violence, to decide the lot of a great nation,' 

" To-day, the posture of afiliirs i-eraains the same ; and my duty is not 
changed. It is inflexibly to maintain order; it is to remove all cause of agita- 
tion ; so that the resolutions which decide our lot may be conceived in tran- 
quillity and adopted in peace. These resolutions can emanate only from 
national sovereignty, since they have all for their basis pjopular election. I 
have asked myself, whether, in the delirium of passions, the confusion of doc- 
trines, the division of parties, — when every thing is combined to take from 
morals, justice, authority, their last prestige, — we ought to leave unsettled, 
incomplete, the only principle, which, in the midst of the general chaos. Provi- 
dence has maintained for us to rally around. When universal sufli-age has 
1 iconstructed the social edifice by substituting a right for a revolutionary fixct, 
is it wise in us any longer to narrow its base? In fine, I have asked myself, 
if, when new powers shall preside over the destinies of our country, it would 
not be in advance to compromise their stability in leaving a pretext to ques- 
tion their origin and to deny their legitimacy. 

"There could be no possible doubt upon this subject; and, without wishing 
to separate myself for a single instant from the policy of order which I have 
always followed, I have found myself obliged, much to my regret, to separate 
myself from a ministry which had all my confidence and my esteem, that I 
might choose another composed equally of men honorably known by their 



DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY AND TACTICS. 423 

conservative sentiments, but who were willing to admit the necessity of estab- 
lishing universal suffrage on the broadest possible foundation. 

" There will, therefore, be presented to you the project of a law which re- 
stores to the principle all its fulness, in preserving from the law of the 31st of 
May that which redeems universal suffrage from impure elements, and renders 
the application more moral and more regular. 

" The project has, then, nothing which can wound this Assembly ; for, if I 
think it useful to ask of the Assembly to-day the repeal of the law of the 31st 
of May, I do not intend to deny the approbation which I tlen gave to the 
initiative taken by the minister who claimed, from the chiefs of the majority 
of Avhoni that law was the work, the honor of presenting it. I recognize the 
salutary effects which the law has produced. In recalling the circumstances 
under which it was presented, it must be admitted that it was a political act 
rather than an electoral law. It was truly a measure of public safety. And, 
whenever the majority shall propose to me energetic means to save the coun- 
try, it can rely upon my loyal and disinterested support; but measures adopted 
for public safety have but a temporary continuance. 

" The law of the 31st of May, in its application, has exceeded the object 
intended to be attained. No one foresaw the suppression of three millions of 
electors, two-thirds of whom were peaceable inhabitants of the rural districts. 
What is the result? It is that this exclusion has served as a pretext to the 
anarchic party, which cloaks its. detestable designs by the appearance of 
attempting to reconquer a right of which it has been deprived. Too inferior 
in numbers to seize upon society by its vote, it hopes, under favor of a general 
emotion and in the decline of the powers, to introduce upon many portions of 
France, at the same time, troubles which would speedily be repressed undoubt- 
edly, but which would involve us in new complications. 

"Independently of these perils, the law of the 31st of May presents grave 
inconveniences. I have never ceased to think that the day w^ould come in 
which it would be my duty to propose its abrogation. Defective, indeed, 
Mdien it is applied to the election of an Assembly, it is still more so when the 
election of a president is at stake; for if a residence of three years in the com- 
mun.e has appeared a guaranty of intelligence imposed upon the electors, that 
they may know the men who are to represent them, a residence so long 
cannot be necessary to appreciate the candidate destined to govern France. 

"Another grave objection is this, — the constitution requires, for the validi- 
ty of the electi)n of the president by the people, two millions, at least, of suf- 
frages; and, if the candidate does not receive that number, the right of elec- 
tion is transferred to the Assembly. The constitution had then decided, that, 
of ten millions of voters who were registered, one-fifth would suffice for the 
validity of an election. 

" To-day, the number of electors is reduced to seven millions. To require 
two millions of them is to change the proportion, — that is to say, it is to 
demand nearly one-third, instead of one-fifth ; and thus, in a certain event, it 
is in reality to take the election from the people, and give it to the Assembly. 
It is, therefore positively to change the conditions of eligibility of the Presi- 
dent of the R( public. 



424 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

"In fine, I call your attention to another, perhaps decisive reason. The 
re-establishment of univei'sal suffrage upon its principal basis gives one chance 
more to obtain the revision of the constitution. You have not foi-gotten why, 
in the last session, the adversaries of this revision refused to give it their vote. 
They supported themselves upon this argument, which they knew how to 
render specious. 

"'The constitution,' they said, 'being the work of an Assembly elected by 
universal suffrage, cannot be amended by an Assembly the issue of restricted 
suffrage.' 

" Whether this may be a real motive, or only a pretext, it is well to set it 
aside, and to be able to say to those who wish to bind the couutiy to an 
immovable constitution, — 

"'Behold universal suffrage re-established! The majority of the Assembly, 
supported by two millions of petitioners, by the largest number of the councils 
of arrondissement, and almost unanimously by the councils-general, demand a 
revision of the fundamental compact. Have you less confidence than we in 
the expression of the popular wnll ? ' 

"The question thus j^resents itself to all those who desire a pacific solution 
of the difiiculties of the day. The law of the 31st of May has its imperfections ; 
but, even were it perfect, should it not, nevertheless, be repealed if it resist 
the revision of the constitution, that manifest wish of the country? 

"It is objected, I am aware, that, on my part, these propositions are inspired 
by personal interest. My conduct for the last three years ought to repel such 
an allegation. The welfare of the country, I repeat it, will always be the sole 
motive of my actions. I think it my duty to propose every means of concili- 
ation, and to make every effort to bring about a pacific, regular, legal solution^i 
whatever may be the issue. 

" Thus, then, gentlemen, the proposition which I make to you is neither a 
tactic of party, nor an egotistical calculation, nor a sudden resolution : it is 
the result of serious meditation and of profound conviction. I do not pre- 
tend that this measure will cause all the difiiculties of the situation to dis- 
appear ; but to each day its own task. 

"To-day, to re-establish universal suffrage is to deprive civil war of its flag; 
the Opposition, of its last argument. It will furnish France with the possibil- 
ity of giving itself institutions which may insure its tranquillity. It will give 
to the future powers of the State that moral force which can only exist so 
long as it reposes on a consecrated principle, and on an authority which is 
incontestable." 

This message was listened to with profound attention. Occasionally, when 
the president was urging the repeal of the existing electoral law, the Opposi- 
tion allowed themselves to express their disapprobation. The new minister 
of the interior then presented a bill repealing the law, and declaring every 
Frenchman an elector who was twenty-one years of age, and who had resided 
in the same commune for a period of six months. Criminals, and those who 
had no domicile, were excluded. It was estimated that this change would 
restore to the right of suffrage three millions of Frenchmen who were 
deprived of that right by the law of the 31st of May. 



DIPLOMATIC STEATEGY AND TACTICS. 425 

The coalesced leaders of the parties in opposition, conscious that the war 
of diplomacy was approaching a crisis which would inevitably result in an 
appeal to arms, redoubled their inimical efforts. The consideration of the 
proposed law was postponed for eight days. In the mean time, an attempt 
was made to carry a motion, that the President of the Assembly, in the 
name of the Assembly, had the exclusive right to the command of the army, 
to fix its amount of force, and to issue orders to all officers, superior and 
inferior. 

"This proposal," says Alison, "was a flagrant violation of existing law; as 
it went to take from the president the command of the armed force, expressly 
conferred upon him, and him alone, by the constituti-on. It amounted to a 
declaration of war against him ; but gave him the immense advantag(r for 
which he had long been looking, — of beginning the contest, not only with 
the affections of the army and of the great majority of the people, but with 
the legal right, on his side." * 

This proposed law was to be read as an order of the day to the army, and 
to be placarded in all the barracks of the Republic. It seems, however, that 
this measure was so gross a violation of the law, that, after an angry debate 
of three days, it was rejected. 

In reference to the extreme anxiety Avhich at this time pervaded the loyal 
part of the Assembly and the whole of France, Sir Archibald Alison says, — 

"A gloomy silence now succeeded to the tumultuous cries which had hith- 
erto disturbed the debate. Terror froze every heart, and detached crowds 
from the majority. Many thought the proposal was the signal for a parlia- 
mentary coiqy (Vetat. All saw in it the commencement of a bloody civil war. 
Under the influence of these feeUngs, the vote was called for. On the vote 
being taken, four hundred and eight voted against the proposal, and only 
three hundred for it. It was observed tliat Generals Cavaignac, Lamoriciere, 
and Changarnier voted with the quaestors [for the proposition]. All the 
other military men, twenty-one in number, voted against them. M. Roucher 
brought the decision of the Assembly to the president, who was in the Palace 
of the filysee, ready, if the vote had been different, to mount on horseback. 
'It is better as it is !' cried he; and the preparations were immediately coun- 
termanded." 

After a delay of eight days, the question came up respecting the repeal of 
the restricted electoral law. Notwithstanding all the efforts of the govern- 
ment, and of every sincere friend of liberty, the bill was rejected by a major- 
ity of three votes. Flushed by this victory, the coalesced factions now 
broxight forward a motion, adjudging the penalties of high treason upon any 
one who sJiould by his speech^ or his writings, or in any other loay whatever, 
advocate the claims of any interdicted candidate. Louis Napoleon was this 
interdicted candidate. It could easily be affirmed that his messages and 
speeches tended to secure his election. The plan was, immediately to arrest 
him under this act, as guilty of high treason ; to throw him into the dungeons 
of Vincennes; to seize command of the army; and then — civil war with rill 

* History of Europe, Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 534. 
64 



426 LIFE or NAPOLEON IIL 

its horrors. Tlius every thing was prepared for the coiqy cVetat of the factions 
of the Assembly. The batteries were erected, the guns loaded; and success 
seemed certain. But Louis Napoleon was not a Louis XVI., a Charles X., or 
a Louis Philippe. Calmly, and with unshaken confidence in the sacredness 
of his cause and in the support of the people, he made his preparations for 
the inevitable conflict. 

It Avas now manifest to all, that a revolution, a coup d'etat in some form, 
must take place. The country had very narrowly escaped civil war. The 
peril was by no means averted ; it was but for a moment postponed.* In 
this fearful emergency, the more considerate leaders of the rival parties held 
a meeting to deliberate upon the threatening aspects of the hour. M. Thiers 
is reported to have said, — 

" I am of opinion that the president should be re-elected for ten years. It 
will be a terrible day for Paris when that is proposed ; but I feel that it is 
just and indispensable, and I am willing to agree to it." 

M. Mole and his friends thought that the Legislative Assembly should be 
divided into two chambers, — a Senate and a Lower House ; that the presi- 
dent should be re-elected ; and that vigorous measures should be adopted 
against Socialisni.t 

All excepting the extreme radicals were agreed that a revision of the 
constitution was indispensable ; but the extreme radicals commanded more 
than one-third of the votes, and thus could prevent any revision. The wheels 
of government were thus clogged; the country was threatened with anarchy; 
all its interests were suffering; and there was no legal way of escaping from 
the accumulating difficulties. 

Every thinking mind in the nation seemed agitated, excepting that of the 
president. Pensive, serene, firm, no one could discern in him the slightest 
indications of uneasiness, or of any want of confidence in the future. Was 
it his wonderful power of self-control which enabled him to conceal the 
emotions which disturbed his bosom ? Was it his flxith in destiny which 
rendered him stoical ? Was it his superior foresight which enabled him to 
discern clearly the tiiumphant end to which he was approaching? These are 
questions Avhich the president alone can answer ; and he has not seen fit as 
yet to answer them. The fact, however, remains, attested by all who knew 
him, — that when apparently exposed to utter and speedy ruin by arrest, 
imprisonment, and probably death, no one could perceive the slightest dis- 
turbance of the invariable tranquillity of his sjsirit. 

On the 2Gth of November, the general officers of the army held a meeting 

* " The j^reat debate left the parties in a state of mutual exhaustion, and materially damaj^ed 
the coalition in the Assembly, which had hitherto been so hostile to the president, by showing, 
that, in a crisis, a large part might be expected to leave it. The narrow escape which the 
country had made from civil war, and the obvious risk of its soon recurring, had suggested to 
thoughtful and reasonable men of all parties the necessity of a change in the constitution ; and, 
since the Assembly could not muster a majority sufficient to do this legally, the only recourse 
was a coup d'etiit. This was evident to all, and all were prepared to act upon it. The only 
question — and it was a most material one — was, to whose profit the coup was to be struck." — 
Alison, vol. viii. p. 535. 

t Cassagnac, Histoire de la Chute du Roi Louis Philippe, torn. ii. p. 1.32. 



DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY AND TACTICS. 427 

at the house of General Magnan to deliberate upon the appalling posture of 
affairs. Twenty-one attended. General Magnan, Avho was general-in-chief, 
opened the meeting. Feelingly be spoke of the perilous state of the country, 
menaced on the one side by a reckless Socialistic democracy, and on the 
other by a coalition of factions in the Assembly, which effectually thwarted 
all salutary governmental action. He announced — for it was a secret meet- 
ing — that in this dilemma it was the intention of the president, who had 
been chosen by so many millions of the people, to make an appeal to the 
whole mass of the people themselves to extricate the country from the 
difficulties in which it was involved. 

Every one present, without an exception, recognized the necessity of this 
act. Each man expressed his assent. They all then shook hands, and frater* 
nally embraced, as they took an oath not to reveal what had transpired at the 
meeting. So well did they keep the secret, that it was not until five years 
afterwards that it was revealed by General Cassagnac, with the consent of 
the officers who were present.* 

While the president was thus preparing for action, the coalesced fictions 
in the Assembly, forming a majority, were rapidly maturing their plaus for his 
destruction. "It was proposed," says Alison, " to denounce the pi-esident, and 
declare his powers terminated ; commit him to Vincennes, and subsequently 
transport or banish him from France. All civil and military officers refusing 
their support to the Assembly were to be proceeded against according to law, 
as guilty of treason ; and this decree was to be publicly affixed in all the 
barracks of the Republic. This motion was remitted to a committee of 
fifteen, consisting of the leaders of the three coalesced parties, by whom it 
Avas, with one dissenting voice, agreed to. The motion once carried, the 
command of the army was to be assumed, and the president lodged in Vin- 
cennes. Those who agreed to this scheme were the leaders of the Legitimist, 
Orleanist, Moderate, and Jacobin parties. The execution of the plan was 
fixed for an early day; while, in the interior, the most entire secrecy was 
enjoined upon the design." t 

The president was kept informed of every movement of his enemies ; and 
relying upon the resources of his own mind, and apparently without taking 
counsel of others, he made silent, sagacious, and minute preparations, not 
only to meet their machinations, but to anticipate them. 

On the 25th of November, there was a grand celebration, in the Circus of 
the Champs filysees, to distribute medals and crosses of the Legion of Honor 
to those who had gained prizes at the Universal Exhibition in London. 
There was assembled on the occasion a very brilliant gathering of all the 
elite of Paris, amounting to nearly four thousand. The president, in his 
speech, said, — 

"Gentlemen, there ai'e ceremonies, which, by the sentiments they inspire 
and the reflections to which they give birth, are not vain spectacles. I can- 
not repress emotion and pride, as a Frenchman, in seeing around me these 

* Cassagnac, torn. ii. p. 391. 

t History of Europe, by Sir Archibald Alison, vdI. viii. p. 535. 



428 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

honorable men, who, at the price of so many elForts and so many sacrifices, 
have maintained with eclat abroad the reputation of our trades, our arts, 
our sciences. 

" I have ah-eady rendered a just homage to the grand thought which 
presided at the Universal Exposition of London ; but, in the moment of 
crowning your success by a national recompense, can I forget that so many 
marvels of industry have been commenced in the din of the emeute, and 
achieved in the midst of a society incessantly agitated by fears of the present, 
and menaces of the future ? In reflecting upon the obstacles which you have 
had to overcome, I have said to myself, — 

" ' How great would this nation be if it could be left to breathe at its ease, 
and to live in peace and quietude ! ' 

" Indeed, it is when credit has scarcely begun to revive ; when an atrocious 
idea impels incessantly the workman to exhaust even the sources of labor; 
it is when madness, clothing itself with the mantle of philanthropy, diverts 
the mind from useful occupations, and directs it to the most Utopian specula- 
tions, — it is under these circumstances that you have shown to the world 
products which it would seem that durable repose alone would be able to 
execute. 

"In presence, then, of these unexpected results, I repeat, 'How grand re- 
publican France might be, if she were permitted to apply herself to useful 
industry, and to reform her institutions, instead of being incessantly troubled 
on the one hand by demagogic ideas, and on the other by monarchical hallu- 
cinations!' 

"Do these demagogic ideas proclaim any truth ? No: they diffuse every- 
where error and falsehood. Disquietude precedes them ; deception follows 
them ; and the resources employed for their repression are so much of loss 
for the most pressing ameliorations and for the solace of misery. 

"As to monarchic hallucinations, without presenting the same dangers, 
they equally impede all progress, all serious employment. One struggles, 
instead of advancing. Men are seen, who were formerly ardent advocates 
of the prerogatives of royal authority, now earnestly striving to destroy that 
power which is the issue of universal suffrage. We see those who have 
suffered most from revolutions, and who have most bemoaned them, provok- 
ing a new one, and that with the single object of escaping from the national 
will, and of hindering those measures which tend to restore peace to 
society. 

"You all, — the sons of that regenerated society which has destroyed 
ancient privilege, and which proclaims as its fundamental principle civil and 
2)olitical equality, — you will experience a just pride in being named Chevaliers 
of the Order of the Legion of Honor. It is because that institution — like 
all the others created at the epoch — is in harmony with the spirit of the age 
and the ideas of the country. Far from serving, as do others, to render the 
distinctions of society more marked, they efface those distinctions in placing 
in the same position all merits, to whatever profession or to whatever rank 
in society they appertain. 

"Receive, then, these crosses of the Legion of IlDnor, which, according to 



DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY AND TACTICS. 429 

the grand Idea of its founder, is to confer upon artistic skill as much honor as 
upon bravery, and upon bravery as much honor as upon science. 

"Before separating, gentlemen, perrj'it rae to encourage you to new labors. 
Undertake them without fear. They will prevent stagnation of business tliis 
winter. Do not doubt the future. Tranquillity will be maintained, whatever 
may happen. A government which supports itself upon the entire mass of 
the nation, which has no other motive than the public good, and which that 
ardent faith animates that guides one surely, even across a space where there 
is no path traced out, — that government, I say, Avill fulfil its mission ; for it 
unites in itself both the right that comes from the jDcople and the might that 
comes from God." 

It is impossible to read without admiration this calm, serene confidence 
of Louis Napoleon in the result of the conflict into which his foes were 
dragging him. The president never used words which were not full of 
meaning. Thoughtful minds pondered the phrase, "that government which 
that ardent faith animates that guides one surely, even across a space where 
there is no path imarhed out^ What was this trackless space over which the 
government was to conduct the nation? But a few days before, the president 
had addressed the ofiicers of several regiments which had newly arrived in 
Paris. These officers in a body had called upon the president at the filysee, 
accompanied by General Magnan, commander-in-chief of the forces in Paris. 
It was the 9th of November, 1851. In that address, the president said, — 

"Gentlemen, in receiving the officers of the different regiments of the 
army which succeed each other in the garrison of Paris, I congratulate 
myself in seeing them animated by that military spirit which has constituted 
our glory, and which to-day is our security. I will not speak to you, then, 
either of your duties or of discipline. Your duties you have always dis- 
charged with honor, whether in Africa or upon the soil of France ; and 
discipline you have always maintained inviolate through trials the most 
difficult. 

" I hope that these trials will not return. But if the gravity of circum-. 
stances bring them back, and oblige me to make an appeal to your devotion, 
that devotion will not deceive me, I am sure; because you know that I will 
demand nothing which will not be in accord with my right, recognized by 
the constitution, with military honor, with the interests of the country, 
because, if ever the day of danger arrives, I shall not do as the governments 
have done which have preceded me ; and I shall not say to you, 'March, and 
I follow you ! ' but I shall say to you, ' I march ; follow me ! ' " 

The nation was for the president, and against the Assembly. He knew it. 
Everybody knew it. Though a coalition of bitterly hostile parties, composing 
two-thirds of the Assembly, had declared against him, one-third, composed 
of intelligent and honest men of harmonious views, were devoted to his 
cause. As it was manifest that a collision must immediately take place, — for' 
the majority of the Assembly had its arm already uplifted to strike a deadly 
blow, — those members of the Assembly who were friends of the president 
met on Sunday, Nov. 30, to deliberate upon the line of conduct they should 



430 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

follow. At that meeting, it was decided that the Prince President repre- 
sented the principle of authority, and that the triumph of the factions in the 
Assembly would prove but the signal of frightful catastrophes; and that, 
therefore, they would rally around Prince Louis Napoleon so soon as the 
conflict should burst forth. The moral force of France was with the presi- 
dent. He was regarded as the representative of order and of well-regulated 
society. The millions of France, with unanimity almost unparalleled in the 
history of nations, gave their support to the president whom they had chosen. 

The material support was also in cordial sympathy with the president. 
The French army is renowned for its discipline, its obedience to the com- 
mands of its officers. In reluctant submission to authority, it guarded the 
throne of Louis XVIIL, of Charles X., of Louis Philippe; but now the 
army threw its whole heart into the defence of the government of Louis 
Napoleon. Never, since the days of the first empire, had the heart of the 
army throbbed with such enthusiasm. Thus was Louis Napoleon prepared 
for the great and inevitable conflict with both the moral and the material 
power of the nation sustaining him in cordial alliance.* 

"The president clearly perceived that the great crisis was approaching; 
that the country, was becoming more and more agitated and uneasy ;" that all 
the operations of government, by no fault of his, were impeded, confused 
and inefficient ; that his enemies were secretly preparing to consummate the 
conspiracy against his authority, his liberty, and even against his life ; that in 
some departments of France the desperate populace were marching through 
the country, threatening pillage and conflagration ; in a word, that both the 
security and prosperity of France, as well as his own rescue from destruction, 
demanded, that, at that moment, the last, decisive blow should be struck. 
He now braced himself to the performance of the great deed ; and never was 
an act on which the future fate of millions depended executed with more 
energy, sagacity, and resolution." f 

* L'Histoire complete de Napole'on III., par MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 300. 

t Public anii Private History of Napoleon III., by Samuel M. Smucker, LL.D., p. 151. 




CHAPTER XXV. 

THE COUP d'etat* 

The only Measures Loxiis Napoleon could adopt. — Last Meeting; of the Assembly. — Lev^e al 
the Elyse'c. — Testimony of Hon. S. G. Goodrich. — The Decisive Step. — The Proclama- 
tions. — The Arrests. — Changarnier, Cavaignac, Thiers, Lamoriciere, Bedeau, Charras, La 
Grange, IJoger, Baze. — The Insurrection. — Narrative of Hon. S. G. Goodrich. — The Dis- 
comfiture of the Insurgents. — Proclamation of St. Arnaud. 

HE coiq? (Vetat of Louis Napoleon will be pronounced by history 
to be the most brilliant and meritorious act of his life. Sucl 
Avas the remark made to the writer by an eminent Americac 
banker in Paris, who had resided there for the last twenty years, 
and who personally witnessed the scenes of that sublime drama. 
It is not easy to conceive how any candid man can read this 
narrative, and not give his cordial assent to that statement; and yet, alas! 
there are human prejudices so inveterate, that they will not yield to "demon- 
stration strong as proof from holy writ." 

There were but three possible courses for Louis Napoleon to pursue. One 
was to abandon his post, and flee from France before a handful of Bourbonists, 
Orleanists, and Socialists, and again to enter upon dreary years of exile. To 
adopt this ignoble course, when he knew that the millions of France were ral- 
lying around him, and were earnestly and confidingly looking to him to rescue 
them and the country from destruction ; when he knew that the majority of 
the nation in his favor was so very great, that he could, without difficulty, over- 
come his enemies, and maintain order in France, and secure her prosperity, — 
would have displayed a cowardly spirit, which would certainly have exposed 
him to the derision and contempt of the whole civilized world. Neither could 
he doubt, that, by thus fleeing before his enemies, France would be plungel 
into all the horrors of anarchy and of civil war. 

The second plan was to remain passively at his post, and allow the coalesced 
factions in the Assembly to rob the people of the right of universal suff'rage; 
to exclude him from the candidateship for the presidency, notwithstanding the 
almost unanimous Avish of the nation for his re-election ; to seize the control 
of the army, and place it under officers of their own appointment ; and to 
arrest him under the charge of high treason, and send him again into exile, or 
to the dungeons of a prison, or to be shot by a military commission. This 

* Coup d' (flat, — an extraordinary and violent measure taken by the government when the 
State is, or is supposed to be, in danger. 



432 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

also, he was well aware, woulcl leave France in a state of revolutionary 
convulsion from which it might not for ages emerge. 

The third plan was boldly to meet his foes, disarm them, and then to say to 
the army, "I call upon you to protect the people of France, the whole people, 
until, through the voice of universal suffrage, the people shall decide what to 
do in this great emergency. I will tell them what, in my judgment, seems 
best to be done. If they approve of that, and wish me to aid them in doing 
it, I will aid them to the utmost of my power, through toil and peril, come 
what may. If the people, by the voice of universal suffrage, do not approve of 
my plan, and choose to intrust their interests to the hands of another, I will 
bow obedient to their wishes; for I recognize no sovereign in France but the 
people." 

This is what he did say. The people responded gratefully, approved of his 
plan, and entreated him to carry it out. He Avas true to his word. With 
sagacity, energy, and boldness never surpassed, he rescued France from all 
her perils ; and, under his wise administration, France has now enjoyed for 
sixteen years such a period of internal prosperity and of external dignity as 
the nation has never enjoyed for an equal period of time during all the centu- 
ries which have passed away. Paris is, beyond all dispute, the best-governeil 
city in Europe. All industries are encouraged and prosperous in France 
beyond any precedent. Insurrections, barricades, and emeutes are unheai-d of. 
Every man is at liberty to do whatever he pleases, except to injure his neigh- 
bor or to try to overthrow the government. The city of Paris has become, 
under the fostering care of the emperor, the most beautiful and the most 
attractive city on the globe. There can be no question, that deeds so heroic 
and glorious will receive from the world the homage they merit. 

The president confided his plans to but a few individuals. Still, the leading 
men of the military and of the police were apprised that a movement was in 
progress wliich would require their efficient co-operation. 

On Monday morning, Dec. 1, the Assembly met as usual. The members 
were employed during the day in discussing the project of a railroad to 
Lyons. In the evening, the President of the Republic held his weekly recep- 
tion at the Palace of the Elysee. He appeared as calm as usual, giving no 
indication of any pre-occupation of mind, and entertaining his guests with his 
customary cordiality. When the company retired, several of his most distin- 
guished friends — General St. Arnaud, M. le Comte de Morny, M. de Maupas, 
andM.de Boville — remained behind, and retired with the president to his 
cabiiii2t.* 

* Gregnier de Cassagnac, vol. ii. Essentially the same account of the coup d'etat is given, in 
point of foot, by all the writers upon that theme, — by Victor Hugo, in his very absurd work, 
entitled " Napoleon the Little ; " by V. Schoelcher, in his closely-printed volume of 469 pages, 
entitled " tlistoire des Crimes du deux deceinbre," written with a pen dipped in gall ; by- M. 
Paul Bekiuino and M. Ame'die de Cesena, in their calm and friendly narrative, in a royal-octavo 
volume oi" 490 pages, entitled " Histoire d'un Coup d'Etat (decembre, 1851), d'aprcs les Docu- 
ments authentiques, les Pieces officielles, et les Renseignements intimes ; " by Cassagnac, in his 
candid volumes, " Histoire de la Chute de Louis Philippe ; " by MM. Gallix et Guy ; and by Sir 
Archibald Alison, in his " History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon I. to the Accession of 
Napoleon III." There is but little dispute about the facts : the only ditfei'ence is in the coloring 
in which those facts are presented by friendly or hostile pens. 



THE COUP D'ETAT. 433 

Here the final arrangements were made for decisive and immediate action. 
M. de Morny was appointed minister of the interior. He was to sign the war- 
rant ordering the dissolution of the Assembly, and also warrants for the arrest 
of all those leaders of the factions in the Assembly and in the political clubs 
who would be likely to incite the populace to resistance. General St. Arnaud 
was appointed minister of war, and was intrusted with the military operations. 
M. de Boville was to superintend the difficult and delicate operation of having 
all the proclamations immediately printed ; and yet with such secrecy, that 
their contents should not be divulged until the appointed hour. M. de Mau- 
pas was minister of police. They all alike perilled their lives. Every thing 
being thus arranged for the decisive action, which was to commence between 
five and six o'clock the next morning, the president affectionately shook hands 
with each one, and said, "Now, gentlemen, take a little repose; and may God 
protect France!" 

The night passed over the gay metropolis as usual. The morning of the 2d 
of December dimly dawned. It was the anniversary of the day of Austerlitz. 
So sagaciously and minutely had the president arranged every movement, 
provided for every emergency, anticipated every difficulty, that in one short 
hour, without the firing of a gun, without the slightest noise or tumult, the 
mighty enterprise was virtually achieved.* 

At the same moment, seventy-eight of the leaders of the Opposition in the 
Assembly, and the head agitators of the clubs, were quietly arrested, and con- 
veyed through the dark and silent streets to prison. Noiselessly, and without 
attracting attention, strong bands of troops took possession of every impor- 
tant strategic point ; thus guarding the city against any sudden insurrection. 
An armed force had taken possession of the hall of the Assembly, so that that 
body could not again meet. A vigilant police force was stationed in every 
quarter, rendering it impossible that there could be any gathering to organize 
resistance. Louis Napoleon arose, and breakfasted in the Palace of the filysee 
as quietly as if nothing had happened. Thousands of shopkeepers and me- 
chanics went to their daily employment without any consciousness that 
France, in one short hour, had passed through one of the most marvellous 
revolutions in the history of nations. It was a sublime deed, and it was 
sublimely performed.! 

* The Hon. S. G. Goodrich, better known as Peter Parley, who was then United-States con- 
sul in Paris, gives, in his " Parisian Sights," the following account of the scenes of which he was 
an eye-witness on this occasion : — 

"It was the 2d of December of the year 1851. I had arisen at my usual hour, breakfasted, 
read ' Galignani' and the ' Constitutionnel,' my morning papers, without finding an item of 
interest ; and, as the morning was sombre, had prepared for a day of more than ordinary quiet. 
Towai'ds one o'clock, a French lady dropped in. She was somewhat excited, and I inquired the 
reason. 

"' What !' said she, ' have you not heard the news? There is a revolution. Paris is in a 
state of siege. The troops are all in the streets. The National Assembly is dissolved. Most of 
the members are imprisoned. The railroads are torn up to prevent the jjrovinces from marching 
upon the city. Louis Napoleon is emperor.' " 

t " The CO!//) d'eteMvas an undertaking which would have appalled an intellect of ordinary 
power. Now, for the first time, men began to realize the astounding force of character, the 
impenetrable reserve, the far-reaching sagacity, of the president. He was no longer a dreamer, 
55 



434 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

But now the sun arose; broad daylight came; and proclamations and de- 
crees placarded upon the walls informed the Parisians of the change which had 
been effected. The tidings flew as on the wings of the lightning through 
the excitable metropolis. Some, with tears of gratitude, thanked God that 
he had raised up a great man to rescue France from the perils with which 
she was menaced ; some, of more trivial nature, laughed heartily, as though a 
magnificent joke had been played, and made themselves merry over the flict, 
that, in the deadly game which had been for some time in progress, the presi- 
dent had quite outwitted the Assembly ; others gnashed their teeth with 
mortification and rage. 

In the following brief decree, the president announced to France what he 
had done, and what he intended to do. It was very plain. All could under- 
stand it. 

" DECREE IN THE NAME OP THE FRENCH PEOPLE. 

" The President of the Republic has decreed, — 

" 1. That the National Assembly is dissolved. 

" 2. Universal sufiVnge is re-established. The law of May 31 is abrogated. 

" 3. The French nation is convoked in committee from the 14th of Decem- 
ber to the 21st of December following. 

" 5. The Council of State is dissolved. 

" 6. The Minister of the Interior is charged with the execution of the 
present decree. 

"Given at the Palace of the filysee, Dec. 2, 1861. 

" Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. 
"Minister of the Interior, De Mqrny." 

Then came the following appeal to the French people : — • 

" Frenchmen, — The present state of things can last no longer. Every day 
that passes aggravates the danger of the country. The Assembly, which ouglit 
to be the firmest support of order, has become the centre of plots. The patri- 
otism of three hundred of its members has not been able to ari-est its fatal ten- 
dencies. Instead of making laws for the general interest, it forges arms for 
civil war. It attacks the power which I hold directly from the people. It 
encourages all bad passions. It com])romises the repose of France. I have 
dissolved it; and I make the whole people the judge between it and myself. 

"The constitution, as you know, was made with the object of weakening, 
beforehand, the power which you were about to confide to me. Six millions 
of votes were a signal protestation against it ; and yet I have faithfully 
respected it. Provocations, calumnies, outrages, have found me impassible ; 
but now, when the fundamental compact is no longer respected even by 
those who incessantly invoke it, and since the men who have already over- 
turned two monarchies wish to tie my hands that they may destroy the 
Republic, it is my duty to baffle their perfidious projects, to maintain the 

an enthusiast, a schemer, but a man of the utmost hardness of will, of iron tenacity of purpose, 
of adamantine fixedness. All this tremendous strength and energy was interpenetrated by com- 
mon sense, sound discretion, and well-regulated judgment." — Italy and the War of 1859, p. 93. 



THE COUP D'ETAT. 435 

Republic, and to save the country, by invoking the solemn judgment of 
the only sovereign whom I recognize in France, — the people. 

" I make, then, a loyal appeal to the entire nation : and I say, if you wish 
to continue this state of confusion, which degrades us and compromises our 
future, choose another in my place ; for I no longer wish for a power which 
is impotent for good, which renders me responsible for acts which I cannot 
prevent, and which chains me to the helm when I see the ship rushing towards 
the abyss. If, on the contrary, you still have confidence in me, give me the 
means of accomplishing the great mission which I hold from you. 

" This mission consists in closing the era of revolutions, in satisfying the 
legitimate wants of the people, and in protecting them against subversive 
passions. It consists, especially, in creating institutions which can survive 
men, and which will be foundations upon which one can build something 
durable. Persuaded that the instability of power and the preponderance of 
a single Assembly are the permanent causes of trouble and of discord, I 
submit to your suffrages the following fundamental bases of a constitution 
which the Assemblies will hereafter develop : — 

"1. A responsible chief appointed for ten years. 

" 2. Ministers dependent upon the executive power alone. 

*' 3. A council of state, composed of the most distinguished men, drafting 
the laws, and sustaining them in the discussion before the legislative body. 

"4. A legislative body, discussing and voting the laws, appointed by 
universal suffrage, without scrutinizing the list, which violates the electoral 
principle. 

" 5. A second Assembly, composed of the most distinguished men of the 
nation ; a preponderating power, guardian of the fundamental compact and 
of the public liberties. 

" This system, created by the first consul at the commencement of the 
century, has already given to France repose and prosperity : it will guarantee 
them still. Such is my profound conviction. If you share it, declare it by 
your suffrages : if, on the contrary, you prefer a government without force, 
monarchical or republican, borrowed from I know not what chimerical past 
or future, reply negatively. 

"Thus, then, for the first time since 1804, you will vote with a knowledge 
of the cause, knowing well for whom or for what. If I should not obtain the 
majority of your suffrages, then I shall convoke the re-union of a new As- 
sembl}', and shall return to it the charge I have received from you ; but, if 
you believe that the cause of which my name is the symbol — that is, France 
regenerated by the revolution of 1789, and organized by the emperor — is 
still yours, proclaim it by consecrating the powers which I ask of you. Then 
France and Europe will be preserved from anarchy; obstacles will be re- 
moved ; rivalries will have disappeared : for all will respect in the decision of 
the people the decree of Providence. 

" Given at the Palace of the £lysee, the 2d of December, 1851. 

"Louis Napoleon Bonaparte."* 

* " This magnificent address is an explanation of the motive of. the decree which preceded it. 
It establishes with convincing logic the necessity and the urgency of that decree. It shows 



436 LITE OF NAPOLEON III. 

Then followed the address to the army. It was as follows : — 

"proclamation of the president of the republic to the army. 

" Soldiers, — Be proud of your mission. You will save the country ; for I 
depend upon you, not to violate the laws, but to cause to be respected the 
first law of the country, — the national sovereignty, of which I am the 
legitimate representative. 

" For a long time, you have suffered, as have I, from the obstacles which 
have opposed themselves both to the good I wished to do to you, and to the 
demonstrations of your sympathy in my favor. These obstacles are cast 
down. The Assembly has endeavored to seize the authority which I hold 
from the nation. It has ceased to exist. 

" I make a loyal appeal to the people and the army ; and I say to them, 
Either give me the means to secure your prosperity, or choose another in my 
place. In 1S30, as in 1848, you were treated as the vanquished party. After 
blighting your heroic disinterestedness, they disdained to consult your sympa- 
thies and your wishes. And yet you are the elite of the nation. To-day, at 
this solemn moment, I am resolved that the army shall be heard. 

"Vote, then, freely as citizens ; but, as soldiers, do not forget that passive 
obedience to the orders of the chief of the government is the rigorous duty 
of the army, from the general to the private soldier. It is for me, responsible 
for my actions to the people and to posterity, to take the measures which to 
me seem indispensable for the public good. 

" As for you, remain immovable in the rules of discipline and of honor. 
Aid by your imposing attitude the country to manifest its will in tranquillity 
and with reflection. Be ready to repress every attempt against tlie free 
exercise of the sovereignty of the people. 

" Soldiers, I do not speak to you of the remembrances which my name 
recalls. They are engraven in your hearts. We are united by indissoluble 
ties. Your history is mine. There is between us, in the past, a community 
of glory and of misfortune : there will be between us, in the future, a com- 
munity of sentiments and of resolutions for the repose and the grandeur of 
France. 

"Given at the Palace of the filysee, the 2d of December, 1851. 

"Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." 

By eight o'clock in the morning, the news of what had transpii-ed had 
circulated through entire Paris. Everybody was talking; everybody was 
profoundly excited : and yet thi'ough the day there was but little interrup- 

France the abyss which it was necessary to avoid. But it does not limit itself to that. By the 
side of the exposition of the evil, it shows the remedy. It points out the route to be followed. 
And all is said with precision, clearness, and a loyalty of frankness, which does not leave 
any point obscure, doubtful, or indefinite. The country sees from what it has escaped. It also 
sees what it must do. The Prince I'resident bridged the <2;nlf over the ruins, and led France to 
a glorious future of prosperity." — Histoire d'un Coup d'J^lat, par M. Paul Belouino, precedee d'une 
Introduction et suivie d'une Conclusion sur les Causes et les Consequences de cette Revolution, par M, 
Ame'd€e de Cesena, p. 104. 



THE COUP D'J^TAT. ' 48Y 

tion of the ordinary course of business. An American merchant who was 
making an extensive purchase of goods informed the writer, that, as he 
called that morning at the wholesale establishment where he was transacting 
his business, he said to the seller, — 

"You can afford to make some deduction from the prices of yesterday. 
You are in the midst of a revolution ; and there is no knowing through what 
scenes of anarchy and bloodshed you may be called to pass." 

" No," the man replied with a peculiar air of satisfaction : " my goods have 
risen in value. Thank God, we have now a strong government, and France 
is safe ! " 

That was unquestionably the general sentiment which pervaded the busi- 
ness-class of the community. 

But it is important to enter a little more fully into the details of this great 
event. In point of order, the first thing to be done was to secure the print- 
ing of the proclamations under such circumstances that the secret could not 
possibly be divulged until the great enterprise was accomplished. 

As we have mentioned, M. de Beville, who was an orderly sergeant of the 
president, and lieutenant-colonel on his staff, was intrusted with this duty. 
The day before, he had informed the director of the national printing-office 
that he wished his workmen to be in readiness at the office that night to 
perform some important work. They were all there. At twelve o'clock, 
M. Beville arrived. His carriage was drawn under a shed, and the driver was 
locked up in a room, where he was remunerated with refreshments and cigars. 
Immediately a body of the police silently appeared, and guarded every pos- 
sible avenue of egress. Sentinels were also stationed within, at the doors and 
the windows, to make assurance doubly sure. The manuscript copies were 
distributed among the workmen ; and in a couple of hours the impressions 
were struck off. The printers were then, while handsomely regaled, still kept 
under the closest guard. The coachman was liberated, and again mounted 
his box. M. de Beville, accompanied by M. de St. George, the director 
of the printing-office, taking the package of printed decrees and proclama- 
tions, drove to the head office of the police. It was half-past three in the 
morning. M. Maupas, the prefect of police, was waiting foi- them. The 
papers were given to a number of resolute and faithful men, and were soon 
placarded all over Paris. 

At the same hour. General Magnan, Commander-in-chief of the Army of 
Paris, summoned through his subordinate officers the soldiers in the bar- 
racks. Noiselessly they were called one by one. There was no sound of 
drum or trumpet. Silently they fell into the ranks. Before the day dawned, 
three divisions of the army were so distributed as to occupy the Quay 
d'Orsay, the Place du Carrousel, the Garden of the Tuileries, the Place de la 
Concorde, and the Champs tly.seos. M. de Persigny led several detachments 
through the silent streets to the hall of the National Assembly, and took pos- 
session of it and of the surrounding courts of the palace. 

M. de Morny, at the same time, accompanied by two hundred and fifty 
of the Chasseurs of Vincennes, repaired to the hotel of M. de Thorigny, who 
had been minister of the interior, and presented him a letter from the presi- 



438 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

dent, courteously thanking him for his faithful services, and informing him of 
the appointment of his successor. M. de Morny immediately entered upon 
the duties of his office, despatching by telegraph a circular transmitting 
to the prefects of all the departments of France the decrees and proclama- 
tions of the president. 

M. de Maupas, the minister of police, summoned by secret and trusty 
messengers all his important subordinate officers to meet at his office at half- 
past three o'clock in the morning. As they assembled, they were conducted 
in small groups to diffisrent rooms. One by one, they were then called into 
the private cabinet of the minister. Here, briefly but fully, they were in- 
formed of what had been done, and of what was still to be done. They 
were all in sympathy with the movement. Each man zealously undertook 
the mission intrusted to him. A small but amply sufficient police force was 
thus sent to the house of every man who was to be arrested. A detachment 
of troops was placed at various convenient points, ready to furnish immediate 
assistance should it be needed. The utmost care had been taken that the 
wrong man should by no possibility be arrested. Under various pretexts, all 
who were to be arrested had been for many days carefully and constantly 
watched by invisible agents. Thus the leader of each party of the police 
knew perfectly, not only the man he was to arrest, but his place of residence, 
the room he occupied, and all its surroundings. ' 

The agents of the police were directed to be at the door of each man to 
be arrested at precisely five minutes after six o'clock. Every arrest was to 
be made at the same moment. With wonderful rapidity and punctuality, 
the difficult and delicate task was accomplished. As the commissioners 
descended from the cabinet of the minister of police, they found carriages 
at the door to convey each of them to his place of destination. In twenty 
minutes after they began their Avork, it was all completed. A record of the 
arrest of a few of the most prominent individuals, taken from the official 
report, will give a very clear idea of the general procedure in all cases. 

The arrest which was deemed most important was that of General Chan- 
garnier. He had been called " The Third Power in the State," " The Sword of 
the Assembly." He was to be the future dictator. Both Bourbonists and 
Orleanists had united in him, each hoping that he would restore the monarchy 
in favor of the candidate of their party. It was apprehended that he — a 
very resolute military man — Avould make fierce resistance; and it was 
known that he was well armed. He resided at No, 3, Rue du Faubourg St. 
Honore. Two very determined men — M. Lerat, commissioner of police, and 
Captain Baudinet, of the Republican Guards — were assigned the duty of 
arresting him. 

The wary general made his house his fortress. At five minutes before six 
o'clock, the commissioners rang at his door. The concierge refused to open 
the massive portal. There was a grocer's shop, which the occupant was then 
opening, in the same house. While some one was parleying with the con- 
cierge to prevent his giving the alarm, the rest of the party passed through 
the shop, and by a back door entered the courtyard. The concierge, from 
his room, immediately rang a bell which was hung in the apartment of the 



THE COUP D'ETAT. 439 

general. At the head of the first flight of stairs, the commissioners, as they 
ascended, found themselves faced by a servant of the general, who had in his 
hand a key to the sleeping-apartment of his master. It was immediately 
taken from him, and the door was oj^ened. At the same instant, the door of 
an inner room Avas opened by the general, who stood there astonished, bare- 
footed, and in his night-shirt, with a loaded pistol in each hand. At a bound, 
M. Lerat clasped him in both arms, saying, — 

" General, do not resist. Your life is not menaced." 

M. Changarnier, seeing that resistance was hopeless, dropped his pistols, and 
called upon his body-servant to dress him, saying with much coolness, — 

"M. de Maupas is a gentleman. Say to him that I hope he will not 
deprive me of ray servant; for I cannot get along without him." 

The request was immediately granted that his servant should be permitted 
to accompany him. He was hurriedly dressed. They descended to the car- 
riage at the door. Two officers sat in the carriage, on the seat before him. 
M. Lerat sat by his side. For some little time, as the carriage was driven 
rapidly along the silent streets, not a word was uttered. The general occa- 
sionally looked with apparent nervousness out of the windoAvs, as if he 
expected to see indications of disturbance. Then, turning to M. Lerat, he 
said, — 

" Do you know what a narrow escape you have had ? In one second more, 
you were a dead man. I should have regretted it, however; fori see that 
you have no arms, and only did your duty." 

" If you had killed me, general," M. Lerat replied, " you would only have 
made a widow and four orphans to no purpose." 

M. Changarnier was then informed, in answer to his question, that they 
were taking him to the prison called Mazas. This is one of the most 
admirable prisons, probably, in the world. It is built upon the general prin- 
ciple of the Philadelphia Penitentiary, and is a model prison in arrange- 
ment, neatness, and discipline. It seems that it was some relief to the mind 
of the captive to learn his destination ; for he now quite frankly entered into 
conversation. 

" The president," said he, " makes himself unnecessary trouble. He was 
sure of his re-election. When foreign powers make war upon him, he will be 
glad to place me at the head of an army." 

When they arrived at the prison. General Cliangarnier thanked M. Lerat 
for the consideration with which he had been treated. He was safely secured, 
but received all the respect to which his rank and character seemed to entitle 
him.* 

General Cavaignac was a man of much nobility of character, and a brave 
soldier. He h|id won renown in Algiers, and also in the streets of Paris, in 
quelling an insurrection. Still he had defects of character, the most con- 
spicuous of which, perhaps, Avas a nervous and irritable temperament, Avhich at 
times caused him to sacrifice his dignity of character. He resided in humble 
apartments in the Rue du Ilelder. When the commissary knocked at the 

* Histoire d'un Coup d'Etat, par M. Paul Belouino, p. 75. 



440 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

door of his apartment, he was asleep. He, however, rose, and opened the 
door. 

" General," said the commissary, " you are my prisoner. All resistance is 
useless. I am ordei'ed to seize your person in virtue of a warrant which I 
will read to you." 

The general was exceedingly excited, and thrown quite off his balance. He 
smote the table with his list, and talked loudly and passionately. The officer 
endeavored to calm him. Soon the general recovered his self-possession, and 
recognized the fact, that the commissary was but discharging liis duty in 
obeying the orders of his superiors. Perhaps more than ordinary allowance 
should be made for the unseemly passion of the general, in consideration of 
the fact, that, in two days, he was to have been married to the daughter of 
a wealthy banker. 

"Well," said the general, now quite tranquil, "send out your men, that I 
may dress, and I will be ready in a few moments. And I have two requests 
to make : one is, that I may be permitted to write a note to the lady to 
whom I was to be married day after to-morrow; and the other is, that I may 
go with you alone to my place of destination." 

Both requests were granted. In the carriage he inquired, "Where are 
you taking me?" — "To Mazas," was the reply. "Am I the only person 
arrested?" — "General, lam not at liberty to answer that question." Not 
another word was spoken. The general was led into the prison, and its iron 
door closed upon him. 

M. Thiers occupied an elegant residence in the Place St. George. Com- 
missary Hubaut was cliarged with his arrest. The distinguished historian 
was sleeping profoundly when the commissary entered his bedroom. The 
noise awoke him. He started up in his bed, lifting up his white cotton 
nightcap, as he exclaimed with much apparent agitation, " What's the mat- 
ter?" 

" I have come to arrest you," said M. Hubaut. " But you need not be 
alarmed : your life is in no danger." 

Soothed by this assurance, and speedily recovering his self-possession, he 
began to argue the point with the commissioner. 

"'What do you intend to do?" said he. "Do you not know that I am a 
representative ? You are violating the constitution." 

The commissioner replied, "1 do but obey the orders which have been 
given to me. I cannot dispute with you the question of political right. I 
obey the ordei's I now receive, as I obeyed your orders when you were minis- 
ter of tlie interior." 

"But this is a coup d''etat which you are engaged in. Do you know that 
you run the risk of losing your head upon the scaffold ? What if I were to 
blow out your brains? Do you know the laws? Do you know that you are 
acting in direct opposition to the constitution ?" 

" I have no orders to enter into a dispute with you," M. Hubaut replied. 
" Besides, your knowledge is far superior to mine. I do not believe that you 
would be capable of the crime of attempting to kill me ; but I have taken my 
precautions, and could easily prevent you." 



THE COUP D'ETAT. 441 

Still the philosophic ex-minister, whose health wasfeehle, and whose nervous 
temperament was easily excited, manifested much alarm when directed to 
descend the stairs to the carriage. He talked incessantly, at times using per- 
suasive and again threatening language to induce liis captors to set him at 
liberty. When ho reached the prison, he begged, in an assumed tone of 
pleasantry, that he might have his coffee and milk very hot. In the prison, 
he received every attention. As his health was feeble, and as there was very 
little fear of the scholarly historian heading an insurrection in the streets, he 
was soon released.* 

General Lamoriciere was soundly asleep when his room was entered. He 
was probably not much surprised ; for he had been plotting to do precisely 
the same thing to Louis Napoleon. He rose, without uttering a word, and 
began to dress. Soon, looking towards the chimney-piece, he asked the 
oflicer what had become of the money he had placed there. 

" Sir," said the commissary, " that language is insulting to me. Do }'ou take 
us for thieves ? " 

"How do I know that you are not?" asked the general coolly. 

The commissary showed him his badge of office, and read the warrant for 
his arrest. The general was then silent. As they were descending the stairs 
to the carriage, the commissary said to him, — 

" General, I have orders from the prefect of police to treat you with all 
possible consideration, and I wish to act with the greatest leniency. I will 
put you into a carriage alone Avith myself, if you pledge me your word of 
honor that you will not attempt to escape." 

"I promise nothing," the general replied hastily. "Do with me as you 
please." 

He was taken under guard. When passing the Palace of the Legion of 
Honor, the general thrust his head out of the carriage, and began calling upon 
the soldiers standing around for a rescue. The commissary instantly pulled 
him back, and closed the window, threatening him with harsh measures 
should he attempt the same thing again. 

"As you please," said the general sullenly. When they reached the 
prison, he became more calm. He begged the commissary not to take his 
arms, which were very valuable, and to send him some cigars and " The His- 
tory of the French Revolution." His wishes were complied with. 

General Bedeau, Vice-President of the Assembly, made violent resistance. 
It was necessary to take him by the collar, and drag him down the stairs to 
the carriage ; he struggling, and screaming, — 

"Treason! — to arms! I am the Vice-President of the National Assem- 
bly, and they have arrested me ! " 

Before resorting to force, the commissary had said to him, " I cannot com- 
ment on my warrant : I can only execute it. You have risked your life, 
general, in defence of the laws: do you think that I am not willing to risk 
mine in the execution of my orders? Do not compel me to use harsh 
measures." 

* Histoire d'un Coup d'lltat, par M. Paul Belouino, p. 80. 



442 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"You must use force," General Bedeau replied. "I will not go unless I am 
carried off. Now, I dare you to seize me by the collar as a malefactor, — me, 
Vice-President of the Assembly ! " 

"Do you acknowledge that I have treated you in my mission with all 
possible consideration ? " inquired the commissary. 

" Yes, monsieur," the general replied. 

He was then seized, and carried to the carriage, notwithstanding his violent 
struggles. 

Colonel Charras resided at No. 14, Rue du Faubourg, St. Honore, not far 
from the residence of General Changarnier. It appears that he had suspected 
some measure of the kind, and had publicly threatened that he would blow 
out the brains of any one who should attempt to arrest him. As he was a 
passionate, fiery man, it was apprehended that he would only be taken with 
difficulty and danger. It seemed, however, that reflection had taught him to 
adopt the principle, that " the better part of valor is discretion." 

His door was found firmly locked, and he refused to open it. There was 
no time to be lost ; and, after a short parley, the officers commenced breaking 
it down. Seeing that it would immediately be dashed in, he cried out, " Stop! 
I will open the door." As the commissary with his assistants entered, and 
read his warrant, the general listened quietly, and then said, — 

" I expected this. I thought that it would have taken place two days ago ; 
and I loaded my pistol under that conviction. If you had come then, two 
days ago, I should have blown out your brains ; but my pistol is discharged." 

He was very quietly conveyed to Mazas.* M. La Grange was one of the 
most active members of the extreme Democratic pai-ty. His room was found 
well stocked with arms. He seemed to be much impressed with the energy 
and skill which the president had displayed, and said several times, as he was 
riding to his prison, " It is a bold game, but well played." As be entered the 
prison, he met General Lamoriciere, and very frankly said to him, — 

" Well, general, we meant to have put that fellow here : instead of that, 
be has put us here." 

The above narrative will give the reader an idea of the general method of 
procedure. One case more, however, is worthy of mention : it was that of 
M. Roger. He received the officers sent to arrest him with a stateliness 
of courtesy which reminded one of the days of the old nobility. 

" Ah ! gentlemen," said he with a smile, " so we have a coup d''etat. I knew 
all about this two days ago. My faith ! this is decidedly superior to the 
stupid part we were playing in the Assembly. Louis Napoleon will succeed : 
that is incontestable. But, gentlemen, will you have the goodness to excuse 
me for a moment while my servant shaves me and dresses my hair? In the 
mean time, will you allow me to offer you some refreshments of cake and 
wine?" 

Such emergencies as these very distinctly develop differences of character. 
M. Baze, one of the quaestors of the Assembly, was thrown into a paroxysm 
of rage. He assailed the police with a torrent of vituperation, and was 

* M. Belouino, p. 81. 



THE COTIP d']6tat. 443 

carried in their arms to the carnage, kicking, screaming, scratching, and 
biting with frantic energy. 

All the captives were treated with every consideration consistent with 
arrest and imprisonment. The Mazas is a model prison, where there could 
be no other discomfort save that of confinement. Colonel Thirion had 
accepted the mission of taking charge of the prisoners. As escape was 
impossible, he had only to devote his time to ministering to their comfort. 
Under the circumstances, there was no wish to inflict upon them punishment. 
The only object was to hold them for a few days, that they might not be able 
to excite insurrection in the streets, until the new order of things should be 
established. The prisoners, being thus all collected at the Mazas, were the 
same day conveyed in carriages, under guard, to the Fortress of Ham. 

Let us now return to the Assembly. The members were at that time 
about eight hundred in number. Rapidly the tidings reached them, individu- 
ally, that their hall was occupied by troops, and that all the leaders of the 
Opposition were ai-rested. It will be remembered that about three hundred 
of the deputies were in cordial sympathy with the president ; and their feel- 
ings were consequently in harmony with the coup cVetat.* The Opposition 
was dispersed and bewildered by the blow : the deputies knew not at what 
point to attempt to rally. During the forenoon, about sixty of the members, 
entering by an unguarded door, met in one of the committee-rooms of the 
Palais Legislatif M. de Morny, being informed of this, ordered them to 
retire. M. Dupin, President of the Assembly, was with this number. His 
arrest had not been ordered ; and his subsequent course showed that he was 
in heart, probably, in sympathy with the President of the Republic. M. Du- 
pin, addressing his associate deputies, said, — 

" Gentlemen, it is very evident that the constitution has been violated. 
The right is with us ; but, as we are not the strongest, there is but one thing 
for us to do : I invite you to retire. I have the honor to wish you good- 
morning." 

Some of these deputies re-assembled at the residence of M. Daru, one of the 
vice-presidents, passed a few resolutions, and dispersed. The most important 
gathering was that which was held about eleven o'clock, by two hundred depu- 
ties, — Bourbonists, Orleanists, and Red Republicans, — in the hall of the mayor- 
alty of the tenth arrondissement. They were bewildered, excited, tumultuous. 
They were expecting every moment that the soldiers would arrive to arrest 
or disperse them. Some urged the passing of a protest ; some called for 
spirited decrees and legislative acts ; some cried out that they had not a 
moment to spend in protests or decrees, since they were in danger of imme- 
diate expulsion, and that the first thing to be done was to fix upon another 

* " If two-thirds of the Assembly had declared against him, the other third, composed of 
intelligent and honest men, was devoted to his cause. Already, on the 30th of November, two 
hundred representatives, in anticipation of an approaching collision between the two powers, had 
held a meeting to deliberate upon the course to be pursued in that event. They had decided, 
that since the prince represented the principle of authority, and since the triumph of the Assem- 
bly would be but the signal of i'rightful catastrophes, they would range themselves on the side 
of Louis Napoleon so soon as the struggle should commence." — MM. GalUx et Guy, p. 300. 



444 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

place of ralliance, either in Paris or in some other city. Hurriedly, but with 
great unanimity, they passed the following enactment : — 

" The National Assembly decrees that Louis Napoleon Bonaparte has 
forfeited the Presidency of the Republic ; and that, in consequence, the execu- 
tive power in full right has passed to the National Assembly." 

All was confusion. Many were speaking at tlie same time. Some were for 
excluding spectators ; others were for admitting them. There was already a 
company of soldiers drawn up before the door, who allowed any persons to go 
in, but none to come out. This created alarm. Were they to be caught in a 
trap? In the midst of this tempestuous scene, it was announced that the 
troops were about entering the hall. An officer with armed men was ascend- 
ing the stairs. The president shouted out, endeavoring to make himself 
heard above the tumult, — 

" Not one word, gentlemen ; not one word : absolute silence ! This is more 
than a request : permit me to say it is an absolute order. Remain in your 
places: remember that entire Europe is looking upon you." 

There was perfect silence. A sergeant entered, followed by a guard of a 
dozen of the Chasseurs de Vincennes.* The president, M. Vitet, advanced 
to the door to meet them, and said, — 

" What do you wish ? We have met in accordance with the constitution." 

A few words were interchanged, when the commandant of the force entered 
the hall. The President of the Assembly, addressing him, said, — 

" The National Assembly is re-united here. It is in the name of the law 
and of the constitution that we summon you to retire." 

"I have orders to execute," was tlie reply ; " and I shall not retire." 

There was still, for some unexplained reason, a little delay in expelling the 
members. Apparently not very definite orders had been given to meet that 
case. The president returned to his chair. Two decrees were hastily passed : 
one declai-ed that the whole armed force in Paiis, both the regular troops 
and the National Guai'd, wei-e at the disposal of the Assembly ; the other 
placed these troops under the command of General Oudinot, the same officer 
who had conducted the expedition to Rome. 

Just as this last vote was passed, it was announced that another officer of 
the sixth battalion of the Chasseurs of Vincennes had arrived with new 
orders. As he entered the room, General Oudinot appi'oached him, saying, — 

" We are here by virtue of the constitution. The National Assembly has 
appointed me commander-in-chief I am General Oudinot. You must recog- 
nize my authority : you owe me obedience. If you resist my orders, you will 
incur the most severe punishment. I order you to retire." 

There were a few more words of altercation (the semblance of a little busi- 

* " A conference of a few moments had taken place between the commander of the military 
force and the commissaries of the police. Not knowing how to reconcile the orders which they 
had reciprocally received, they judged it proper to refer the question to the mil iftiry authority. 
Captain Martinet, aide-de-camp of General Saboul, who with his brigade occupied the Luxem- 
bourg, being present, went to the general-in-chief to obtain orders from him. It was during this 
interval that the captain sent a sergeant and twelve men into the hall." — M. Paul Belouino, 
p. 116. 



THE COUP D'ETAT. 445 

ness by the Assembly being still carried on), when two commissaries of police 
entered the room ; and, advancing to the chair of the president, one of them 
said, " We have orders to cause this hall to be evacuated. In the position in 
which we are placed, it is our duty to obey our superior officers." 

There was still some remonstrance ; when the leading commissary said, 
" Our mission, gentlemen, is a painful one. We have not even full authority; 
for at this moment it is the military force which is in power, and the 
movement we now make is to prevent a conflict which we should regret. 

" The prefect of police has directed us to come and invite you to retire. 
But we have found here a considerable detachment of the Chasseurs of Vin- 
cennes, sent by the military authority, which has the sole right to act, since 
Paris is in a state of siege. The measure we adopt is one of kindness, 
that we may avert a painful conflict. We do not pretend to judge respecting 
the question of right ; but I have the honor to inform you that the military 
authority has severe orders, and that it probably will execute them." 

The president replied, " You know perfectly well, sir, that the invitation 
you have now given us will produce no impression upon us whatever. We 
shall yield only to force." 

Just then another military officer arrived, with a written order in his hand. 
He said, "Gentlemen, I am a military officer. I have received an order 
which it is my duty to execute. It is as follows : — 

" ' CoMJiANDANT, — In obcdiencc to the orders of the minister of war, you 
will immediately take possession of the mayoralty house of the tenth arron- 
dissement, and arrest, if necessary, the representatives who do not immediately 
obey the injunction to disperse. " 'Magnan, General-in-Chief^ " 

The president still refused to yield, declaring that the President of the 
Republic had forfeited all his rights, and that there was no longer any legiti- 
mate power in France but that of the Assembly. 

" I have received my orders," the officer replied, " and shall execute them. 
In the name of the executive power, I summon you immediately to disperse." 

" No, no ! " was the reply throughout the Assembly. " There is no execu- 
tive power. We shall yield only to force." 

The commandant then issued an order, and immediately several chasseurs 
entered the hall. They took by the collar the men upon the platform, and 
led them to the head of the stairs ; but the stairs were crowded with troops. 
It took some little time to open a passage. All the representatives wero 
compelled to descend the stairs into the court, and were then marched 
between files of soldiers to the barracks of the Quay d'Orsay. It was twenty 
minutes after three when the doors of the barracks closed upon them. They 
numbered two hundred and twenty.* 

Here the captives were treated with the same consideration which had 
marked their arrest. Many of them were acquainted with the colonel in 
charge at the barracks, and were invited to dine with him. As they declined 

* Histoire du 2d decembre, par M. Mayer. 



446 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

the invitation, dinner was provided for them all from the neighboring restau- 
rants. They were then conveyed in carriages to diiFerent prisons, — sixty-two 
to Mazas, fifty-two to Mont Valerien, and one hundred and four to Vincennes. 
Some of them were taken at ten o'clock that evening ; others at two o'clock 
in the morning. Preparations had been made at all these places to receive 
them. Those at Vincennes occupied the pleasant apartments of the Prince 
of Montpensier. 

It was the intention of the authorities not to arrest the representatives, but 
simply to disperse them. After they were conveyed to the barracks, every 
one was offered his liberty who would simply give his name. They made it 
a point of honor to refuse this ; and each one simply replied, " I am a repre- 
sentative of the people." One of them, M. Dufaure, inquired of the com- 
manding officer, " Can I be permitted to send a message to my family ? " 

" Certainly," was the reply. " You may go yourself, if you will only prom- 
ise to return." 

" I will give you my promise in writing." 

" That is not necessary," the officer added. " I have perfect confidence in 
your word." 

He went, and at four o'clock the next morning returned. All the prisoners, 
as we have mentioned, had then been removed. The guard refused to admit 
him. " But I promised to return," sjiid M. Dufaure ; " and what will the 
country say of me ? " 

" It will say," was the reply, " that you preferred, instead of remaining in 
the street at four o'clock in the morning, to return to your own home." 

While these scenes were transpiring on the 2d of December, Louis Napo- 
leon, at ten o'clock in the morning, mounted his horse at the £lysee, and 
accompanied by his uncle, Jerome Bonaparte, General Magnan, and several 
officers of his staff, took quite an extensive tour through the city.* It was a 
bold movement in that hour of excitement ; for any reckless man could have 
easily shot him from a window. He rode through the Faubourg St. Honore ; 
and, as he entered the Place de la Concorde, the troops assembled there 
greeted him enthusiastically with shouts of " Vive I'Empereur ! " Traversing 
the Garden of the Tuileries, he crossed the Seine by the Pont National, and 
reviewed the troops upon the other side of the river. He then rode to the 
Invalides. Everywhere on the route he was warmly greeted.f 

Again, at half-past two o'clock in the afternoon, the president, at the head 
of a numerous staff, traversed the line of the Boulevards, where he was re- 
ceived with the same enthusiasm which had welcomed him in the morning. 
He then reviewed the heavy cavalry which had come from Vincennes, and 
which was stationed in the Champs filysees. In the evening, the prince dined 
with the diplomatic corps at the residence of M. Turgot, minister of foreign 
affairs ; and then, in the evening, the £lysee was thrown open for a general 

* " At noon, all was accomplished. The president, accompanied by the minister of war, the 
commander-in-chief, the commander of the National Guard, and a brilliant staff, rode through 
Paris, and passed the troops, who were drawn up in all quarters, and were [was] everywhere 
received with loud acclamations." — Alison, vol. viii. p. 536. 

t MM. Gallix ct Guy, p. 324. 



THE COUP D'ETAT. 447 

reception. The saloons of the palace were crowded with a brilliant assembly, 
who had hastened to express their satisfaction in view of the great change 
which had been effected. "All those," says M. Belouino, "who saw Louis 
Napoleon on that day, testify, that never had he appeared so tranquil, so per- 
fectly master of himself His countenance was radiant, and reflected the satis- 
faction which one experiences from having well fulfilled an important duty."* 

The next morning, however, the third day of December, it was evident that 
efforts were being made to rouse the populace to an appeal to insurrection. 
The Opposition, though bewildered and partially disarmed, was still desperate. 
Though it was manifest that the inhabitants of the city were not in sympathy 
with the Assembly, the insurgents resolved to make a stand in the poorer 
quarters of Paris, where the streets were narrow, and every house a fortress. 
The plan was to distract and exhaust the troops by provoking them to a con- 
flict at various points. Without much peril, the insurgents could make a 
short resistance, and one deadly to the troops, from house-tops and windows 
and from behind barricades, and could then escape to some other point. 

The secret societies were at work inflaming the populace, and organizing for 
insurrection. The Red Republicans were recovering from their bewilderment, 
and Avere everywhere busy circulating the wildest and most exciting reports, 
and haranguing groups in the most inflammatory appeals. Placards were fur- 
tively pasted upon the walls ; such as the following : — 

"APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE. 

" The constitution is intrusted to the protection and patriotism of the French 
citizens. Louis Napoleon is outlawed. The state of siege is abolished. 
Universal suffrage is re-established. Vive la Republique ! To arms ! 
"For the United Mountain. 

"Victor Hugo." 

"Inhabitants of Paeis, — The National Guard and the people of the 
departments are marching upon Paris to aid us to seize the traitor Louis 
Napoleon Bonaparte. 

" For the representatives of the people. 

" Victor Hugo, President. 
ScHOELCHER, Secretary^'' 

In contravention of such movements and appeals, the prefect of police pla- 
carded a notice, stating that all gatherings in the streets were prohibited, and 
that they would be dispersed by force ; that seditious cries, public harangues, 
and the placarding of political notices, without orders from the regular author- 
ities, were interdicted. 

* " Hitherto, the revolution had been entirel)- bloodless ; and, as the telegraph had announced 
the change of government to all France, it was hoped that it would continue to be of the same 
peaceful character. The troops, in all thirty-five thousand combatants, under tried and experienced 
generals devoted to the president, had shown themselves zealous in the cause, and had been so dis- 
posed on the night of the 1st and the whole of the 2d, as to render any popular rising, or attempt 
at resistance, out of the question." — History of Europe, Sir Archibald Alison, vol. viii. p. 53^. 



448 LIFE OF NAPOLEOJSr III. 

The following proclamation was posted widely throughout Paris: — 

"Inhabitants of Paris, — As do you, so do we, desire order and peace. 
As are you, so are we, impatient to finish with this band of the factions which 
since yesterday have raised the flag of insurrection. Everywhere our intrepid 
army has overthrown them. The people remain deaf to their instigations. 
There are, nevertheless, measures which the public safety requires. The state 
of siege is decreed. The moment has come to apply its rigorous consequences. 
In accordance with the powers conferred upon us, we, Prefect of Police, 
decree, — 

" 1. The passage of all carriages is interdicted, whether public or private. 
There will be no exception but in favor of those which serve for the alimenta- 
tion of Paris or for the conveyance of materials. 

" 2. The stopping of pedestrians in the streets is forbidden, and the collec- 
tion of groups will be instantly dispersed. Let the citizens remain peaceably 
at home. There will be serious danger in neglecting the observance of these 
decrees. " The Prefect of Police, 

"M. Maupas." 

At the same time. General de St. Arnaud issued the following decree : — 

"The Minister of War decrees, — 

" 1. That every individual, whatever may be his quality, who shall be found 
in any re-union, club, or association, tending to organize any resistance what- 
ever against the government, or to paralyze its action, will be considered as 
an accomplice in the insurrection. 

" 2. In consequence, he will be immediately arrested, and delivered to a 
council of war, which will be in permanence. 

" The Minister of War, 

"De St. Aenaud. 
♦'Paris, Dec. 4, 1851." 

We cannot give the reader a more satisfactory account of the events of the 
3d and the 4th than in the language of the Hon S. G. Goodrich, then United- 
States consul in Paris. Mr. Goodrich was familiar with the French language, 
was extensively acquainted with the French population, and was an eye-wit- 
ness of the scenes which he describes. No one can question his skill as an 
observer, or his ability, and his disposition to give an impartial record of focts. 
We cannot conceive of any temptation he could have been under to discolor 
them. 

" On the 3d," writes Mr. Goodrich, " there was more excitement. The 
secret societies were at work ; the Reds were recovering from their astonish- 
ment; ex-members of the National Assembly harangued the multitude, and 
circulated addresses to arouse the people to resistance. The result was sev- 
eral barricades, which were speedily carried by the troops, with some loss on 
both sides. On the part of the government, the proclamations became more 
Btriogent. Carriages were forbidden to circulate, or the inhabitants to appear 



THE COUP D':6tat. 449 

in the streets. Those taken near any barricade with arms abotit them were 
put to death. In the evening, there were shouting, inflammatory speeches, the 
rallying-cries of parties. Immense human masses on tlie Boulevards and 
quays heaved to and fro in silent anger. Some said that the excitement 
would spend itself in words; others, that Louis Napoleon would be killed 
within forty-eight hours.* 

" The next morning was the 4th. There was not much stirring. The shops 
were generally closed. I went to the Rue de Jeuneurs, where I had business. 
This M'as before mid-day. As I approached this street, I saw crowds running 
through it, panic-struck ; while the residents were barring their windows and 
closing their doors. I asked the reason ; but all were too much frightened to 
speak intelligently. Some thought the Faubourgs were rising, and others that 
the troops were approaching: each added to the alarm of his neighbor. At 
last, I learned that barricades were being erected at the Porte St. Denis, on 
the Boulevard of that name. Being curious to see a barricade, I pushed, 
directly for the spot. On arrival, I found the work going bravely on. Four 
were already commenced at different intervals in the Boulevard. Stagings 
had been torn from unfinished houses, iron railings from the magnificent gate- 
ways, trees cut down, carts, carriages, and omnibuses triumphantly dragged 
from hiding-places, amidst shouts of exultation, and added to the monster 
piles. The stout iron railing and massive stone wall which protects the side- 
walk from the street long resisted the efforts of destruction. Crowbars and 
the united strength of several hundred men at last brought it down. Pave- 
ments were torn up, and shaped into breastworks.f 

"The barricades soon began to assume a formidable appearance, and, to any 
force but artillery, were well-nigh impregnable. They were further strength- 
ened by ropes Avhich bound firmly together the disjointed parts. There were 
not very many at work ; but those who were labored like beavers, and evi- 
dently knew their trade. Blouses and broadcloth were about equally mixed. 
Neither were there many spectators. All sorts of rumors were in circulation. 
The army, it was said, had left Paris to defend the city against the troops 

* " The insurrection developed itself extensively on the 3d ; but nowhere did it venture upon 
any serious action. The tactics thus adopted did not escape the penetration either of General 
Mag-nan or of General de Morny. The latter general wrote, ' The plan of the insurgents is to 
latigue the troops, hoping thus to have an easy time on the third day. It was thus on the 27th, 
the 28th, and the 29th of July, and also on the 22d, 23d, and 24th of February. Let them not 
have the 2d, 3d, and 4th of December with the same object in view. We must give our troops 
repose, and not fatigue them uselessly. The police will spy out their projects. The troops will 
act vigorously if the insurgents attempt to execute their plans. Incessant and exhausting 
patrols will accomplish nothing : they will render the action of the troops less efficient on the 
morrow. Let us not fall into the old errors.' " — Histoire d'un Coup d'J^tat, par M. Paul Belou- 
ino, p. 1 82. 

t " What was the flag of the insurgents ? It was not one, but twenty. As many parties as there 
were, so many flags were there. They had white, red, and black : each one had his own, and 
endeavored to make it prevail. Bourbonists, Montaignards, Orleanists, quarrelled with each 
other, and seemed already to have forgotten the friendship of a day. What would, then, have 
happened on the morrow, if the cause of order had not triumphed, and France had fallen into 
the hands of these parties, who were all struggling to exclude each other? " — Histoke «ompIeted« 
JSiapoh'on III. 

67 



450 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

coming in from the neighboring cities; such a regiment had revolted; the 
National Guard were arming; in short, every species of tale to encom-age and 
exasperate the enemies of the president was circulated by agents of the politi- 
cal parties of the late Assembly. 

"Having completed the barricades, the mob burst into the nearest guard- 
house with wild shouts, sacked it, placed its flag on their most formidable for- 
tification, and used the materials to further strengthen their quarters. The 
small force usually there had been withdrawn, or it would have been massa- 
cred. Sinister individuals in blouses, armed with cutlasses, muskets, and pistols, 
began to appear: these acted as leaders. They broke into all the neighboring 
shops, and searched the houses for arms. When any were found, they marked 
in chalk on the building, 'Arras given: death to robbers!' From one of the 
theatres they procured a few muskets and a drum. These were hailed with 
shouts of joy; and a party began beating the rappel through the adjacent 
streets. 

" The comments of the spectators varied. Some said, ' Let the rascals go 
ahead! They wish to plunder and kill. They will soon be taught a good 
lesson.' Others encouraged. A rough-looking fellow, armed with a musket, 
who seemed to have authority, came up to me, and said, 'If you are one of the 
curious, you had better be off.' I thought so too, as appearances began to 
wear a serious aspect. The houses overlooking the barricades were taken 
possession of, and garrisoned ; sentinels were placed at the principal points; 
the non-combatants were mostly gone, and few but fighters left.* 

" I had been there less than two hours ; yet so rapidly had the mob worked, 
that all the streets opening on this vicinity were already fortified. I was 
forced to climb three barricades, politely assisted over one by an armed lad in 
a blouse before getting clear of their operations. I found the Boulevard 
below almost deserted. A brigade of infantry and artillery was just turning 
the corner of the street, marching without music, slowly, towards the first 
barricade. Before reaching it, they halted. One half of the artillery passed 
in front, and was pointed towards the breastwork : the other was loaded with 
grape, and pointed in the other direction. The few persons about saluted the 
troops with 'Vive la Republique!' 

"The commanding officer ordered the Boulevard to be cleared. The troops 
charged ui)on us, and we slipped out of the way by the side-streets. I then 
walked down the Rue Montmartre, where I saw similar scenes. Coming 
again upon the Boulevard des Italiens, I found the entire length of the 
Boulevard, from the spot I first left, filled with troops in order of battle. The 

* At nine o'clock in the morning, the emeuie had very decidedly chosen its field of battle. It 
was the space comprised between the Boulevards and the Streets of the Temple, Rambnteau, and 
Montmartre. Barricades were erected in the Streets of the Temple, St. Martin, St. Denis, npon 
the Boulevards bearing the same name, and in all the adjacent streets, — Transnonain, Beaubourg, 
Volta, Philippeaux de Bretagne, Montorgueil du Petit Carreau Bourbon, Villeneuve, Dn Cadran, 
&c. To construct these barricades, they seized upon carriages of every kind, which were 
passing, and overturned them. They entered the houses, and threw from the windows the fur- 
niture. Cabriolets, omnibuses, furniture, every thing, was called into requisition." — MM. Gal- 
lix et Guy, p. 353. 



THE COUP D'ETAT. 451 

line extended into the Rue de la Paix. It was a stirring spectacle to witness 
regiment after regiment of artillery, cavalry, and infantry, pass up this noble 
avenue to take their places. In the novelty and beauty of their array, I quite 
lost sight of the fact that they were ordered out to slaughter those misguided 
people I had so recently left. At one time they cleared the sidewalks, and 
allowed no one to approach their lines. The sentinels, however, from some 
inexplicable cause, were shortly removed; and those of the populace who had 
more curiosity than fear were allowed to pass along as far as the Boulevard 
Bonne Nouvelle. This led to the melancholy slaughter of thirty-five indi- 
viduals, and the wounding of a large number, soon after, on the Boulevard 
Montmartre, just above where I was. Opposite me was the Seventh Lancers, 
a fine corps recently arrived in Paris. 

" I stood talking with a friend, when, from the upper end of the line, the dis- 
charge of cannon was heard, followed by a blaze of musketry and a general 
charge. Suddenly there was a louder and nearer crash. The cavalry in front 
of me wavered ; and then, as if struck with panic, turned, and rushed in dis- 
order down the street, making the ground tremble under their tread. What 
could have occurred ? The first supposition was, that the different regiments 
had turned their arms upon each other ; another, that the ' Reds ' had proved 
too strong for the troops. In a few minutes, the horsemen came charging 
back, firing their pistols on all sides. Then came in quick succession the 
order, ' to shut all windows ; to keep out of sight ; to open the blinds,' &c. 

" It seemed an unexpected fire had been opened upon the soldiers from 
some of the houses above, by which they at first suffered so severely as to 
cause a recoil. The roar of fire-arms was now tremendous. Mortars and can- 
non were directed, point-blank, against the suspicious houses, within a few 
rods' distance, and fired. They were then carried by assault. Of the hair- 
breadth escapes of the inhabitants, and the general destruction of property, I 
need not speak. The government afterwards footed all the bills for the last. 
The firing continued for nearly an hour, and then receded to more distant 
parts of the city.* 

" The soldiers have been blamed for firing on the unarmed. Those who 
fought at the barricades knew the penalty of defeat. The inhabitants had 
been ordered not to appear in the streets. Those who suffered forgot the 
danger in their curiosity. One gentleman met his death by standing at a dis- 

• * Very exaggerated reports were circulated respecting the numbers of the slain. " It is true," 
says Mr. Roth, " that the number of the victims of the coup d'&at, most of them innocent too, was 
run up to two or three thousand ; and it was confidently asserted that every prisoner arrested 
during the day was shot at night on the Champs do Mars. No one now believes these falsehoods : 
in fact, the number of slain altogether did not exceed two hundred and eighteen ; and that of the 
wounded, three hundred and eighty-four. Of these, the army had twenty-eight killed, and a 
hundred and eighty-four wounded. 

" Nor was it even the genuine Avorkmen that fought at the barricades. That class, as a bodv, 
had little to do with the insurrection. It was on the weak, the fanatic, or the wicked of all 
classes, that the doctrines of the secret societies, or the money of the Koyalists, could exert most 
influence. When the dead bodies were picked up, a majority was found to consist of recognized 
malefactors, and well-dressed gentlemen wearing kid gloves." — Life of Napoleon III., by Edward 
Roth, p. 536. 



452 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

tant corner, and looking at tlie troops with a spy-glass. It was mistaken for 
a musket ; and he fell, pierced with several balls. Those who were killed on 
the Boulevard Montmartre were non-combatants, but suffered from their 
rashness.* The public feeling in such cases is ever severe on the soldier ; 
but, in extenuation, it should be remembered that his exposed position in a 
street, fired upon from houses on both sides, is by no means calculated to 
insure coolness and judgment. His enemies are unseen ; and he knows from 
fatal experience that a Socialist gives no quarter. Several of his comrades 
had been basely assassinated in the public ways. Numbers had already fallen 
from the fire of his ambushed foes. In the heat of revenge, he believes every 
citizen's coat to cover an assassin, and kills without pity.f 

" In the evening, I again attempted to go up the Boulevards. Squadrons 
of lancers were on guard, and brigades of infantry bivouacked on the side- 
walks. The public were permitted to go as far as the Rue Lafitte, but 
obliged to walk quickly, and not allowed to stop for an instant. Horsemen 
with loaded pistols stood at each corner ; and if there was the slightest hesi- 
tation, or if two individuals spoke to each other, they pointed them directly 
upon the delinquents, and ordered them to pass on. The cavalry, with their 
lances in rest, charged repeatedly upon groups accidentally formed. These 
charges were simply intended to intimidate, and prevent collections of people. 
The French rule is to run at the sight of a soldier. There is more danger 
from the panic of the crowd than from the military. I concluded an accident 
was as likely to happen to me as to any one else ; and returned home, fully 
satisfied by what I had seen during the day that street-fighting in Paris is a 
serious matter." 

There is no battle which troops have more cause to dread than one with a 
numerous and desperate foe in the streets of a great city. The houses of 
Paris are of stone, many stories high. Each one constitutes a fortress, from 
the tops and windows of which boys and men could take deliberate aim at 
the officers and soldiers who were without any protection. The insurgents 
fought, sheltered in the houses, and behind the strong barricades, which were 
so thoroughly constructed as to be quite impervious to bullets, and almost so 

* " One word upon private calamities. Such catastrophes are inevitable in times of revolu- 
tion. Surely we will not deny that there were innocent victims ; but we must repeat, By what 
right is the responsibility for this thrown upon the public authorities, — upon the force wbich 
defends social order? Were not the citizens admonished? Did not the solicitude of the prefect 
of police and of the minister of war post warnings upon every wall? The curious, then, had 
no excuse. What right had those who called themselves inoffensive spectators to be grouped, 
in the hour of battle, upon the Boulevards? They were culpable in being there; for they 
encouraged the insurgents, and impeded the action of the defenders of society; and, above 
all, were they culpable for exposing their lives, which belonged to God, to their country, and to 
their families." — M. Paul Belouino, p. 215. 

t " The division that advanced along the Boulevards was fired at, out of the windows and 
off the roofs of the houses, at three different points as they were marching on ; and several 
officers and privates were killed. The soldiers, indignant at what they considered an act of foul 
treachery, fired repeatedly at the houses whence the shots had issued; and unable, in their fury, 
to distinguish the innocent from the guilty, several unoffending people unfortunately lost their 
lives." — Life of Napoleon III., by Edward Roth, p. 534. 



THE COUP D':^TAT. 453 

to cannon-shot, and which could bid defiance to charges of cavahy. It is a 
fearful test of the courage of a soldier to stand before a barricade in a narrow- 
street, and to be shot at by a numerous and unseen foe from the barricade in 
front, and from behind chimneys and window-blinds in flank and rear. 
When fired upon from a house, the only refuge for the soldiers was to rush 
into that house, and clear it of its occupants.* 

In the frenzy of the hour, wounded, bleeding, deafened by the roar of 
battle and the cries of maddened men, this was often mercilessly done with 
the bullet and the bayonet ; and not unfrequently the innocent must have 
sufiered with the guilty. The responsibility for such horrors rests with those 
who provoke the strife. 

The following is the official report of the conflict, given by the general- 
in-chief, Magnan : f "At mid-day of the 4th, I learned that the barricades 
had become formidable, and that the insurgents were intrenched; but I 
had decided not to make the attack until two o'clock. I knew the impatience 
and the ardor of my troops ; and I was sure of conquering the insurrection 
in two hours, if the insurgents would venture openly upon the combat. 

"Success has justified my expectation. The attack ordered for two o'clock 
commenced by a converging movement of the divisions of Generals Carrelet 
and Levasseur. Immediately the Brigade Bourgon took position between 
the Gates St. Denis and St, Martin. The Brigades Cotte and Canrobert 
massed themselves upon the Boulevard des Italiens. At the same time. Gen- 
eral Dulac occupied the Point St. Eustache; and the brigade of cavalry 
under General Reybell established itself in the Rue de la Paix. General 
Levasseur formed his columns to support the movements of the Division 
Carrelet. 

" At two o'clock in the afternoon, all these troops were put in motion at the 
same time. The Brigade Bourgon swept the Boulevard as far as the Rue 
du Temple, and descended that street to the Rue de Rarabuteau; removing 
all the barricades found on its passage. The Brigade Cotte engaged the foe 
in the Rue St. Denis ; while a battalion of the Fifteenth Light Artillery 
penetrated the Rue Petit Carreau, already barricaded. 

"General Canrobert, taking position at the Porte St. Martin, traversed the 
street of the faubourg of that name, and the adjacent streets, which were 
obstructed by strong barricades, but which the fifth battalion of Chasseurs 

* " The Socialists had long boasted that they had one hundred and thirty-seven thousand 
lEcn in Paris alone, who subscribed to their opinions, and were ready to support their principles. 
An event occurred at this time which demonstrated that the estimate was far from being ex- 
aggerated. The Jacobins, ruiaed as a revolutionary party by the defeats of the 27th of June, 
1848, and the 13th of June, 1849, had now thrown themselves into the arms of the working 
class, and had become Socialists." — Sir Arcldhald Alison, vol. viii. p. 528. 

t " General Magnan has been called brutal for the part he took In quelling the insurrection ; 
and Louis Napoleon's stern determination has been stigmatized as heartless. Such epithets 
seem hardly to be deserved. If an insurrection is to be put down at all, the sooner it is done 
the better. Energy, that decides an affi\ir at once, is plainly more merciful than irresolution, 
that keeps people fighting for years. Louis Napoleon has never shown any symptom ot want 
of feeling, even for his most implacable enemies. On the contrary, he has given many proofs 
of a sensitive and compassionate disposition." — Life of Napoleon III., by Edward Roth, p. 534. 



454 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

a pied^ under the orders of Commandant Levassor Sorval, removed with rare 
intrepidity. General Dulac launclied against the barricades of the Rue 
Rambuteau and the adjacent streets cohimns formed of three battalions of 
the fifty-first of the line, under Colonel de Lourmel, and of two other battal- 
ions, — one of the nineteenth of the line, and the other of the forty-third 
supported by a battery of artillery. 

" At the same time, the Division Levasseur effected also its movement. 
The Brigade Herbillon, marching from the Hotel de Ville, formed in two 
columns ; one of which, directed by General Levasseur in person, penetrated 
to the centre of the insurrection, through the streets of the Temple of Ram- 
buteau and St. Martin. General Marulaz marched from the Place of the 
Bastille, and operated in the same way through the Rue St. Denis ; throw- 
ing into the transverse streets a light column under the orders of Colonel de 
la Motterouge. On his part. General Courtigis descended the gates of the 
Faubourg St. Antoine, swejot the faubourg, and took upon the Place of 
the Bastille the position which General Marulaz had just left. 

"These different oijerations were conducted under fire of the insurgents 
with skill and ardor which could not leave success doubtful for a moment. 
The barricades, attacked at first by cannon, were carried by the bayonet. 
Every part of the city extending between the faubourg St. Antoine and 
St. Martin, the Point St. Eustache and the Hotel de Ville, was traversed 
in all directions by our columns of infantry, the barricades destroyed, the 
insurgents dispersed and slain. 

" The scattered crowds which endeavored to re-form upon the Boulevards 
were charged by the cavalry of General Reybell, who encountered at the 
height of the Rue Montmartre a very lively fusillade. The insurgents, 
attacked on all sides at the same time, disconcerted by the irresistible rush of 
our troops and by that united movement which enveloped them as in a net 
of steel, could accomplish nothing serious. At five o'clock in the evening, 
the troops of the Division Carrelet came to resume their position upon the 
Boulevard. Thus the attack which commenced at two o'clock was termi- 
nated at five o'clock. The insurrection was vanquished upon the field of 
battle which it had chosen."* 

In the evening. General De St. Arnaud issued the following proclamation 
to his troops : — 

"SoLDiEKS, — You have accomplished to-day a great act of your military 
life. You have preserved the country from anarchy, from pillage, and have 

* It is not easy to ascertain with accuracy the numbers killed and wounded. MM. Gallix 
et Guy say, " The army counted twenty-five men killed ; the e'nieute had one hundred killed, 
On the side of the army, the number of the wounded amounted to one hundred and eighty- 
four; on the side of the e'meute, to two hundred." 

M. Belouino states that the insurgents lost one hundred and sixteen killed, and about two 
hundred wounded. The number of the soldiers killed and wounded he gives as above. The 
comparatively small number is accounted for from the fact that insurgents fought from the 
windows of the houses, and from behind the barricades. Their cause was unpopular, and they 
fought with but little heart. The troops moved rapidly, and carried every thing with a rush. 

Sir Archibald Alison says, " The conflict cost the lives of two hundred men, however, to the 
conquerors, and a still larger number to the insurgents." 



THE COUP D'ETAT. 455 

saved the Republic. You have proved yourselves to be that which you will 
always be, — brave, devoted, and indefatigable. France admires you and 
thanks you. The President of the Republic will never forget your devotion. 
Victory could not be doubtful. The true people, the virtuous citizens, were 
all with you. In all the garrisons of France, your companions in arms will 
follow, should need be, your example. 

" The Minister of War, 

«De St. Aknaud." 

The coup cfetat was accomplished. It was essentially the work of a 
single mind. All the agents were the willing instruments of that one com- 
manding intelligence. All France — a nation of forty millions of inhab- 
itants — was summoned to meet, within fourteen days, in the electoral 
colleges, to pass judgment, by the voice of universal suffrage, upon the act. 
Should France condemn, there could be no appeal from that decision ; should 
France approve, all the combined efforts of the foes of the president would 
prove impotent. 




CHAPTER XXVL 

THE RATIFICATION OF THE COUP d'eTAT. 

Remark of the Emperor. — Socialist Insurrections. — Proclamation of the President. — Remark- 
able Pamphlet. — Note from M. Roth. — Testimony of the " Gazette de Munich ; " of " The 
Washington Union." — The Vote of the 20th December. — Its Result. — Address by M. 
Baroche. — Response by the President. — Arduous Task to be performed. — Preamble to the 
Constitution. — The Constitution. 

HIS is a sad world. Crushed hopes and bleeding hearts are 
everywhere. To multitudes of the human family, earthly exist- 
ence cannot be deemed a blessing. No form of government 
has as yet been able to accomplish any thing more than to 
alleviate human suffering. Who can gauge the dimensions of 
that woe which is to be found in every land ? There have been 
governments whose main object it was to wrest the means of comfort 
from the poor in order to minister to the luxury of the rich. Whenever we 
can see a government whose manifest end and aim it is to promote the 
happiness of the great mass of the community, such a government merits 
sympathy. 

The present Emperor of France remarked to the writer, " It seems strange 
to me that any intelligent man can speak of the government of France as a 
tyranny, since it must be obvious that all its measures are intended only to 
secure the tranquillity and the j^rosperity of the nation." It would seem that 
the truth of this statement must be substantiated to every candid mind by 
the words spoken, the measures adopted, and the results achieved, under the 
restored empire. Whatever ^oubt individuals may cherish respecting the 
wisdom of this or that ordinance of the government, it can hardly be denied 
that the end sought to be attained is human happiness. 

In Paris, the coKp d^etat had proved an entire success. A brief struggle, 
and one comparatively bloodless, had quelled all signs of insurrection ; and 
the current of ordinary life flowed unimpeded through the streets. The 
opposition to the president was mostly to be found in the large cities. Here 
the Socialistic and Jacobin clubs were established ; and here there could 
always be found a large number of the restless, the miserable, and the desper- 
ate, who had nothing to lose by revolution and anarchy, but who were ever 
eager for social convulsions. When the news of the emeute in Paris reached 
the large cities in the dei3artments, there was an immediate and general rising 
of the clubs. The horrid scenes of the first French Revolution were in many 
cases re-enacted. Priests were beaten and killed: in many instances, they were 
bound in front of the barricades, that their bodies might first receive the balls 

456 



THE EATIFICATION OF THE COUP D'J^TAT. 457 

fired by the soldiers. The gendarmes were surrounded in their barracks, the 
buildings set on lire, and the poor creatures perislied in the flames. Their 
dead bodies were dragged in hideous revelry through the streets. The cha- 
teaux of the nobles and the mansions of the wealthy were sacked and set on 
fire, the mob shouting, " Down with the aristocrats ! " " Down with the rich ! " * 

All were deemed rich who had any property. Plunder, destruction, and 
brutal violence, walked hand in hand. At Manosque, in the department of 
the Lower Alps, the Socialist emeute, at first victorious, demanded of the 
mayor of the commune the heads of three hundred of the most influential 
inhabitants, and permission to pillage the town, at discretion, for a period of 
three hours. This was their practical commentary upon the doctrine of a 
community of goods. In many cases, churches were despoiled of their 
precious contents, and burned, public treasures seized, and women exposed to 
every outrage. Violence, [)illage, conflagration, and assassination were the 
first acts of the insurrection. One can judge from this what would have been 
the consequence had the insurgents triumphed.f 

These outrages, however, continued but for a short time. Troops were 
speedily sent to the quarters in insurrection ; and order was, ere long, efiectu- 
ally established throughout the whole of France. '- In a few days," says Sir 
Archibald Alison, "all was over; and so firmly did the president feel his 
government established, that he was enabled to release witliout any further 
proceedings all persons arrested on the occasion of the coup cVHat^X At the 
close of one week, on Monday the 8th, the president issued the following 
jiroclamation : — 

" PEOCLAMATION OF THE TEESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC TO THE FRENCH 

PEOPLE. 

" Frenchmen, — The troubles are appeased. Whatever may be the 
decision of the people, society is saved. The first part of my task is accom- 
plished. The appeal to the nation to terminate the strifes of parties could 
not, I knew, expose public tranquillity to any serious risk. 

" Why should the people revolt against me ? If I do not possess your 
confidence, if your ideas have changed, it is not necessary to have recourse to 
insurrection : it is enough to deposit a negative vote in the ballot-box. I 
shall always respect the decree of the people. 

" But, until the nation has spoken, I shall not shrink from any efibrt, from 
any sacrifice, to thwart the attempts of the factions. This task, besides, has 
become easy to me. 

* M. Paul Belouino gives a minute account of each one of these insurrections in the 
chief towns of several of the departments. They were almost invariably incited by the Social- 
ists, and were very desperate and brutal in their character. In several cases, they seized the 
prominent men who were opposed to them, and bound them in front of their barricades; thus 
making ramparts of their living bodies. We have not space to enter into these details, 
t MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 373. 

J Alison, vol. viii. p. 537. In confirmation of this statement, Alison quotes the "Moniteur," 
Dec. 5, 1851 ; Ann. Hist. 1851, 204-209; Cassagnac, Hist, de la Chute du Eoi Louis Philippe, 
ii. 246-248 ; Lesseps, ii. 369-373. 



458 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

" On the one hand, we have seen how senseless it is to strive against an 
army united by the ties of discipline, animated by the sentiment of military 
honor, and by devotion to the country. 

" On the other side, the calm attitude of the inhabitants of Paris, the rep- 
robation with which they condemned the emetite, have witnessed with suffi- 
cient distinctness on which side the capital declared itself. 

" In those populous quarters where insurrection formerly recruited itself so 
readily among workmen ever ready to obey its impulses, anaix-hy has, this 
time, only encountered a profound repugnance for its detestable excitations. 
Let thanks for this be rendered to the intelligent and patriotic population of 
Paris. Let them be assured more and more, that it is my only ambition to 
secure the repose and the prosperity of France. 

"Given at the Palace of the £lysee, the 8th of December, 1851. 

" Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." 

A very able pamphlet appeared at this time upon the coup d''etat, which, 
though without signature, attracted much attention. 

" 1. In our opinion," says the writer, " the act of the 2d of December, 
which constitutes a coicjy cVetat, is justified in its conception and its execu- 
tion for the four following reasons : first, evident utility to prevent the 
Socialistic explosion, which was organizing for the month of May, 1852 ; sec- 
ond, the established impossibility of attaining that end in co-operation with 
the Legislative Assembly ; third, the absence of a majority in that Assem- 
bly, for the coalition of diverse parties in a common negation is not a 
majority which can act, — it can establish nothing; fourth, the national assent, 
clearly manifested in petitions, and by the vote of the councils general, and 
which the Assembly had resisted. 

"2. A coitp iVetat maybe defined an act of power which the depositary 
of the public force employs to destroy the actual order of things to substi- 
tute for it a new. According to the maxim, Salus populi suprema lex esto 
("Let the safety of the people be the supreme law"), the couj) d''etat, made, in 
view of the general interest, to save the state, social order, and the community 
from imminent peril, is legitimate. 

" 3. The depositary of public force which undertakes the coup (fetat 
assumes an immense responsibility. If it acts without good faith, in its own 
personal interest, when society is not in danger, it is criminal, and exposes 
itself to the just vengeance of the nation, surprised and oppressed, the 
moment that nation shall recover the use of its forces. 

" If it acted in good faith, but when there was not public peril, or any 
necessity for the safety of society, it is responsible (there is here only moral 
responsibility), but excusable. Such was the case in 1830. 

" If it be entirely obvious, in the case above decided, of a legitimate coup 
d''etat, not only is it excusable, but it only merely accomplishes its duty; for 
every citizen, and, for a still stronger reason, every constituted power, ought 
to do all which can be done to save society. 

"4. The great difticulty is to know who shall judge, and how he shall 
judge, of the legitimacy of the coup d''etat. This is completely and radically 



THE EATIFICATION OF TJHE COUP D'ETAT. 459 

resolved if the author of the coup cVetat submits his act to the judgment of 
the universality of the citizens. Then will disappear all debates upon the 
validity of the approbation given by the great bodies of the state, of the 
tacit approbation resulting from silence, of the default of contestation, and 
many others. 

" 5. After the ratification emanating from a universal vote, there remains 
not merely the approval of the isolated act: the irregularities are covered. 
The national judgment has pronounced upon the measure taken all together, 
which absorbs the details. Everywhere it is known that a human work can- 
not be perfect, but that we can excuse, pardon, forget, the imperfections, 
because of that which is essentially good. 

" 6. The more immediately the national judgment follows the coup cVetat, 
the more it has of real and intrinsic authority; because other combinations 
of interests and of parties have not had time to modify and alter more or 
less profoundly the j^rimitive, spontaneous, and pure sentiment which has 
been determined in the conscience of each one by the coup cVetat. 

"7. The question submitted to the judgment of the nation is to know if 
the author of the coup d^etat has well comprehended and felt the interests 
of society, and if there has been since then, and in consequence of the act, 
sympathy between the nation and the depositary of the executive power. 

" 8. Such are, in our opinion, the principles, the maxims, adopted by true 
publicists, founded upon right, and pointed out in history as determining 
the characters of- legitimate coups cVetat, which obtain the suffrages and 
command the gratitude of nations. 

"If these views are correct, and few will question them; if it be true that 
a coup d^etat is legitimate when it has for its end, not a personal interest, but 
the public interest, and when, besides, it is sanctioned by the public con- 
science, — never, assuredly, has history registered a coup d'etat more legitimate 
than that of the 2d of December." * 

The "Gazette de Munich," commenting at that time upon the coup d''etat^ 
says, " It is certain that the vote of the 20th and the 21st of December will 
be favorable to Prince Louis Napoleon. The enthusiasm which reigns in 
all classes of society is a guaranty in that respect. The vote will be a verdict 
of the French nation upon the political act of the 2d of December. All 
classes are disposed to approve of the measures adopted towards the National 
Assembly. 

" For a long time, it was thought in France, and particularly in Germany, 
that Louis Napoleon was distinguished only by the eclat of his name. That 
opinion of the personal insufficiency of the president must be abandoned. 
The manner in which he has prepared and executed the political act of the 2d 
of December has proved to the nation in an incontestable manner that he 
possesses high personal qualities, such as are ever found in powerful natui-es. 
The orders were executed punctually, and without hesitation. All the 
measures proved that there was at that moment at the head of France a man 
who had the force to elevate himself to the rank of the chief of a great 
nation ; who proved that he knew how to conceive great plans, and to execute 

* MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 380. 



460 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

them with spirit and firmness ; and who, by the fact, revealed his superiority 
to all the other notabilities of France ; in a word, that he was a sovereign 
by nature." * 

"The Washington Union," with equal explicitness, gives utterance to 
similar views. " The coup d'etat^'' it says, " of the 2d of December, is as- 
suredly of a nature to give rise to the impression, at first glance, that he who 
conceived and executed it had in view the realization of his own ambitious 
plans rather than the welfare of the country ; but a careful examination of 
all the circumstances which have conducted Louis Napoleon to that decisive 
step, and an impartial view of the manner in which he has thus far used the 
power which he has seized, should considerably modify the unfavorable opin- 
ion which one at first forms of the act. 

"It seems to be universally admitted by the French and English press, that 
the overthrow of the government established by the constitution had been 
decided by the Assembly itself The deposition of the executive power 
appointed by the universal sufii-age of the nation would have been decreed 
and executed on the 3d of December by a body which derived its existence 
from the votes of a portion of the people only. This deposition, we say, 
would have been executed on the 3d, if, on the 2d, that body itself had not 
been suppressed. It is manifest, then, upon reflection, that the president was 
reduced to this alternative, — to subordinate a power which he had received 
from the whole people to a body created by the sufii-ages of only a jjart of 
the people, or to do as he has done. 

"Laying aside all personal considerations, whether of safety or of ambition, 
he perceived himself to be under the necessity of seizing and retaining the 
supreme power; or of laying it at the feet of a body strongly imbued with 
monarchical predilections, and in which it was not possible to form a majority, 
except to act against the Republic. 

"Twenty-four hours of hesitation and of delay would have sufiiced to show 
one half of Paris arrayed in arms against the other; barricades constructed 
in all the streets ; blood flowing in torrents. And for what? No one knew ; 
no one could tell : for it is impossible to conjecture what measure would have 
been adopted if it had been the Assembly Avhich had taken the initiative ; 
if victory had rested with an Assembly in which were found two parties for 
the monarchy, one party for anarchy, and where there existed a majority 
against the Republic as it was then constituted.! 

* MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 382. 

t " la accordance with the above views, M. lloth says very forcibly, ' If he [Louis Napoleon] 
believed the constitution, from its glaring unfitness, to be an execration in the mouths of four- 
fifths of the community, which it was ; if he believed that its continuance would only plunge 
the country into a horrible suicidal contest, which, to judge from the signs of the times, hardly 
admits of the shadow of a doubt; if he thought himself able to spare the world the sin, the 
horror, and the agony of such an impious war, and subsequent circumstances have shown that 
he was not wrong in his calculations, — then, we say, idol as he already was of the vast majority 
of the French people, heir as he was already by prescriptive right to the imperial throne, pos- 
sessed as he already was of the sovereign authority, elected as he had been by sIk millions to 
watch over the welfare of France, he was instigated, by every motive of honor, humanity, and 
patriotism, to do exactly as he has done.' " — Life of Napoleon III., p. 492. 



THE EATIFICATIOX OF THE COUP D'J^TAT. 461 

" One cannot conceive of a situation more frightful than that which would 
have been declared if the president had quietly awaited the development, 
the organization, of the forces of the Assembly, and their march against him ; 
or if he had bowed to its decrees, and surrendered himself to its power. 
Paris, France, would have been divided into five or six factions, each animated 
by hatred against the others. This Avould have been followed by a civil war 
of frightful barbarity, which would only have ceased when one of the fac- 
tions, exterminating the others, should have attained the supremacy after 
horrible carnage. Then would have commenced the reign of a terror worse 
than that of the first revolution, — and that to end when? No one can tell. 
That is what would inevitably have taken place if Napoleon had been less 
prompt, less resolute, than he showed himself on the 2d of December. We 
cannot see how the president could have acted otherwise than he did, and 
have remained faithful to his duty, to his mission." * 

The president had at first expressed the wish that all the citizens voting 
should inscribe their names upon their vote, whether it were in the afiirmative 
or the negative ; but when it was suggested that this might, in some degree, 
interfere with the perfect independence of the ballot, he instantly yielded, 
and gave orders for the secret vote. 

The 20th 'of December came, — the day in which France throughout all 
its departments, by the voice of universal suifrage, was to pronounce judgment 
upon the coup d'etat^ ratifying or condemning.! The Royalists, the Socialists, 
the demagogues of all shades, affirmed that there would be more nays than 
yeas taken from the urn. They were struck with consternation when the 
reports came in, and it was found that nine-tenths of the nation gave their 
approval of the measure. Very many of the rural districts voted "Yes" 
without a dissenting voice. The enthusiasm was so great, that, in a large 
number of cases, the sick and the infirm were conveyed in carriages and on 
litters to the polls. In the commune of Vouges, where, of seventy-six regis- 
tered electors, every vote was given in the affirmative, a workman in the 
national powder-magazine, who was nearly dying, was brought in a litter 
by his comrades to the ballot-boxes. After having deposited his vote, he 
said, "I could not have died in peace if I had not voted for him." 

An old man of eighty-two years, who had been one of the soldiers of the 
first Napoleon, and Avho had been grievously wounded at St. Jean d'Acre, 
hobbled along to place his vote in the urn. Just as he was dropping his 
vote, he staggered and fell. The bystanders lifted him up; but he was 
dead.J 



* This article, from the United-States " Washington Union," we retranslate from the French 
of Messrs. Gallix and Guy, p. 384. 

t " The appeal presented to the people was in the following words : ' The French people wills 
the maintenance of the authority of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, and delegates to him the 
powers necessary to frame a constitution on the basis proposed in his proclamation of the 2d 
of December.' " — Life of Napoleon III., hy Edward Roth, p. 511. 

X " Louis Napoleon Bonaparte is the necessary man. Without him, the war of factions would 
rend France: combining to attack him, the parties would have. immediately dashed against 
each other after the common victory ; and the country would have been the field of battle and 



462 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL ^ 

On the 3d of December, the president had appointed a consulting commit- 
tee composed of seventy members of the Assembly which he had just dissolved. 
By a decree of the 14th of December, this committee was charged to receive 
the general returns of the votes. On the 31st of December, at eight o'clock, 
this committee repaired in a body to the filysee to make the official announce- 
ment to the president of the result of the election. The vote had been taken 
in the eighty-six departments of France, in Algiers, in the army, and in the 
navy. 

The -whole number of votes given was . . . .8,116,773 

In the affirmative 7,439,216 

In the negative 640,737 

Irregular 36,820 

M. Baroche, as chairman of this committee, having presented the report, 
addressed the president as follows : — 

"MoxsiEUR LE Pkesidext, — In making appeal to the French peoiDle by 
your proclamation of the 2d of December, you said, ' I do not wish for author- 
ity which is powerless for good, and which chains me to the helm when I see 
the vessel plunging into the abyss. If you have confidence in me, give me the 
means of accomplishing the great mission which I hold from you.' 

"To this loyal appeal made to her conscience and her sovereignty, the 
nation has responded by an immense acclamation, — by nearly seven million 
four hundred and fifty thousand suffrages. Yes, prince, France has confidence 
in you; she has confidence in your courage, in your deep reason, in your 
love for her: and the testimony she has just given you is so much the more 
glorious, as it is rendered after three years of a government whose wisdom 
and patriotism she thus consecrates. 

"Has the elect of the 10th of December, 1848, shown himself worthy of the 
trust which the people imposed upon him? Has he well comprehended the 
mission which he then received ? Let these questions be asked of the seven 
million voices which have just confirmed the trust by adding to it a mission 
still more great and glorious. Has ever the national will, in an^ country, or 
at any time, been so solemnly manifested? Has ever a government obtained 
such an approval, a base more wide, an origin more legitimate, and more 
worthy of the respect of the peoples ? 

"Take possession, prince, of this power so gloriously presented to you! 
Use it to develop by wise institutions the fundamental basis which the people 
themselves have consecrated by their votes. Re-establish in France the prin- 
ciple of authority, too much shaken for the last sixty years by our continual 
agitations. Combat incessantly these anarchical passions, which assail even 

the prize of contention. There was no party among them sufficiently strong to prevent the 
anarchy of demagogism. 

" What name could take the place of that of Napoleon 1 Is there any other one which could 
avail more than his ? However glorious any other name may be, there is none other which can 
awaken those echoes of enthusiasm and popular affection which respond in France to the name 
of the emperor." — M. Paul Belouino, p. 408. 



THE EATIFICATIOISr OF THE COUP D'ETAT. 463 

the foundations of society. It is no longer mere odious theovies wliicli you 
have to pursue and repress: they have manifested themselves in deeds, in 
horrible, overt acts. 

" Let France be delivered from those men always ready for murder and pil- 
lage, — from those men, who, in the nineteenth century, transfuse horror into 
civilization, and, by exciting the most gloomy recollections, seem to throw us 
back five hundred years. 

" Prince, on the 2d of December you took for your motto, ' France regene- 
rated by the Revolution of 1789, and organized by the emperor,' — that is to 
say, a wise and well-regulated liberty ; an authority strong, and respected by 
all. May your wisdom and your patriotism realize this noble thought ! Re- 
store to this noble country, so full of life and of the future, the greatest of all 
benefits, — order, stability, confidence. 

" You will thus save France, preserve entire Europe from incalculable dan- 
gers, and add to the lustre of your name a new and imperishable glory." * 

To this address the prince made the following reply : — 

" Gentlemen, — France has responded to the loyal appeal which I had 
made to her. She has comprehended that I departed from the legal only to 
return to the right. More than seven million votes have absolved me, by 
justifying an act which had no other object than to spare France, and perhaps 
Europe, from years of troubles and misfortunes. I thank you for having au- 
thenticated officially how entirely this manifestation has been national and 
spontaneous. 

"If I congratulate myself upon this immense adhesion, it is not through 
pride, but because it gives me power to speak and act in a manner becoming 
the chief of a great nation such as ours. I comprehend all the grandeur of ray 
new mission. I do not deceive myself respecting its grave difficulties : but 
with an upright heart, with the co-operation of all good men, who, like you, 

* Victor Hugo, in his venomous book, admits in the following angry words the strength 
of the Napoleonic party : — 

"M. Bonaparte had for him the crowd of functionaries, the one million two hundred thousand 
parasites of the budget, and their dependants and hangers-on ; the corrupted, the compromised, 
the adventurers, and, in their train, the bigots, — a very considerable party. He had for him 
messieurs the cardinals, the canons, the cures, the vicars, the archdeacons, the deacons, and 
the sub-deacons ; messieurs the prebendaries, the church-wardens, the sextons, the beadles ; mes- 
sieurs the church-door-openers and the 'religious men.' Yes: we admit, without hesitation, 
M. Bonaparte had for him all those bishops who cross themselves, like Vouillot and Montalem- 
bert, and all those religious men who pray in this wise, &c. These have really and incontestably 
voted for ]M. Bonaparte, — first category, the functionary ; second category, the noodle ; third cat- 
egory, the Voltairean, proprietor, trader, man of religion. "We know, — and we do not at all 
desire to conceal it, — that from the shopkeeper up to the banker, from the petty trader up to the 
stockbroker, great numbers of the commercial and industrial men of France — that is to say, 
great numbers of the men who comprehend what well-placed confidence is, what a deposit faith- 
fully preserved is, what a key placed in safe hands is — have voted since the 2d of December for 
M. Bonaparte." — Napoleon the Little, hi/ Victor Hugo, pp. 175, 176. 

It is said that the cmi^eror, taking up this volume, simply remarked as he read the title, "Yes, 
Napoleon the Little, by Victor Hugo the Great." 



464 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

shall enlighten me with their intelligence, and sustain rae with their patriot- 
ism ; with the tried devotedness of our valiant array ; in fine, with that protec- 
tion which to-morrow I shall solemnly pray Heaven to grant me again, — I 
hope to render myself worthy of the confidence which the people continue to 
repose in me. 

" I hope to assure the destinies of France in founding institutions which will 
correspond at once with the democratic instincts of the nation, and with the 
universally-expressed desire of having henceforward a strong and respected 
government: in truth, to satisfy the demands of the moment by creating a 
system which reconstitutes authority without injuring equality or closing any 
channel of amelioration, is to lay the true foundations of the only edifice capa- 
ble of sustaining hereafter the action of a wise and salutary liberty." 

The next day, the vast Cathedral of Notre Dame was magnificently deco- 
rated to consecrate by religious ceremonies the great event of the election. 
The Te JDeian was chanted in the presence of a countless throng, and with the 
most imposing ceremonies modern art could arrange. Louis Napoleon kneeled 
reverently before the altar in recognition of that Supreme Being who makes 
and deposes sovereigns. Having attained that " right which comes from man," 
he implored, to use his own expression, "the might wliich comes from God." 

" That which was grand and admirable in this festival was not the display 
of military force, extending from the £lysee to Notre Dame; it was not the 
magnificent cortege of illustrious men which surrounded Napoleon, and which 
was for him as a crown of all that France has most glorious in arts, science, 
and war; it was not the gorgeous tapestry which decorated the venerable 
cathedral and its surroundings; it was not those waves of harmony which 
floated through the groined arches, nor the voice of cannon, that music of 
battles, which thundered every moment in the air; it was not that dense 
throng which Paris poured out from all her quarters upon the Cite, that 
floating ship which bears Notre Dame ; it was not that concourse of all public 
functionaries which our provinces sent in : such fetes we have had at all 
epochs. The kings, the republic, the empire, have had such. But that which 
is grand and admirable is to see together, at the footstool of God who blesses 
them, a grand people which has reconquered its sovereignty, and a prince to 
whom it has delegated it in the name of Him who is the Lord of all in 
heaven and upon earth. ' For power is given you of the Lord, and sovereignty 
from the Highest, who shall try your works and search out your councils.' " * 

A government was now established in France whose foundations were laid 
so deep and strong in the principle of universal suffi-age, that no honest man 
could question its legitimacy; that is, no honest man who admitted the prin- 
ciple, that the people have a right to create and organize their own institu- 
tions. The prince was invested with dictatorial power. He had saved the 
Republic from passing over to either branch of the Bourbons or to any of the 
diverse parties of Socialists and Communists. He was authorized to re-organize 
society, and to form a new constitution; taking for its model, indeed almost 

* M. Paul Belouino. p. 416. 



THE EATinCATION OF THE COUP D'iiTAT. 4G5 

exactly copying, the constitution under which tlie first Napoleon organized 
the republican empire. The task before liim was immense. Perhaps a 
heavier one was never imposed upon mortal man. He had many abuses to 
reform, many social and economical problems to resolve, many enterprises to 
push forward, others to commence, and many useful innovations to introduce 
into the decrees and the laws. France, weary of the incessant conflicts of 
parties and of ever-impending perils, was eager for a strong government which 
would give safety and repose. Those leading members of the Assembly and 
of the clubs whose influence was most to be feared in stirring up insurrections 
were temporarily banished from France. This measure was a necessary 
sequence of the coup d''etat. Eighty-four representatives were included in 
these decrees of the 9th of January, 1852* Those convicted of taking part 
in the insurrection in the streets were transported to A'lgiers or Cayenne. 

By the same vote which had sanctioned the coup d''etat, and which had ] 
conferred the presidency upon Louis Napoleon for an additional period of / 
ten years, he was authorized to draw up a constitution upon })rinciples which ' 
he had very fully enunciated in his proclamation. On the 14th of January 
this constitution was presented to the people, with a preamble from the pen of 
the president explaining very fully its provisions. Of course, there will be 
diversities of judgment respecting the merits of this document: there can 
be none, however, respecting the explicitness with which its princijiles were 
made clear to the popular mind. In this preamble, the president says, — 

" Frenchmen, when, in my proclamation of the 2d of December, I expressed 
to you frankly what were, in ray view, the vital conditions of power in France, 
1 had not the pretension, so common in our day, to substitute a personal 
theory for the experience of ages. I have, on the contrary, sought out what 
were, in the past,-the best examples to follow, what men had given them, and 
what had been the most beneficial results. 

"I therefore thought it logical to prefer the precepts of genius to the 
specious doctrines of men of abstract ideas. I have taken as a model those 
political institutions, which already, at the commencement of this century, 
under analogous circumstances, have re-established society when plunged into 
disorder, and have elevated France to a high degree of prosperity and of 
grandeur. 

"I have taken as a model those institutions, which, instead of disappearing 
at the first breath of popular agitations, have been overthrown only by entire 
Europe coalesced against us. 

"In a word, I have said to myself, 'Since France for fifty years has made 
no'advances but in virtue of the organization, administrative, military, judicial, 
religious, financial, of the Consulate and of the Empire, why should not we 
also adopt the political institutions of that epoch?' Created by the same 
thought, they ought to carry with them the same character of nationality and 
of practical utility. 

" In fine, as I mentioned in my proclamation, our actual state of society 
(it is essential to establish this) is not diflEerent from France regenerated by 

* MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 412, 



466 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

the Revolution of 1789, and organized by the emperor. There remains 
nothing of the ancient regime but grand memories and grand benefits. All 
which had been then organized was destroyed by the Revolution ; and all 
that which has been organized since the Revolution, and which still exists, has 
been by Napoleon. 

" We have no longer either provinces, or pays cVetats, or parliaments, 
or intendants, or formers-general, or divers customs, or feudal rights, or 
l)rivileged classes in exclusive possession of civil and military employments, 
or different religious jurisdictions. The Revolution, in overthrowing so 
many things incompatible with itself, established nothing positive. The first 
consul alone re-established unity, the hierarchy, and the true principles of 
government. They are still in vigor. 

" Our admirable financial system, the bank of France, the establishment 
of budgets, the exchequer, the organization of the police, and our military 
regulations, date from that epoch. For fifty years, it is the Code Napoleon 
which has regulated the interests of citizens between themselves ; and it is 
still the Concordat* which regulates the connection of the State with the 
Church . 

" In fine, the greater part of the measures which concern the progress of 
manufiictures, of commerce, of letters, of the sciences, of the arts, from the 
regulations of the French theatre to those of the institute, and from those of 
the institution of artisans to the creation of the Legion of Honor, have been 
fixed by the decrees of that time. 

"It can therefore be affirmed, that the framework of our social edifice is the 
work of the emperor; and it has survived his fall and three revolutions. 
Why should not political institutions of the same origin have the same 
chances of stability? 

" My conviction has been formed for a long time ; and it is for that reason 
that I have submitted to your judgment the principal bases of a constitution 
modelled upon that of the year eight. Approved by you, they will become the 
foundation of our political constitution. Let us examine the spirit of them. 

" In our country, which has been a monarchy for eight hundred years, the 
central power has always been increasing. Royalty has destroyed great 
vassals. Revolutions themselves have caused those obstacles to disappear 
which oppose the rapid and uniform exercise of authority. In this country 
of centralization, public opinion has incessantly refen-ed to the chief of the 
government the good as the evil. Therefore, to write at the head of a 
charter that the chief is irresponsible, is to speak falsely to public sentiment: 
it is to wish to establish a fiction which has three times vanished in the 
tumult of revolutions. 



* " I hold it for certain, th.at in 1802 the Concordat, on the part of Napoleon, was an act of 
superior intcUij^ence for more than of a despotic spirit, and for the Christian religion in France a 
measure as salutary as it was necessary. After anarchy and revolutionary orgies, tlie solemn 
recognition of Christianity by the State could alone give satisfaction to public sentiment, and 
secure to Christian influence the dignity and the stability which it was needful that it should 
recover." — Meditations sur I'J^tat actuel de la Religion Chr€tienne, par M. Guizot, p. 4. 



THE RATIFICATION OF THE COUP D':^TAT. 467 

"The present constitution proclaims, on tlie contrary, that the chief whom 
you have chosen is responsible to you; that he has always the right to 
appeal to your sovereign judgment ; in fine, that, in solemn circumstances, you 
can perpetuate his power, or withdraw from it your confidence* 

" Being responsible, his action must be free and unfettered. From that 
arises the necessity that he should have ministers, the honored and powerful 
auxiliaries of his thought, but who do not form a responsible council, com- 
posed of jointly responsible members, a daily obstacle to the individual im- 
pulse of the chief of the State, the expression of a policy emanating from 
the Chambers, and consequently exposed to frequent changes which prevent 
all consecutive policy, all apj^lication of a regular system. 

"Nevertheless, the higher the position a man occupies, the more independ- 
ent he is, the greater the confidence which the people repose in him, the 
more he has need of able and conscientious advisers. Hence the creation 
of a council of state, hereafter a true council of the government, the first 
wheel of our new organization, — a re-union of practical men elaborating the 
projects of laws in special commissions, discussing them with closed doors, 
without oratorical ostentation, and then presenting them for the action of the 
Legislative Corps. 

" Thus the executive power is free in its movements, enlightened in its 
progress. What, now, will be the control exercised by the Assemblies ? 

" A Chamber which takes the title of the Legislative Corps votes the laws 
and the taxes. It is chosen by universal suffrage, without scrutiny of the 
lists. The people, choosing separately each candidate, can more easily appre- 
ciate the merit of each one of them. The Chamber is composed of about 
two hundred and sixty members. There is there a first guaranty for calm- 
ness in deliberations ; for too often, in assemblies, excitability and heat of 
passions are seen to increase in consequence of the numbers. 

"The report of the proceedings of this Chamber, which ought to instruct 
the nation, is not, as heretofore, free to the party spirit of each journal. An 
official publication drawn up under the care of the president of the Chamber 
is alone permitted. 

" The Legislative Corps discusses freely the proposed law, and adopts or 
rejects it ; but it does not introduce improvised amendments which derange 
often the entire economy of a system and the entire character of the primi- 
tive project. For a still stronger reason, there is not permitted that parlia- 
mentary initiative which was the source of such grave abuses, and which 
permitted each deputy to substitute himself continually for the government 
in presenting projects the least studied, the least carefully weighed. 

" The Chamber not being in the presence of the ministers, and the projects 
of law being supported by orators from the Council of State, the time will not 
be lost in vain questionings, in frivolous accusations, in passionate conflicts, 
the only object of which has been to overthrow the ministers in order to 
replace them by others, 

" Thus, then, the deliberations in the Legislative Corps will be independ- 
ent : but the causes of sterile agitations will be suppressed ; salutary delibe- 
ration will be brought to bear upon every modification of the law. 



468 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

" Another Assembly takes the name of the Senate. It will be composed 
of elements, which, in every country, create legitimate influences, — illustri- 
ous name, fortune, talents, and services rendered. The Senate is no longer, 
like the Chamber of Peers, the pale reflection of the Chamber of Deputies, 
simply repeating, after the interval of a few days, the same discussion in 
another tone : it is the depository of the fundamental compact and of the 
liberties compatible with the constitution. It is solely with respect to the 
grand principles upon which our society reposes that it examines all the laws, 
and proposes new ones to the executive power. It intervenes either to 
resolve every grave difficulty which can arise during the absence of the 
Legislative Corps, or to explain the text of the constitution, and to secure 
that which may be necessary for its operation. It has the right to annul 
every arbitrary and illegal act; and, enjoying also that consideration which 
attaches itself to a body exclusively occupied with the examination of grand 
interests or the application of grand principles, it fills in the State the role^ 
independent, salutary, conservative, of the ancient parliaments. 

" The Senate will not be, like the Chamber of Peers, transformed into a court 
of justice. It will preserve its character of supreme moderator; for disfavor 
always overtakes political bodies when the sanctuary of legislators becomes 
a criminal tribunal. The impartiality of the judge is too frequently placed 
in doubt ; and it loses its prestige before the opinion which goes so far, some- 
times, as to accuse it of being the instrument of passion or of hatred. 

" A high court of justice, chosen from the high magistracy, having for jurors 
members of the councils-general of all France, will alone repress the attempts 
against the chief of the State and the public safety. 

" The emperor said in the Council of State, ' A constitution is the work of 
time : we cannot leave too large scope for its emendations.' Thus, in the 
present constitution, there is nothing fixed but that which it is impossible to 
leave uncertain. It has not enclosed in an insuperable circle the destinies of 
a great people : it has left for changes sufficient scope, so that there may be, 
in great crises, other means of safety than the disastrous expedient of revo- 
lutions. 

" The Senate can, in concert with the Government, modify all that which is 
not fundamental in the constitution ; but as to modifications pertaining to 
the primary bases, sanctioned by your sufli'ages, they cannot become definitive 
until they have received your ratification. 

"Thus the people always remain the masters of their destiny. Nothing 
fundamental can be done without their will. Such are the ideas, such are the 
principles, of which you have authorized me to make the application. May 
this constitution give to our country days of peace and prosperity! May it 
prevent the return of those internal conflicts in which victory, however legiti- 
mate it may be, is always dearly bought ! May the sanction which you have 
given to my efibrts be blessed of Heaven ! — then peace will be assured at 
home and abroad, my vows will be fulfilled, my mission will be accom- 
plished." * 

* La politique impe'riale Exposee paries Discours et Proclamations de I'Empereur Napoleon 
III., depuis Ic 10 decembre, 1848, jusqu'en juillet, 1865, pp. 131-139. 



THE BATIFICATION OF THE COUP D'ilTAT. 469 

As the constitution, of which the above may be considered as the preamble, 
was also from the pen of Louis Napoleon, and as it contains the most distinct 
though concise expression, not only of his political principles, but of the 
governmental mechanism which he deemed to be necessary for carrying them 
into operation, it is important that it should be given here. The American 
statesman will be interested in comparing its provisions with those of our 
own constitution; for both professedly aim at the same object, — absolute 
equality of political rights for all men^ that all should be equal before the law. 

" CONSTITUTION, 

"made in VIETUE of the powers delegated by the FRENCH PEOPLB 

TO LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE BY THE VOTE OF THE 

20TH AND 21 ST DECEMBER, 1851. 

" The President of the Republic, considering that the French people have 
been called to pronounce upon the following resolution, — 

"'The people wish for the maintenance of the authority of Louis Napoleon 
Bonaparte, and give him the powers necessary to form a constitution after 
the bases established in his proclamation of the 2d December ; ' 

" Considering that the bases jDroposed for the acceptance of the people 
were, — 

" L A responsible chief chosen for ten years ; 

"2. Ministers dependent upon the executive power alone; 

" 3. A Council of State formed of men the most distinguished, preparing 
the laws, and sustaining the discussion before the legislative body ; 

" 4. A legislative body, discussing and voting the laws, chosen by univer- 
sal suffrage, without ballot for a list [scrutin de liste), which falsifies the 
election ; 

"5. A second Assembly, formed of all the illustrious of the country, a 
balancing power, guardian of the fundamental compact, and of the public 
liberties ; 

" Considering that the people have responded affirmatively by seven million 
five hundred thousand votes, — 

" Provides the constitution in the terms following : — 

" TITLE FIRST. 

" Article 1. — The constitution recognizes, confirms, and guarantees the 
grand principles proclaimed in 1789, and which are the base of the public 
rights of the French. 

"title second. FORMS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC. 

' "Art. 2. — The government of the Fiench llejDublic is confided for ten 
years to the Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, actual President of the 
Republic. 

"Art. 3. — The President of the Republic governs by means of the Minis- 
ters, of the Council of State, of the Senate, and of the Legislative Coips. 



470 ' LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

" Art. 4. — The legislative power exercises itself collectively through the 
Pi-esiclent of the Republic, the Senate, and the Legislative Corps. 

" TITLE THIRD. OF THE PEESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC. 

"Art. 5. — The President of the Republic is responsible to the French 
people, to whom he has always the right to make an appeal. 

"Art. 6. — The President of the Republic is the chief of the State. He 
commands the foi'ces by land and by sea; declares war; makes treaties of 
peace, of alliance, of commerce ; appoints to all employment ; makes the regu- 
lations and decrees necessary for the execution of the laws 

"Art. 7. — Justice is rendered in his name. 

" Art. 8. — He has alone the initiative of the laws. 

"Art. 9. — He has the right to pardon. 

"Art. 10. — He sanctions and promulgates the laws and the decrees of the 
Senate. 

"Art. 11. — He presents every year to the Senate and to the Legislative 
Corps, by a message, the state of affairs of the Republic. 

"Art. 12. — He has the right to declare the state of siege in one or more 
departments, excepting that it is to be referred to the Senate with the least 
possible delay. The consequences of a state of siege are regulated by law. 

"Art. 13. — The ministers are dependent only upon the chief of the State. 
They are only responsible individually for that which relates to governmental 
acts. There is no joint responsibility. They can be brought to trial only 
before the Senate. 

"Art. 14. — The ministers, the members of the Senate, of the Legislative 
Corps, of the Council of State, of the officers of the land and sea forces, the 
magistrates, and the public functionaries, take the following oath : — 

"'I swear obedience to the constitution, and fidelity to the president.' 

"Art. 15. — A decree of tlie Senate fixes the sum allowed annually to 
the President of the Republic for the whole duration of his functions. 

"Ai;t. 16. — Should the President of the Republic die before the expiration 
of his term of office, tlie Senate convokes the nation to proceed to a new 
election. 

"Art. 17. — The chief of the State has the right by a secret act, and 
deposited in the archives of the Senate, to designate to the people the name 
of the citizen whom he recommends, in the interests of France, to the confi- 
dence of the people and to its suffrages. 

"Art. 18. — Until the election of the new President of the Republic, the 
President of the Senate governs with the co-ojjeration of the ministers in 
office, wlio form tliemselves into a council of government, and deliberate 
according to the majority of votes. 

"title fourth. OF THE SENATE. 

"Art. 19. — The number of senators shall not exceed a hundred and 
fifty. It is fixed for the first year at eighty. 
"Art. 20. — The Senate is composed, first, of the cardinals, the marshals, 



THE EATinCATION OF THE COUP D'ETAT. 471 

the admirals; second, of the citizens whom the President of the Republic may- 
judge it best to elevate to the dignity of senator. 

"Art. 21. — The senators are irremovable, and are for life. 

"Art. 22. — The functions of the senator are gratuitous. Nevertheless, the 
President of the Republic can grant to any of the senators, in view of 
services rendered and their position of fortune, a personal endowment, which 
shall not exceed thirty thousand francs (six thousand dollars) a year. 

"Art. 23. — The President and Vice-Presidents of the Senate are appointed 
by the President of the Republic, and selected from among the senators. 
They are appointed for one year. The salary of the President of the Senate 
is fixed by a decree. 

"Art. 24. — The President of the Republic convokes and prorogues the 
Senate. He fixes the duration of its sessions by a decree. The sessions of 
the Senate are not public. 

" Art. 25. — The Senate is the guardian of the fundamental pact and of the 
public liberties. No law can be promulgated without being submitted to the 
Senate. 

"Art. 26. — Jhe Senate opposes the promulgation, first, of the laws which 
are contrary or injurious to the constitution, religion, morals, liberty of wor- 
ship, individual liberty, the equality of citizens before the law, the inviola- 
bility of property, and the principle of the ii'removability of the magistracy; 
second, of those which can compromise the defence of the territory. 

"Art. 27. — The Senate regulates, by a decree, — 

" 1. The constitution of the colonies and of Algiers. 

" 2. All that which has not been foreseen by the constitution, and which is 
necessary for its operation. 

" 3. The significance of the articles of the constitution which are suscepti- 
ble of different interpretations. 

"Art. 28. — The decrees of the Senate shall be submitted to the sanction 
of the President of the Republic, and promulgated by him. 

"Art. 29. — The Senate maintains or annuls all acts which are submitted to 
it by the government as unconstitutional, or which are denounced, for the 
same cause, by petitions from the citizens. 

"Art. 30. — The Senate can, in a report addressed to the President of the 
Republic, propose the bases of projects of law of great national interest. 

"Art. 31. — It can equally propose modifications in the constitution. If the 
proposition is adopted by the executive power, it becomes an enactment by a 
decree of the Senate. 

"Art. 32. — Nevertheless, there shall be submitted to universal suffrage 
every modification in the fundamental bases of the constitution, — such as 
those which have been stated in the proclamation of the 2d of December, 
and adopted by the French people. 

"Art. 33. — In case of the dissolution of the Legislative Corps, and until a 
new convocation, the Senate, upon the proposition of the President of the 
Republic, provides, by measures of urgency, all that is necessary for the 
operations of the government. 



472 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"title fifth. OF THE LEGISLATIVE COKPS. 

"Art. 34. — Tlie election has for its base the population. 

" Art. 35. — There shall be one deputy in the Legislative Corps to thirty- 
five thousand electors. 

"Art. 36. — The deputies are chosen by universal suffrage, without ballot 
for a list. 

"Art. 37. — They do not receive any salary. 

"Art. 38. — They are elected for six years. 

" Art. 39. — The Legislative Corps discusses and votes projects of law and 
taxes. 

"Art. 40. — Any amendment adopted by the commission charged to exam- 
ine a project of law will be sent, without discussion, to the Council of State, 
by the President of the Legislative Corps. If the amendment is not adopted 
by the Council of State, it will not be submitted to the deliberation of the 
Legislative Corps. 

"Art. 4L — The ordinary sessions of the Legislative Corps continue three 
months. Its sessions are public; but the demand of five members sufiices for 
it to form itself into a secret committee. «• 

"Art. 4'2. — The report of the sessions of the Legislative Corps b}'^ means 
of the journals, or in any other way of publicity, will consist only in the 
reproduction of the official report, prepared, at the close of each session, 
under the superintendence of the President of the Legislative Corps. 

"Art. 43. — The President and the Vice-Presidents of the Legislative Corps 
are appointed by the President of the Republic for one year. They are 
chosen from among the deputies. The salary of the President of the Legisla- 
tive Corps is fixed by a decree. 

"Art. 44. — The ministers cannot be members of the Legislative Corps. 

"Art. 45. — The right of petition is to be exercised towards the Senate. 
No petition can be addressed to the Legislative Corps. 

"Art. 46. — The President of the Republic convokes, adjourns, prorogues, 
and dissolves the Legislative Corps. In case of dissolution, the President of 
the Republic must convoke a new one without the delay of six months. 

"title SIXTH. OP THE COUNCIL OP STATE. 

" Art. 47. — The number of Councillors of State in ordinary service is from 
forty to fifty. 

" Art. 48. — The Councillors of State are appointed by the President of the 
Republic, and are removable by him. 

"Art. 49. — The Council of State is presided over by the President of the 
Republic; and, in his absence, by the person whom he shall designate as Vice- 
President of the Council of State. 

" Art. 50. — The Council of State is charged, under the direction of the 
President of the Republic, to draw up projects of law and rules of public 
administration, and to resolve the difficulties which may arise in matters of 
administration. 

" Art. 51. — It sustains, in the name of the government, the discussion of 



THE EATIFICATION OF THE COUP D'ETAT. 473 

projects of law before the Senate and the Legishitive Corps. The Council- 
lors of State charged to speak in the name of the government are designated 
by the President of the Republic. 

"Art. 52. — The salary of each Councillor of State is twenty-five thousand 
francs (five thousand dollars). 

"Art. 53. — The ministers have rank, a sitting, and a dehberative voice, in 
the Council of State. 

"title seventh. OF THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE. 

"Art. 54. — A High Court of Justice judges, without appeal or proceed- 
ings in error, all persons who have been returned to that court accused of 
crimes, attempts, or plots against the President of the Republic, and against 
the safety, external or internal, of the State. It can only be held in virtue 
of a decree from the President of the Republic. 

"Art. 55. — A decree of the Senate will determine the organization of this 
High Court. 

"title EIGHTH. DISPOSITIONS, GENERAL AND TBANSITORT. 

" Art. 56. — The dispositions, codes, laws, and rules existing, which are 
not contrary to the present constitution, remain in force until they shall be 
legally annulled. 

" Art. 57. — A law determines the municipal organization. The mayors 
will be appointed by the executive power ; and they may be taken from 
outside of the municipal council. 

" Art. 58. — This constitution will be in force from the date of the day in 
which the grand bodies of the State which it organizes shall be constituted. 

" The decrees issued by the President of the Republic from the 2d of 
December to that epoch will have the force of law. 

" Given at the Palace of the Tuileries, the 14th of January, 1852. 

"Louis Napoleon. 

" Examined and sealed with the great seal. 
" Keeper of the seals, minister of justice, 

"E. ROUHER."* 

* CEuvres de Napoleon III., torn, troisieme, pp. 299-315. 




CHAPTER XXVII. 



ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES. 

Internal Improvements. — Wealth of Louis Philippe. — Confiscation. — Ancient Law of France. 
— Energy of the President. — His Clemency. — Respect for the Sabbath. — Almoners of Last 
Prayers. — Censorship of the Press. — Address to the Legislative Corps. — Efforts of the 
Socialists, of the Legitimists, of the Orleanists. — Spirit of the European Journals. — Blessing 
the Eagles. — Embarrassment of Foreign Courts. — Visit to Strasburg. — Splendid Fete 
Ball in the Marche' des Innocents. — Uncontested Election. 

NE of the first endeavors of the president was to provide for the 
suffering poor, who, in Large numbers, were in a state of desti- 
tution from entire want of employment. The disturbances of 
the times had been so great, that capitalists had feared to 
undertake any important enterprises. The president immedi- 
ately commenced a series of public works of universally acknowl- 
edged utility, where there could be no question of the profitableness of the 
investment, and which promptly relieved thousands of laborers from want. 
Two and a half million francs (five hundred thousand dollars) were devoted 
to improving the navigation of the Seine ; a million and a half (three hundred 
thousand dollars) were appropriated to deepening the channel of the Rhone ; 
half a million francs (a hundred thousand dollar.s) were expended upon the 
harbor of Boulogne; and at various other points, where there was suffer- 
ing, money was liberally employed in useful and profitable undertakings. 
Louis Napoleon has ever manifested, to an eminent degree, that practical 
wisdom which enables him to expend money wisely. 

With the masses of the people, he was extremely popular; and, wherever he 
appeared, he was greeted with enthusiasm. Ever impressed with the idea 
that Providence, who had guided him thus f;xr along the path of his wonderful 
life, had an importr:xnt mission for him to fulfil for France, and that Providence 
would not allow him to fall until that mission was accomplished, he did not 
deem it necessary to adopt any special measures of precaution for his personal 
safety. He mingled freely with the citizens, entered the workshops of the 
artisans, and carefully made himself acquainted with the domestic, social, and 
sanitary condition of the working-classes. His eye seemed to sweep France 
with an imperial glance. During long years of exile and imprisonment, he 
had studied minutely the geography of the realm, its physical structure, its 
soil, its productions, its capabilities, and the impediments, physical, moral, and 
political, in the way of its progress. And now that the millions had, as if 

474 



ADMINISTRATIVE MEASUEES. 475 

influenced by a supernatural power, placed the realm in Lis hands, requesting 
him, in the entireness of their confidence, to mould it, shape it, and organize 
it as he judged to be best for them, he had no embarrassments in his own 
mind to encounter; for he knew exactly what to do. 

The Oi-leans party was still a formidable power. Louis Philippe was a man 
of enormous wealth ; and he had availed himself of all the influence which his 
position as king gave him to increase the opulence of his family. Conscious 
of the uncertainty of the tenure by which he held his crown, he had invested 
large sums in foreign lands that he might be prepared for dethronement and 
exile. At the time of his deposition, his property in France was estimated at 
three hundred million francs (sixty million dollars). 

This vast sum of money enabled him, through agents scattered all over the 
realm, to operate energetically against the new government. It was a weapon 
of fearful power to leave in the hands of a conquered but still active and 
determined foe.* Under these circumstances, the president, on the 22d of 
January, issued two decrees. The first was as follows : — 

"The President of the Republic, considering that all the governments which 
have succeeded each other have judged it indispensable to oblige the family 
which have ceased to reign to sell the property, movable and immovable, 
which it possessed in France ; 

"That thus, on the 12th of January, 1816, Louis XVIIL constrained the 
members of the family of the Emperor Napoleon to sell their personal prop- 
erty, without the delay of six months; and that, on the 10th of April, 1832, 
Louis Philippe did the same in respect to the princes of the elder branch of 
the house of Bourbon ; f 

* Louis Blanc has. given the following description of the condition of France under the reign 
of Louis Philippe, the "money-king:" "Whatever may have been the baseness of Rome under 
the Ccesars, it was equalled by the corruption in France in the reign of Louis Philippe. Nothing 
like it had been witnessed in history. The thirst for gold having gained possession of minds 
agitated by impure desires, society terminated by sinking into a brutal materialism. Talent, 
energy, eloquence, genius, virtue itself, were devoted to no other end but the amassing of a fortune. 
Every thing was brought to the market; suffrages counted by crowns. They made, as in a 
new species of bazaar, a scaffolding of venal consciences, where honor was bought and law sold. 

" This fearful degradation of France was not the work of a day. Since 1830, the formula of 
selfishness — ' every one by himself and for himself — had been adopted by the sovereign as the 
maxim of States ; and that maxim, alike hideous and fatal, had become the ruling principle of 
government. It was the device of Louis Philippe, a prince gifted with moderation, knowledge, 
tolerance, humanity, but sceptical, destitute of either nobility of heart or elevation of mind, the 
most experienced corrupter of the human race that ever appeared on earth." — Louis Blanc, 
Revolution de 1848. 

t"A severe law, alike discreditable to the sovereign who proposed it and the Chamber 
which adopted it, was soon after brought forward in France. This was one banishing the ex-king, 
Charles X., his descendants and their relations, forever from the French territory, and prohibiting 
them from acquiring by any title, onerous or gratuitous, any property, or to enjoy any rent or 
gratuity. 

" Such was the return, when he had the power, which Louis Philippe made to Charles X. 
for the generous grant, which, on his accession to the throne, restored their whole estates in fee- 
simple to the Orleans family. History has not preserved the record of a more flagrant and dis- 
graceful act of ingratitude." — Alison's History of Europe, vol. vi. p. 434. 



476 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

" Considering that similar measures are ever essential to order and to tlie 
public interests; that to-day, more than ever, high political considerations 
imperiously demand the diminution of the influence which is given to the 
house of Orleans by the possession of nearly three hundred millions of landed 
estate in France ; decrees, — 

"Article 1. — The members of the family of Orleans, their husbands, their 
wives, their descendants, not being entitled to possess any personal or real 
estate in France, will be required to sell all the property which belongs to 
them throughout the extent of the Republic." 

It was announced that this property was to be sold within a year from the 
date of the decree ; and that, if there were any such property the title of 
which was disputed, it was to be sold within a year from the time in which 
the title was irrevocably fixed as belonging to the house of Orleans. The 
price of the sales was to be remitted to the proprietors.* 

Louis Philippe, upon his accession to the throne, had immediately proposed 
a decree, banishing forever, from the territory of France, Charles X., his 
relations and their descendants, and prohibiting thera from holding any 
property or to enjoy any rent or annuity in France. If the entire sales were 
not effected within six months, the property was to be confiscated, and 
reverted to the government. This law was passed in the Chambers by a 
majority of two hundred and ten to one hundred and twenty-two, but was 
so far amended as to allow a year for the sale of the effects. 

There was a large portion of the property held by Louis Philippe, which, 
by the laws of France, did not belong to him personally, but to the crown. 
This question gave rise to a very eager and protracted controversy. Tiiere 
was a law of very ancient date, that the private possessions of a prince, upon 
his accession to the throne, became vested in the nation. So far back as 
1590, Henry IV., upon receiving the crown, endeavored, by letters-patent, to 
prevent the union of his private possessions with the national domain : but 
the parliament of Paris, claiming the property, refused to register the letters; 
and afterwards Henry IV., relinquishing his claim and revoking his letters, 
applauded the parliament for its fidelity to duty. 

This ancient law was re-enforced by a decree of Sept. 21, 1790, by a decree 
of Nov. 8, 1814, and again by a decree of Jan. 15, 1825. Louis Philippe, 
upon ascending the throne, endeavored to evade this fundamenta'l law of the 
realm by bequeathing most of his property, reserving to himself the income, 
to bis younger children, to the exclusion of his oldest son, who, as heir to the 

* MM. Gallix and Guy, commenting upon this decree, say, " It is important here to observe, 
that, right or wrong, the house of Orleans was banished from France by law. That, perhaps, 
was severe ; but policy required it : and it was not the policy of yesterday, but a policy of nearly 
forty years' standing, which to-day struck the house of Orleans, but which before had struck 
many others. In 1815, it was the family of Bonaparte which was proscribed; in 1832, it was 
the family of Bonaparte, and at the same time the elder branch of the house of Bourbon. Louis 
Napoleon followed in the track of the two dynasties wliicli had preceded him. The measures 
which he adopted against the sons of Louis Philippe had been taken by Louis Philippe against 
him and his property." — Histoire complete de Napoleon III., p. 449. 



ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES. 477 

throne, would inherit the use of the crown-proj^erty and whatever possessions 
his father continued to hold. This act was j^i'onounced to be illegal, since it 
was not performed until after he was recognized as king, — when the property 
had ceased to be his own* Louis Philippe was, however, still left in possession 
of a hundred million francs (twenty million dollars) to sustain his rank in a 
foreign land; and the government continued to pay to the Duchess of Orleans 
the annuity which had been voted her, of three hundred thousand franco 
(sixty thousand dollars).! 

The large sum of money secured by the government through the acquisi- 
tion of this propei'ty was immediately devoted to objects which would most 
speedily bring relief to the suffering people. Ten million (two million 
dollars) Avere distributed to societies which had been formed for "mutual 
assistance." The same sum was appropriated to the improvement of the 
lodgings in the great manufacturing cities. An equal sum was also appropri- 
ated to the establishment of institutions for loans, under the most careful 
regulations. Five million francs were set apart for the relief of the 
superannuated, of good character, who through misfortune had become im- 
poverished. The remainder became a fund for the payment of an annual 
salary, varying from two hundred and fifty francs to three thousand francs, to 
those soldiers, privates and officers, who, for meritorious conduct, had been 
constituted members of the Legion of Honor. 

The president himself, with no fondness for luxurious indulgence, living 
frugally, dressing plainly, apparently had but one ambition, — to merit well of 
his country by making France one of the most happy and honored of earthly 
realms. He possessed to a remarkable degree the faculty which so eminently 
distinguished Napoleon I., — of being able to grasp the most comprehensive 
plans, and also to direct the minutest details. No other man in France was 
more intensely occupied than he. His eye was everywhere. His mind 
guided all movements. Silent, pensive, retiring, yet deeply impressed with 
the grandeur of his mission, he caused all France soon to feel the impulse 
which his tireless energies were diffusing throughout the realm. Probably 
never before, save, perhaps, in the case of his world-renowned uncle, was there 
an instance of a whole nation being so suddenly transformed by the genius 
of a single mind. 

So Avonderful Avas this change, so immediately did the nation become 
tranquillized in its repose upon the strong government which had been estab- 
lished, that, on the 29th of January, a circular was addressed by order of 
the Pi'ince President, through M. de Persigny, minister of the interior, to the 
prefects of all the departments of France, containing the following senti- 
ments. After stating that the insurrectionary movements which burst forth 

* "The salary of Louis Philippe, as proposed by the ministers, was 18,.535,500 francs 
($3,707,100). This was thirty-seven times as much as Napoleon had as first consul. In 
addition to this, the private property of the king, not blended with the property of the crown, 
gave him an income of two million five hundred thousand francs a year (fiv.e hundred thousand 
dollars). He had also four million francs a year (eight hundred thousand dollars) from lands 
and forests; making a grand total of 25,035,500 francs, — equal to $5,007,100." — Louis 
Blanc, iii. 149. 

t Deuxieme De'cret, Ic 22 Janvier, 1852. 



478 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

in many places immediately after the 2d of December had rendered it neces?- 
sary to resort to the most rigorous measures to secure the peace of the 
country and the unrestricted exercise of universal suffrage, but that now the 
government was so established, that it was in the power of the president to 
exercise great lenity, the circular added, — 

" If there existed among the insurgents persuasive and dangerous men 
from whom it was important to disembarrass the country, there were others, 
unfortunate workmen or inhabitants of the fields, who were dragged into the 
revolt through their weakness or their ignorance. Is it not sad to think that 
these poor deluded people, who have been only the instruments in the hands 
of others truly culpable, should be subjected to the rigoi's of prolonged de- 
tention, and that their families, deprived of their support, should languish in 
misery and tears? 

"This consideration aiFects the Prince President; and consequently he has 
charged me to transmit to you the necessary powers immediately to release 
from prison and restore to their families, whatever may be the state of the 
proceedings commenced against them, all those arrested whom you judge 
to have been deluded, and whose liberation will not prove dangerous to 
society." 

This circular was followed by the appointment of commissioners (MM. 
Bauchart, Canrobert, and Espinasse) to proceed to the departments where in- 
surrection had manifested itself, with extraordinary powers, not to punish 
the guilty, but, so far as the public safety would permit, to waive the penalties 
of the law. 

The simple enunciation of the decrees which followed one after another, 
and which were so in accordance with public approval as to be easily carried 
into immediate and vigorous operation, would occupy more space than our 
limits would allow. The cafes, cabarets, and other drinking-shops, had be- 
come very extensively places of demoralizing resort. In France, as else- 
where, intemperance was found to be the mother of all vices. Large 
numbers of these shops were promptly closed; and only those were permitted 
to remain open which were authorized by the government, and they were 
placed under the careful surveillance of the police. 

On the 15th of December, but one fortnight after tlie coup cVetat, the 
president issued a circular, through the minister of the interior, to the prefects 
of the eighty-six departments, urging them to exert all their influence to 
promote the more sacred observance of Sunday. In this circuhir it is 
said, — 

"The repose of Sunday is one of the essential bases of that morality which 
constitutes the force and the consolation of a nation. In contemplating this 
subject only in view of material interests, this repose is necessary for the 
health and the intellectual development of the working-classes. The man 
who labors incessantly, and does not set apart any day for the accomplishment 
of his duties and the improvement of his mind, sooner or later becomes a prey 
to materialism ; and the sentiment of dignity is weakened within him, 
together with his physical faculties. 



ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES. 479 

" Too often, moreover, the working-classes who are subjected to labor on 
Sunday seek to indemnify themselves by resting upon some other day of the 
week, — a fatal habit, which, by the contempt of the most venerated traditions, 
conducts insensibly to the ruin of families and to a dissolute life. 

" The government does not pretend, in questions of this nature, to impose 
any sort of violence upon the will of the citizens. Each individual remains 
free to obey the inspirations of his conscience; but the State, tlie adminis- 
tration, the commune, can present the example of respect for these principles. 
It is in this sense, and under these limits, that I think it necessary to address 
to you special instructions. 

" Consequently I invite you to give such orders, that for the future, so far 
as it depends upon authority, public work shall cease on the Sabbath and on 
holydays. You will be careful, that hereafter, when any enterprise is under- 
taken on account of the departments and tjie communes, there shall be in- 
Berted in the contract a formal clause which shall interdict the contractors 
from exacting labor on the Sabbath and the holydays. It is important that 
the provision be expressed so distinctly, that it shall not be a vain formula, 
and susceptible of being eluded. In fine, so far as those municipal regulations 
are concerned, destined to prohibit, during the exercise of public worsliip, 
gatherings in the ale-shops, songs, and other exterior demonstrations which 
disturb those exercises, you will make use, with sage prudence and enlight- 
ened zeal, of your influence to diminish as much as possible those grievous 
scandals which are too often witnessed." 

On the 21st of March, the "Moniteur" contained the following decree, 
which will explain itself: — 

"The President of the Republic, considering that the number of the 
members of the parochial clergy of Paris does not permit them to conduct 
all the dead to the cemetery, and that thus many fomilies, and especially those 
who are indigent, are deprived of the last prayers of the Church ; 

" Considering that it is important promptly to remedy such a state of 
things in a manner conformed to Christian charity ; decrees, — 

"Art. 1. — There shall be attached to each of the three chapels of the 
Trinity, St. Ambrose, and St. James, in Paris, two vicars, who, under the title 
of Almoners of Last Prayers, shall be specially and exclusively charged in 
the cemeteries of the north, of the south, and of the east, near which they shall 
reside, to receive gratuitously, whenever the request shall be made, the bodies 
which are not accompanied by the clergy; to conduct them to the tomb; 
and to recite over them the last prayere of the Church. 

" Art. 2. — The salary of these almoners shall be fixed at twelve hundred 
francs." ♦ 

On the 31st of December, a decree was issued containing the following 
announcement: — 

" The President of the Republic, considering that the French Republic, 
with its new form sanctioned by the suffrages of the people, can adopt 



480 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

without umbrage the souvenirs of the Empire and the signs which recall 
its glory ; 

" Considering that the national flag ought no longer to be deprived of that 
renowned emblem which conducted our soldiers to the field of honor in a 
hundred battles ; decrees, — 

"Art. 1. — The French eagle is re-established on the flag of the army. 

"Art. 2. — It is also re-established on the Cross of the Legion of Honor." 

The most dangerous foes that the government had to fear were the slan- 
ders and the falsehoods uttered by the press. In all lands, even where the 
press is most free, it is still under a certain degree of restraint; and its con- 
ductors are punished by fine and imprisonment for gross libels upon individu- 
als. To ruin an honest man by maliciously proclaiming him a knave is a 
great individual wrong; and it cannot be tolerated under the plea of the 
freedom of the press. 

The French Government assumed the position that the government itself 
was entitled to be regarded as an individual, whose reputation was of infi- 
nitely more consequence than that of any private person whatever. It was 
assumed that a just freedom of the press did not imply that that press could, 
without fear of punishment, forge any folsehoods it pleases ; could accuse 
the government of robbing the national bank, of issuing outrageous decrees, 
of employing assassins, of seeking to provoke insurrection from the love of 
slaughter, and of striving to inaugurate foreign wars to engross the attention 
of a people whom it was seeking to enslave. The millions of France were a 
simple people. The coalesced enemies of the government, though few in 
numbers, had the pens of many very unscrupulous and spirited writers at their 
disposal ; and they had any amount of wealth at their command to circulate 
hostile pamphlets and journals. They could, without difficulty, flood all 
France with the most atrocious calumnies, creating universal anxiety and 
fear and despair. To say that the freedom of the press is of so sacred a 
character, that the government had no right to check these outrages by forms 
of law, is simply to say that the government should have abandoned the 
attempt to rescue France from anarchy, and should have retired from the 
field vanquished. It does not follow, that, because an unbridled j^ress can in 
some lands better be tolerated than in those lands attempt the greater 
evil of a censorship, therefore this must be the case in all lands and under 
all circumstances. France, in the peculiar situation in which it was then 
placed, — just emerging from a sea of revolutions, with imbittered and desper- 
ate parties at home, and surrounded with monarchies in heart hostile at 
seeing the heir of the great emperor whom they had combined to destroy 
placed in power, — could not leave itself to be assailed by the calumnies of 
its foes at their pleasure. * 

Even in the United States, where the freedom of the press is as unchecked 
as anywhere else in the world, it was found necessary, during our civil war, to 
impose restrictions upon that press as stringent as any which the government 
in France had adopted. The great strife in all time has been that between 
power and liberty. We must have power, to secure the public safety; we 



I 



ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES. 481 

must have liberty, to secure individual progress. Just where to draw the 
dividing-line must ever be a difficult question to decide; and this line must 
vary in accordance with the varying vicissitudes of nations. A rigid censor- 
ship of the press was established in France, Avith the concurrence of the presi- 
dent, his ministers, the Council of State, the Senate, and the Legislative Corps. 
The people of France, — and they surely are the best judges of their own 
wants, — with great unanimity, gave their assent to this measure as essential 
to the safety of the nation. It was simply the adoption of the principle, that 
the press which forges falsehood against the government is guilty of as great 
a crime as when it libels an individual. It is perilous to trammel the press ; 
but there have been seasons in the life of most enlightened nations when it 
has been found needful to place over it a vigilant guard.* 

Early in February, the members of the Legislative Corps were chosen. The 
same unanimity was manifested on this occasion as at the previous elections. 
The government candidates were successful, almost without exception. The 
ceremony of the installation of the members took place at the Tuileries, in the 
saloon of the marshals, on the 29th of March. The grandeur of the event 
excited all Paris. It is said that two hundred thousand men thronged the 
Carrousel, the quay, the terrace on the bank of the river, the Place Louis XV. ; 
indeed, the whole space from the filysee to the Tuileries. There were 
present in the spacious saloon of the palace the elite of France and of Europe, 
the members of the diplomatic corps, of the Council of State, of the Senate, 
of the Legislative Corps, and other high functionaries. In the address of the 
president, he gave utterance to the following sentiments : — 

"Messieurs les Senateurs, Messieurs les Deputes, — The dictator- 
ship which the people had confided to me ceases to-day. Affairs will now 
resume their regular course. It is with real satisfaction that I here announce, 
that the constitution now goes into operation ; for it has been my constant 
desire, not only to re-establish order, but to render it durable by conferring 
upon Prance institutions appropriate to her wants. 

"But a few months ago, you remember, the more I endeavored to confine 
myself within the narrow limits of my privileges, the stronger was the attemj:)! 
to make those limits more narrow in order to deprive me of movement and 
action. Otten discouraged, — I confess it, -^ I had thought of abandoning a 
power thus disputed : that which restrained me was, that I could see nothing 
to succeed me but anarchy. Everywhere, indeed, passions were excited, eager 
to destroy, but powerless to lay the foundations of any thing. 

* "In the Emperor Napoleon's last letter to his son, written upon his dying-bed at St. Helena, 
he says, ' My son will be obliged to allow the liberty of the press. This is a necessity in the pres- 
ent day. In order to govern, it is not necessary to pursue a more or less perfect theory, but to 
build with the materials which are under one's hands ; to sul)mit to necessities, and profit by them. 
The liberty of the press ought to become, in the hands of the government, a powerful auxiliary in 
diffusing through all the most distant corners of the empire sound doctrines and good principles. 
To leave it to itself would be to fall asleep upon the brink of a danger. On the conclusion of a 
general peace, I would have instituted a directory of the press composed of the ablest men of the 
country ; and I would have diffused even to the most distant hamlet my ideas and miy inten- 
tions.' " — Abbott's Life of Napoleon I., vol. ii. p. 639. 
01 



482 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

" But when — tlianks to the co-operation of a few courageous men, thanks 
particularly to the energetic attitude of the army — all these perils were dis- 
sipated in a few hours, my first care was to demand of the people institutions* 
For a long time, society has resembled a pyramid which has been overturned, 
and which they have wished to make stand upon its apex. I have replaced it 
upon its base. Universal suffrage, the only source of right in such conjunc- 
tures, was immediately re-established ; authority regained its ascendency; in 
fine, France adopting the principal provisions of the constitution which I sub 
mitted to it, I was enabled to create political bodies whose influence and con- 
sideration will be great in proportion to the wisdom with which their functions 
are exercised. 

"Among jiolitical institutions, those only can have permanency which fix in 
an equitable manner the limits within which each power is to confine itself. 
There is no other way to arrive at a useful and beneficent application of 
liberty. Examples of this are not far from us. 

"Why, in 1814, has one seen with satisfaction, in spite of our reverses, the 
parliamentary re(7i«Z(3 inaugurated? It is because the emperor — let us not 
fear to avow it — had been, in consequence of the war, constrained to an 
exercise of power too absolute. 

" Why, on the contrary, in 1851, did France applaud at the fall of that same 
parliamentary regime? It was because the Chambers had abused the influence 
which had been given to them ; and, wishing to rule unrestrained, they 
compromised the general equilibrium. 

"In fine, why is not France agitated in view of the restrictions now imposed 
upon the liberty of the press and upon individual liberty? It is because the 
one had degenerated into license ; and that the other, instead of being the 
orderly exercise of the right of each one, had by odious excesses menaced 
the rights of all. 

"This extreme danger, for democracies particularly, of seeing institutions 
badly defined sacrificing, by turns, power or liberty, was perfectly appreciated 
by our fathers a half-century ago, when, emerging from revolutionary torment, 
and after the vain essay of every kind of regimes^ they proclaimed the consti- 
tution of the year 8, which has served for the model of that of 1852. 

" Undoubtedly, these do not sanction all the liberties, to the abuses even 
of which we were habituated; but they do sanction much that is real. The 
day after revolutions, the first of guaranties for a people does not consist in 
the free use of the tribune and of the press : it is in the right to choose the 
government which is suited to it. Now, the French nation has given, perhaps 
for the first time, to the world, the imposing spectacle of a great people 
voting, in entire freedom, its form of government. 

" Thus the chief of the State whom you have before you is truly the 
expression of the popular will. And before me what do I see? Two Cham- 
bers, — the one elected in virtue of the most liberal law which exists in the 



* "Les hommes sont trop impuissants pour assurer ravenir: les institutions seules fixent les 
destinees des nations " (" Man is too powerless to insure the future : institutions alone determine 
the destini'is of nations"). — Napoleon I. 



ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES. 483 

world ; the other appointed by me, it is true, but also independent, because 
it is irremovable. 

"Around me you observe men of patriotism, of recognized merit, always 
ready to support me with their counsels, and to enlighten me upon the wants 
of the country. 

" This constitution, which to-day is to be put in practice, is not, then, the 
work of a vain theory, or of despotism : it is the creation of experience and 
of reason. You will aid me, gentlemen, in consolidating it, in extending it, 
in improving it. 

"I shall make known to the Senate and to the Legislative Coips the state 
of the Republic. They will see that everywhere confidence has been re- 
established ; that everywhere industry has revived ; and that, for the first time 
after a great political change, the public fortune has increased, instead of 
diminished. 

"For four months, my government has been able to encourage many useful 
enterprises, to recompense many services, to alleviate many sorrows, to elevate 
even the position of the greater part of the principal functionaries ; and all 
without increasing the imposts, or deranging the provisions of the budget, 
which we are happy to present to you balanced. 

" Such facts, and the attitude of Europe, which has received with satisfac- 
tion the changes which have taken place, give us a just hope for security in 
the future ; for, if peace is guaranteed at home, it is equally so abroad. 
Foreign powers respect our independence ; and we have every motive for 
preserving with them the most amicable relations. So long as the honor of 
France shall not be imperilled, the duty of the government will be carefully 
to avoid every cause of perturbation in Europe, and to devote all our efforts 
to our own interior ameliorations, which can alone secure competence for the 
laboring-classes, and the prosperity of the country. 

" And now, gentlemen, at this moment in which you associate yourselves 
patriotically in my labors, I wish to tell you frankly what will be my conduct. 
In seeing me re-establish the institutions' and the souvenirs of the empire, 
it has often been said that I wish to re-establish the empire itself If such 
were my constant desire, that transformation would have been accomplished a 
long time ago. Neither the means nor the occasion were wanting to me. 

"Thus, in 1848, when six million suffrages elected me, in spite of the 
Constituent Assembly, I was not ignorant that the simple refusal to acquiesce 
in the constitution would give me the throne ; but an elevation which would 
necessarily introduce grave disorders could not seduce me. 

" On the loth of June, 1840, it had been equally easy for me to change the 
form of government. I did not wish to do it. 

"In fine, on the 2d of December, if personal considerations had outweighed 
the important interests of the country, I should then have demanded of the 
people, who would not have refused me, a pompous title. I am content with 
that which I have. 

" When, then, I take examples from the consulate and the empire, it is 
because t'lere especially I find them impressed with nationality and grandeur. 
Resolved to-day, as heretofore, to do every thiag for France, nothing for 



484 LIFE OF KAPOLEON III. 

myself, I shall not accept of any modification of the present state of things 
unless I am constrained to it by evident necessity. Wh.nce can that neces- 
sity arise? Only from the conduct of parties. If they submit, there will be 
no change : but if, by their senseless intrigues, they seek to sap the founda- 
tions of my government ; if^ in their blindness, they deny the legitimacy of 
the result of popular election ; if, in fine, they continue incessantly, by their 
attacks, to put in question the future of the country, — then, but only then, it 
will be reasonable to demand of the people, in the name of the repose of 
France, a new title, which shall fix irrevocably upon my head the power 
with which the people have invested me. 

"But let us not occupy ourselves in advance with difficulties which are but 
little probable. Let us preserve the Republic. It menaces no one. It can 
inspire all with confidence. Under its banner, I wish to inaugurate anew an 
era of obli\ion and of conciliation; and I call, without distinction, upon all 
those who. wish frankly to co-operate with me for the public good. 

" Providence, which, until the present moment, has so visibly blessed my 
efforts, will not leave its work unachieved ; it will animate us with all its own 
inspirations ; it will give us the wisdom and the force necessary to consolidate 
an order of things which will assure the happiness of our country and the 
repose of Europe." 

The Socialists and extreme Democrats, watched by the police, and unable 
to operate in France through their secret societies, or to scatter their publica- 
tions, or to harangue the multitude, established their headquarters in London 
and Brussels. They formed a "Revolutionary League" of their partisans 
from all nations, and sent their agents throughout Europe and America to 
gather funds. They wrote books, distributed pamphlets, made speeches, and 
with great energy, and often with very considerable ability, pushed their 
measures to overturn by revolution all the existing governments of Europe 
They were generally rash and impassioned men, of much physical vigor anc 
mental activity. In their gatherings, they had refugees from all countries. 
The evils of which they complained were many and very great. They were 
united to destroy, but not to build up. Some were Communists, some So- 
cialists, some Republicans, some Democrats, some Atheists, who would make 
war upon every existing institution. They were united only in the desire 
to overthrow the governments. Then would come the battle among them- 
selves as to the institutions which should rise upon the ruins.* 

* Joseph Mazzini, the ex-dictator of the Roman Republic, issued an address to the Comites 
Propagandists throughout the Continent. It was dated London, March, 1852. He writes, — 

" What ought to be to-day the word of order, the cry for the rallying of parties 1 The re- 
sponse is very simple. It is all in one word, ' action,' — action, — one, European, incessant, logical, 
bold, of all, everywhere. The talkers have lost France. They will lose Europe if a sacred 
re-action does not operate against them in the bosom of the party. By force of talking of the 
future, we have abandoned the present to the first-comer. By force of substituting each his 
little sect, his little system, his little organization of humanity, for the grand religion of democ- 
racy, for the common faiih, for the association of forces to conquer the earth, we have thrown 
disorganization into the ranks. The hour has come for speaking the truth, pure and clear, to 
our friends. They have done all the injury possible to the most noble of causes. I accuse the 



ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES. 485 

The government which had been estabhshed in France by nearly seven 
and a half million votes out of about eight million was truly the people's 
governi lent. It was their creation. They rallied around it with enthu- 
siasm. There was, probably, never a more truly popular government upon 
the globe. The action of the government was the action of the people; for 
its officers were the ministers of the people, executing their will. It was the 
voice of the people, of these seven and a half million voters, which said 
that these agitators should not be permitted to attempt to undermine and 
tumble into ruins institutions which had before been tried, which the people 
had now deliberately re-established, and upon which they believed that the 
best interests of France were dependent. Thus the Jacobinical spirit, in all 
its phases, was shorn of its power. 

The Count de Chambord, the heir of the Bourbon throne, renowned only 
through the romantic career of his unhajipy mother the Duchess de Berri, 
had now grown to manhood. His partisans were few ; but they were con- 
spicuous in rank, in influence with foreign courts, and were generally wealthy. 
It was the earnest desire of the president to rally around him men of what- 
ever party, who would accept the situation of affiiirs, and honestly co-operate 
wkh him in promoting the w^elfare of France. The Count de Chambord and 
his immediate advisers were apprehensive that this might be accomplished, 
and that the aristocratic members of the old Bourbon party might be tempted 
to lend their support to the republican principles upheld by Louis Napoleon. 
They therefore held a conference at the court of the count, in Wiesbaden, 
and issued a circular enjoining it upon the members of the Legitimist party 
not to take the oath of allegiance to the Republic, not to accept any office 
under it, and not in any way to lend it their countenance.* 

This circular, which contained many severe and false reflections upon the 
government, was not permitted to be distributed in France. It was published 
extensively .abroad; and its contents were, of course, generally well known.f 
Many, however, of the Legitimist party, disregarded its unpatriotic appeal, 
and not only accepted but solicited places in the Legislative Corps and other 
important official positions. Tliis party had comparatively few adherents in 
France; and the number was continually diminishing. Several of the north- 
ern courts manifested a kindly sympathy in its claims, but gave no indications 

Socialists, the chiefs particularly, of having falsified, mutilated, contracted, the grand thought, in 
imprisoning it in absolute systems ; which usurp at the same time the liberty of the individual, 
the sovereignty of the country, the continuity of progress, our law for all ; " and so on through 
a long document of recriminations. 

* In a letter from M. Fernand do la Ferronnays, one of the most intimate confidants of the 
Count de Chambord, and his private secretary, which letter was dated FrorhdorfF, 19th May, 
1852, in commenting upon the manifesto of the prince, who was styled by his partisans King 
Henry V., it is written, — 

" The principle of legitimacy, by its fixity, can alone restore to France the guaranties which 
it has lost. My lord demands, therefore, of his friends, that they should let alone the present 
govtrnment (delaissir le goitvfrnemcnt aciud), and aid him to prepare for that grand and power- 
ful u lion of the monarchical parties which can alone give us hopes for the future." 

T his letter is given in full by MM. Gallix and Guy, p. 531. 

t Le Manifest de Wiesbaden. 



486 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

of a disposition again to combine their armies to force the Bourb fus upon 
France. 

The Orleanlsts took a very different course, and one far more sagacious, if 
not more honorable, than that which was enforced upon the Legitimists. 
Orleanism was perhaps an improvement upon Bourbonism : it was certainly 
more modern, more in sympathy with the times. It rejected the doctrine of 
legitimacy, of divine right to the crown, and based its authority upon the 
votes of one or two hundred influential men. For fifteen years, all the 
ofiices of emolument and honor in France had been at its disposal. Thus 
its leaders were accustomed to power, and generally possessed large wealth. 
The revolution had driven most of them from their seats; and it is natural 
that they should have been anxious to regain their posts of honor and emolu- 
ment. They decided to reflect the colors and to speak the language of the 
Republic, — to accept the situation of affairs as a temporary reality. They 
would take the oath of allegiance, grasp all the important ofiices which they 
could obtain, and then watch their opportunity. The British Government 
was in cordial sympathy with Louis Philippe. He had purchased its fiivor 
by many acts of submission. Conscience-troubled, it feared that Waterloo 
might be avenged. England was flooded with rumors of the design of Louis 
Napoleon to land an army of five hundred thousand men upon her shores, 
and to enact in the streets of London the drama which British troops had 
performed in the streets of Paris. The alarm was great, and the whole popu- 
lation was gallantly rushing to arms. Thus the general feeling in the British 
court and through the nation was hostile to Louis Napoleon, and favorable to 
Louis Philippe. 

To a considerable degree, the same feeling existed in Belgium. The first 
wife of King Leopold was the lamented Princess Charlotte, only child of 
George IV. As a second wife, he had married one of the daughters of 
Louis Philippe. His sympathies could not but have been with the expelled 
dynasty.* The moral support thus afforded by the courts of England and 
Belgium was of much value to the Orleanists. They were sanguine in their 
hopes, that by gracefully yielding for a time to the Republic as a deplorable 
necessity, and by getting possession of all the ofiices in their jiower, they 
could gradually undermine the presidential chair, and replace the Orleans 
throne. 

There were several journals in Belgium which opened their batteries with 

* " As to King Leopold, he is son-in-law of Louis Philippe, brothcr-in-Iaw of the princes of 
Orleans. His tenderness for them is explained by the ties of relationship. Therefore, that he 
should receive in his chateau at Laken, with great cordiality, the Duke de Montpensicr and the 
Prince de Joinville, that he gives at Wiesbaden a rendezvous for the Duchess of Orleans, affords 
no occasion for reproach. Still more, that he admits to the court of Brussels Messrs. Creton, 
Changarnier, Lamoriciere, three persons well known for their intense hostility to Louis Napoleon ; 
that he affects to treat them with the most marked distinction, — may be regarded but as natural 
sympathy for the friends of his family: but to permit the Belgian pi'css to attack with impunity 
the government of the 2d December ; to leave it to hurl insult upon the brow of the elect of 
France, — there was in this undeniably that which could not be explained by the necessities of 
good-breeding, by the conventionalities of society. There was here an entire forget fulnes.s 
of the respect due to each other from the chiefs of nations." — MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 537. 



ADMINISTKATIVE MEASUEES. 487 

the greatest vigor upon Louis Napoleon. The property > if the Orleans 
family was still over twenty millions of dollars ; and there were so many of 
the wealthy and the powerful, all over Europe, personally interested in their 
restoration, that any needful amount of money could be raised to secure the 
advocacy of their claims. These Belgian journals, the "Independence," the 
"Observateur," the "Nation," and the "Bulletin Fran^ais," availed them- 
selves of all the Aveapons known in political warfare to concentrate the con- 
tempt of Europe upon the government of universal suffrage in France,* and 
especially upon th6 sovereign of popular choice. So successful were they for 
a time in their gross misrepresentations, that even the Democratic press of 
America joined in the hue and cry. 

Two of these journals, the "Independence" and the "Journal," were 
government organs, and wei-e recognized as such at that epoch by the 
Belgian cabinet. One of the journals, the "Bulletin Frantjais," was edited 
by two distinguished Orleanists from Paris. 

The English press was almost equally devoted to the interests of the 
Orleans family, and was engaged with equal ardor in a Waterloo campaign 
against the nephew of the emperor. These assaults were continued, month 
after month and year after year, with zeal which never abated. Seldom 
has a man been exposed to a warfare so deadly. There is something truly 
dreadful in the idea that one man, while placed in a situation so conspicuous 
that almost every word he utters and every action he performs are open to 
the world, should be exposed to the scrutir)y of enemies who can command 
millions of money, who have the sympathies of most of the courts and 
aristocracies of Europe, and who are stimulated, by every consideration of 
]iersonal interest, to strain every nerve of endeavor, and to resort to any 
measures, however unscrupulous, to ruin his character. These efforts were 
not in vain. The general impression long prevailed among the masses, at 
least in England and America, that the sovereign of France, chosen by seven 
and a half million voters, was one of the worst and the weakest of men.f 
Such was the ordeal through which Louis Napoleon was doomed to pass. 
Sublimely has he endured it; magnificently has he come off the victor. 

The vigilance of the government prevented these libels from being printed 
or circulated in France. The president and his ministers consecrated all 
their resources to the consolidation of the new institutions, and to the 
revival of all the arts of industry. 

It will be remembered that a decree had already been issued for the resto- 
ration of the eagles to the banners of France. The 10th of May was ap- 
pointed for this solemn ceremony, which was to take place on the Champ de 
Mars. The morning sun rose so brilliant, that thousands exclaimed, " It is 
the sun of Austerlitz ! " For several days, the inhabitants from the distant 

* "Princes, even during life, are a prey to the fury of libellers; and however great tnoir 
actions, and even their virtues, they come before the eyes of posterity only in the train of tyrants. 
It is a misfortune attached to sovcreiLni power, and no monarch can escape from it." — Napoleon 
I., Conversation with Rev. Mr. Jones at St. Helena. 

t If the reader is curious to witness a specimen of the spirit which animated these writers, 
let him turn to the pages of " The Invasion of the Crimea," by Alexander William Kinglake. 



488 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

departments had been flocking to Paris ; and many strangers were lured from 
foreign lands to witness the pageant, which was to be accompanied with all 
the concomitants of religious and military pomp. The vast city was thronged 
as it seldom had been thronged before. It was the writer's privilege to be 
present on that occasion. No language can describe the brilliance of the 
scene. 

Nearly sixty thousand soldiers, infantiy, artillery, cavalry, were drawn up 
upon that most magnificent parade-ground of the world. The polished 
cuirasses, helmets, bayonets, and other arms, reflected dazzlingly the rays of 
the sun. The roll of a thousand drums, the peal of cannon at regular inter- 
vals, and the flourish of trumpets filling the air with martial sounds, added 
an indescribable sublimity to the view spread before the eye. It is said that 
the Colosseum at Rome would accommodate eighty thousand spectators ; but 
this vast amphitheatre was surrounded with seats, ascending tier above tier, 
upon which it was estimated that three hundred thousand people were 
gathered. 

An altar resplendent with gold, and of magnificent proportions, was erected 
near the centre of the field. At half-past eleven o'clock, the Archbishop of 
Paris arrived, crowned with the mitre, and bearing a cross in his hand, accom- 
panied by the higher ecclesiastics, and preceded by nearly a thousand priests 
in white surplices. The archbishop ascended the altar : the clergy ranged 
themselves around it. 

At half-past twelve o'clock, salvos of artillery announced that the Prince 
President had left the Tuileries, and was approaching the field. He soon 
appeared, surrounded by a brilliant cortege of marshals, generals, and members 
of his military household. In his suite there were several Arab chiefs, who 
governed in Algeria in the name of France. Their picturesque and gorgeous 
costume attracted much attention. 

Louis Napoleon, in rapid review, galloped along the lines, greeted continu- 
ally with enthusiastic acclaim. He then dismounted at the foot of the steps 
of the throne, from which he was to distribute the eagle-surmounted flags. 
All eyes of that countless throng were riveted upon him as the ceremony 
continued. One after another, the chiefs of the corps ascended the platform, 
and received the flags destined for their troops. When the distribution was 
finished, the president pronounced the following discourse : — 

"Soldiers, — The history of peoples is, in great part, the history of armies. 
Upon their success or their reverse depends the fate of civilization and of 
the country. Defeated, it is invasion or anarchy ; victorious, it is glory or 
order. 

"Thus nations, as armies, regard with religious veneration those emblems 
of military honor which sum up in themselves all the past of conflicts and of 
triumphs. 

" The Roman eagle, adopted by the Einperor Napoleon at the commence- 
ment of this century, was the most striking signification of the regeneration 
and of the grandeur of France. It disappeared in our misfortunes. It ought 
to return when France, raised from her defeats, mistress of herself, will nc 
longer seem to repudiate her own glory. 



/^ 



ADMINISTEATIVE MEASUEES. 489 

" Soldiers, take again, then, these eagles, not as a menace against others, 
but as a symbol of our own independence ; as the souvenir of an heroic 
epoch; as the sign of the nobleness of each regiment. 

" Take again these eagles, which have so often conducted our fathers to 
victory ; and swear to die, if it be necessary, to defend them." 

Immediately upon the close of this address, strains of sacred music filled 
he air, of such sweetness, and in such volume, from the collected bands, as to 
« lectrify every hearer. The chiefs of the corps, holding the flags which they 
tad received, gathered around the altar; and the divine service commenced. 
High mass was solemnized with all the ceremonial splendor, both military and 
ecclesiastical, with which it was possible to invest it. The voice of cannon, 
rolling its echoes far and wide, proclaimed that the host was to be elevated. 
Bursts of melody from martial bands expressed the universal homage ; while 
simultaneously, and with the most admirable precision, sixty thousand men 
presented arms in military adoration of the consecrated wafer, which to the 
Roman Church is the emblem of the Saviour of the world. At the same 
moment, the three hundred thousand spectators who surrounded the amphi- 
theatre on the rising seats uncovered their heads, and reverently bowed. 

The mass was terminated: cannon-peals resounded anew. The archbishop 
then commenced the benediction of the eagles. In the brief discourse which 
he uttered, he said, — 

" Peace is the design of war: it is the end towards which human society 
advances, wlien it follows, in its regular course, principles of justice, and inspi- 
rations from on high. War is only legitimate when its endeavor is to 
conquer and secure a peace. Armies are, in the hands of God, powerful 
instruments for pacification and public order. Right has need of force to 
make itself respected ; but, in its turn, force has need of right, that it may 
move in the line of Providence. Peace is, then, always the end ; war some- 
times the means, — means terrible, but necessary, alas! in consequence of the 
passions which agitate the world." 

The troops now defiled from the field, the crowd dispersed, and the impos- 
ing pageant was ended. The rumor had been circulated throughout Europe, 
and had obtained general credence, that, upon the day of the restoration of 
the eagles to the army, it was the intention of the president to restore the 
empire. It was understood that such was the universal wish of the army, 
and the general wish of the French people. The idea was exceedingly 
repugnant to the small minoi-ity in France belonging to the monarchical ami 
the Jacobinical factions. It greatly weakened their hopes of being able, 
through another revolution, to press their claims. 

The Count de Chambord was at this time in Vienna. It is not easy to 
imagine the emotions with which he saw all France so eagerly tearing the 
Gallic cock, the emblem of Bourbon power, from the national banners, and 
replacing it by the eagle immortalized by the genius of Napoleon. It seemed 
like a direct and very important step towards the consolidation of the 
government of the 2d of December by imperial dignity and forms. 

The count had ff "iquent interviews with the sovereigns of the North, — of 
62 



490 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

Russia, Prussia, and Austria ; at least, such was the uncontra( icted state- 
ment of the journals. Interviews of that nature are usually more or less 
private ; and it is not always easy to ascertain what views are urged. It is 
said that the count pressed those courts with the very obvious and natural 
plea, that the re-establishment of the empire in France would be an audacious 
violation of the treaties of 1815; and that to permit the Frencr^ people to 
banish their legitimate king, and to confer the sovereignty upon one of their 
own choice, was an injury to the principle of legitimacy throughout Europe, 
and endangered every legitimate throne. The air was full of i-umors and of 
uenaces. No one knew what to believe. "The London Morning Post" 
of May, 1852, stated,— 

" The sovereigns of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, are willing to tolerate the 
temporary presidency of the nephew of Napoleon ; but they will not tolerate 
the transformation of that presidency into an empire, hereditary or for life." 

These views were reiterated by the journals all over Europe. So much was 
said, and with so much confidence, respecting what foreign kings would allow 
the French people to do in the regulation of their own internal affairs, that the 
"Moniteur," the organ of- the French Government, on the 30th of May gave 
the following dignified announcement, evidently from the mind, if not from the 
pen, of Louis Napoleon : — 

"Many foreign journals endeavor to accredit the rumor, that the powers of 
the North, in the anticipation of certain eventualities, would be ready to renew 
tlie coalition of 1815; and that they may have determined limits beyond which 
it will not be permitted to France to modify her government. The rumor is 
untrue. The eventuaUties which are the pretext for it are very improbable. 
Nothing indicates the necessity for any change whatever in our institutions. 
France enjoys perfect repose. The powers maintain with her the most 
friendly relations. They have never had pretension less than now to thrust 
themselves into our interior regime. They know that France, in case of need, 
will cause her own rights to be respected, as she respects those of other peo- 
ples ; but her rights are not menaced or contested. Let the vanquished 
factions count, as in the past, upon foreign intervention to cause their preten- 
sions to triumph against the national will. These ancient tactics will have no 
other result than to render them still more obnoxious to the country." 

As we have mentioned, there were all sorts of rumors. There were some 
journals in cordial sympathy with the French people. Even the govern- 
mental journals of Northern Europe not unfrequently contained articles very 
friendly in their tone. "The Journal" of Frankfort closed a very compli- 
mentary article upon the state of affairs in France with the following 
words : — 

" Neither France nor European society finds itself in a condition to be able 
to pass froni the energetic hands which have conquered the revolution and 
annihilated anarchy. The cabinets of the North are the first to recognize 
the grand services which Louis Napoleon has rendered to the order and the 
tranquillity of the world." 

Tiie session of the Legislative Corps closed on the 28th of June. In the 
president's farewell message, he said, — 



ADMINISTRATIVE MEASU'^ES. 491 

"In returning to your clepnrtments, be the faitliful echoes of the sentlmenta 
which reign Iiere. Say to your constituents, that at Paris, the heart of 
France, the revolutionary centre which diffuses in turn, over the world, light 
or conflagration, you have seen an immense people applying themselves 
to cause all traces of revolutions to disappear, and devoting themselves joy- 
fully to labor, feeling secure of the future. That people, which lately, in its 
deli.'iura, was impatient of all restraint, you have seen salute with acclama- 
tion the return of our eagles, — symbols of authority and of glory. 

"At that imposing spectacle, in which religion consecrated by her benedic- 
tions a grand national /i^^e, you have remarked the respectful attitude of the 
people. Yovi have seen that army so bold, wdiich has saved the country, 
elevate itself still higher in the esteem of men in bending the knee with 
reverence before the image of God, presented from the summit of the altar. 

"That signifies that there is in France a government animated by religious 
faith, and by love for the public good, which reposes upon the people the 
source of all power, upon the army the source of all force, upon religion 
the source of all justice." 

About the middle of July, the president went to Strasburg to celebrate 
the completion of the railroad to that place. His journey was a continuous 
ovation. The population, from wide regions around, flocked to the depots to 
catch a glimpse of their elected sovereign, whose renown was fist filling the 
world. At Nancy, sixty thousand strangers were gathered.* After passing 
the night there, the prince continued the next day to Strasbui-g, where he 
arrived at two o'clock in the afternoon. The whole city was on the alert to 
greet him. Banners floated from the windows. All the houses of the streets 
through which he passed were decorated with garlands of leaves and flowers. 
Complimentary devices everywhere met his eye; and flocks of golden eagles 
seemed to be just lighting, with wings still outspread, upon the trees and the 
house-tops. The air resounded with shouts of " Vive Napoloon ! Vive 
I'Empereur ! " 

In the centre of the magnificent station at Strasburg an altar had been 
erected, richly decorated, at the foot of which stood the Bishop of Strasbui-g, 
accompanied by his clergy, all in their appropriate clerical dresses. On eacli 
side of the vast space there was a double range of benches, upon which thou- 
sands of spectators were seated. The ladies all had bouquets in their hands. 
As the prince passed, one of the ladies tossed to him her bouquet. He picked 
it up, and saluted her with a smile. Immediately, as by a concerted signal, 
every bouquet fell at his feet. 

Following this j^leasing but extemporized incident, divine services were 
commenced. After the performance of mass, four locomotives advanced in 
front of the altar to receive the episcopal benediction. The Kings of Prussia 
and of Wurtemberg, and the Grand Dukes of Baden and of Ilesse, were 
represented by their commissioners upon this occasion. One of the pic- 
turesque accessories of this brilliant solemnity consisted of a cortege villa- 
ffeois, consisting of one thousand cavaliers and eight hundi :!d young girls, 

* MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 572. 



492 LIFE OF :NAP0LE0N III. 

all in the richest holiday costumes of their several corataunos. It took more 
than an horn- for them to pass by the prince, — the men on horseback, the girls 
in their rustic chariots. Each car bore a motto like the following : " To 
Louis Napoleon, Gratitude and Devotion." "Welcome to Alsace!" "Let 
Ilim Assure an Unchanging Future for France." " He Has Saved Us : We 
Will Not Forget It." 

The men, as they passed, uncovered their heads, and shouted, " Vive Na- 
poLiOn!" The girls rose in their carriages, repeated the same cry, and cast 
their bouquets at the feet of the prince.* 

Peculiar emotions must have agitated the bosom of Louis Napoleon as he 
witnessed this scene. Sixteen years before, in the year 1886, he had entered 
Strasburg in the dark and alone, an exile, forbidden, under penalty of death, 
to place his foot upon the soil of France. In the gloom of night, with a few 
trusty companions, he had groped his way through those streets, perilling his 
life in warfare against a government which excluded him from his native land. 
In the ban-acks of the Finkmatt he had been seized, and dragged to prison. 
A captive, he had been hurried to Paris, and without condemnation, or even 
trial, had been transported across the Atlantic. Now all France was render- 
ing him homage. Strasburg was greeting him with a triumph such as she 
had never before accorded to any of the kings of France. The imperial 
crown was virtually upon his brow ; for he knew, and all the world knew, that 
he had but to speak the word, and it was done. 

His return to Paris was signalized with the same marks of enthusiasm 
which had accompanied his journey to Strasburg. He entered tlie city on 
the 23d of July. The troops were all under arms to give him a welcome 
home. The 15th of August was the anniversary of the birth of Napoleon I. 
The occasion was celebrated with much splendor. On that day, the eagles, 
which had been previously restored to the army, were restored to the 
National Guard ; and a pardon was granted to twelve hundred persons, — of 
those generally who had been condemned for political causes. 

This anniversary was improved by the prince as an occasion to give a 
splendid ball to the market-women of Paris. The peculiarly democratic 
aspect of this measure provoked much comment. The Market of the Inno- 
cents was converted into an immense ball-room. Three hundred chandeliers 
supported thousands of candles. Several fountains were playing within the 
hall to cool the heated air of mid-summer. Two orchestras of more than 
two hundred musicians, under the ablest leadership Paris could aflbrd, 
executed quadrilles and gallops. The hall was so admirably arranged and 
ventilated, that very many thousand persons were able to move about and 
dance freely until five o'clock in the morning.f 

The Prince President intended and had promised to honor the file with 
his presence; but a sudden attack of sickness deprived him of the opportu- 
nity. He was, however, represented by the principal civil and military llmc- 

* MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 592. 

t MM. Gallix and Guy state that thirty thousand were present. The writer once attended 
an entertainment j^iven by the offieers of the army to the president, in the Ecole Militaire, the 
courtyard being o irarched for the purpose, when the number of guests was stated to be fifteen 
thousand. 



ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES. 493 

tionaries of the State. Upon this floor tlie most humble and the most 
illustrious met in true fraternity, in transient oblivion of all the ar.iiicial 
distinctions of life. 

The minister of the interior, M. de Persigny, danced with Madame 
Clement, a seller of vegetables. General Mngnan solicited the partnership 
of Madame Abetter, a fruit-merchant. M. Ruraieu, chief of division, danced 
with Madame Daniel, a dealer in butter. M. Pietri, prefect of police, led 
through the mazes of the cotillon Madame Glaise, a graceful and excellent 
woman, who supplied the market with mushrooms. M. Collet Meygret, 
secretary-general of the prefecture of police, danced with Mademoiselle 
Bessin, merchant of salt provisions. 

On the other hand, M. Lepage, first porter in the butter-market, danced 
with Madame the Countess of Persigny. M. Wair, first porter in the meat- 
auction room, had for a partner Madame Ducos, wife of the minister of 
marine. M. Arnault, porter in the butter-market, danced with Madame 
Drouyn de I'Huys, the wife of the minister for foreign aflfairs. M. Joly, 
porter in the vegetable-market, danced with Mademoiselle Magnan. 

The French, even those in humble life, are proverbially polite. It is scarcely 
necessary to say that there was not witnessed in that hall a single unrefined 
act, or a breach of true courtesy. There are those who will scorn such an 
act of brotherly recognition. Louis Napoleon is not one of them. 
■ In commenting upon this remarkable ball, Messrs. Gallix and Guy say, 
" This fete has been turned into ridicule, and condemned, by the spirit of 
party. ' What!' exclaim the grand lords of the regency and of legitimacy, 
' ministers and generals dance with merchants of fruits and vegetables ? This 
is to abase power and to degrade authority.' We do not share in this dis- 
dainful view of the case. In an aristocratic country, doubtless it might be 
so; but not in a country as thoroughly impressed with the spirit of democ- 
racy as is France. Moreover, is that an innovation ? Under the ancient 
monarchy, was not the Palace of Vei'sailles seen, at certain days, to open its 
folding-doors before the market-women ? Were not these wives of the peo- 
ple graciously admitted, under solemn circumstances, to present their com- 
pliments to the king? The present government has only followed the 
example given by the ancient governments." 

It now became necessary to elect members for the general councils of the 
arrondisseraents and the municipalities. The validity of the election required 
that one-fourth at least of the registered electors should vote, and a simple 
majority prevailed. The day of election came. Scarcely anybody voted. 
So little were the masses of the French people aware of the duties devolving 
upon the citizens of a free nation, that they did not deem it of any impor- 
tance to go to the polls. 

" We have given," said the rural electors, "full powers to Louis Napoleon. 
We have entire confidence in him. Let liim do what he wishes. It is not 
necessary for us to trouble ourselves about elections." 

A new election was appointed. The electors were urged to do their duty; 
and the offices of the councils-oeneral were filled. 




CHAPTER XXVIII. 

THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 

Prosperous State of France. — Desire for the Restoration of the Empire. — The Communes.— 
The ArrondiaSJments. — The Municipal Councils. — Tour to the Southern Departments. — 
Brilliant Eccc];tion. — Addresses. — Attempt at Assassination. — Courage of the Presi- 
dent. — Algeria. — Abd-cl-Kader. — Reception in Paris. — Restoration of the Empire. — Vote 
of the Senate. — Ratification by the People. — Address of the Emperor. — Great Unanimity. 
— The Results. 

HE first nine months of the reign of Louis Napoleon under the 
new constitution were brilliant in results. France could not 
but be grateful for the change wrought apparently by his 
sagacity and energy. In looking back upon the perils from 
wliich they had but just emerged, the French people recognized 
their profound obligations to him who had thwarted the sense- 
less projects of Socialism and Communism ; who had rescued their religion 
from assaults which threatened its overthrow; who had re-established the 
principle of authority, and had saved private property from the conflagration 
and chaos of wide-sweeping revolution. 

A few months had accomplished almost miraculous changes. "Wise decrees 
had infused new life into all the branches of public jirosperity. Agriculture, 
commerce, industry, were revived. Institutions of credit to encourage and 
assist the spirit of enterprise were established. Nearly two thousand miles 
of railroad had been chartered and commenced. Very many other public 
works of vast national importance had been undertaken. The completion of 
the Palace of the Louvre, the extension of the Rue de Rivoli, and the con- 
struction of central markets, were in process of execution. The price for 
labor had risen ; and there was work for all. These facts were open to every 
eye. No prejudice or malignity could deny them. 

But there were perils in the future. In ten years, the president would 
retire from office; and France would then be again exposed to the conflict of 
parties. For five hundred years the realm had been under monarchical forms, 
with but very transient exceptions. The masses of the people, unaccustomed 
to self-government, simple, confiding, were disposed, in accordance with their 
life-long habits, to leave the control of afiairs with the ruler whom they had 
chosen, and who was giving them almost unprecedented prosperity. The 
rural clergy, who had great influence over their flocks, stood in dread of the 
infidelity which was openly avowed by so many of the active partisans of 

494 



THE EE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 495 

revolution. The respect Avhich the president had manifested for their Chris- 
tian faith won their hearts. 

It is not surprising, that, under these circumstances, the thought of change 
should liave created general anxiety. The wish for the re-establishment of 
the empire, with its stable and permanent authority, very generally prevailed. 

There was a territorial division in France, called the commune, somewhat 
analogous to our towns. Over these, a body of men, chosen by universal 
suffrage, presided, called the Council-General. We alluded, at the close of 
the last chapter, to the election of this body. These councils, elected by the 
same voices which had chosen the president, were in perfect harmony with 
the government. They were convoked to meet in their several communes 
on the 21st of August. They all voted addresses to the government, expres- 
sive of their confidence in its administration, and of their earnest desire to 
co-operate in every way to promote its objects. Nearly all these addresses 
contained the expression of the wish that the rule of the president might 
be permanent. In many cases, they asked that this permanency might be 
secured by the re-establishment of the empire. Brief quotations from a few 
of these will exhibit the spirit of them all : — 

" The Council-General of the Rhone offers the homage of its gratitude, of 
its confidence, of its devotion, to the Prince President, who has saved France 
by an act of dictatorship patriotic and necessary, and who is to regenerate 
France by a power strong in the triple legitimacy of a glorious descent, of 
services rendered, and of a national accord whose unanimity is unexampled 
in history." 

From the Gironde they wrote, "The first of our needs, prince, is stability 
in the government. There is necessity for a to-morrow in the grand opera- 
tions of commerce, of industry, and of agriculture. It is only upon that con- 
dition that the country can reap the fruits of which your courage and your 
wisdom have sown the seeds. 

" To others than to us, prince, belongs the right to cause all instability to 
Cease; to confer definitively upon France the institutions which her genius 
and her customs require ; and to destroy also all cause for future trouble and 
agitation. But, if we cannot break over the barrier which the wisdom of the 
law imposes upon oiir deliberations, we may be permitted at least to associate 
ourselves with the wishes which are rising in all parts, and to hope that the 
initiative and the patriotism of the Senate will assure the accomplishment of 
those wishes." 

The Council-Qeneral of La Charente Inferieure wrote, "The inhabitants 
of La Charente Inferieure await with confidence the moment in which they 
may be permitted to concur in the realization of the thought which has dic- 
tated all its votes since the 10th of December, 1848, — the re-estahlishment of 
the French Empire^ 

"The Council of Creuse expresses the wish that a modification of the 
present institutions may render hereditary the power confided to Prince Louis 
Napoleon, and may thus give to that power the stability without wdiich there 
cannot be for France either security or a futui-e." 

"The Council of the Pyrenees Hautes expresses the Avish, that the Senate, 



496 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

Using the initiative which the constitution has intrusted to it, should propose 
that the peoj^le re-estabUsh the hereditary riglit of the imperial dynasty, in 
the direct descent, legitimate and adoptive, of Prince Louis Napoleon Bona- 
parte." 

It is said that all these councils-general, without exception, sent similar 
addresses. There was another territorial division, called arrondissenients, 
somewhat corresponding with our counties. Their internal affixirs were regu- 
lated by bodies called Councils of Arrondissement. These councils were 
soon after convoked, and almost without exception followed the example of 
the communes in expressing their desire for the re-establishment of the 
empire. We will present but two as samples of the rest : — 

The Council of Forcalquier: "The eternal problem of alliance between 
liberty and authority can have no solution but in the Napoleonic idea. The 
empire fell in 1815; but France wept over its loss. We, patriotic citizens, 
and in heart and conscience the representatives of the arrondissement, implore 
that the crown may become hereditary in the descendants of Louis Napoleon." 

The Council of Bagneres : " Considering that the condition essential to 
the prosperity of a country is the stability of its government; that the con- 
stitution of January does not fully satisfy that condition ; and that the ten 
years which it gives us are but a truce, during which the parties are preparing 
for new conflicts, always fital to the country; that the popular acclamations 
which have everywhere greeted the triumphal journey of the chief of the 
State are a decisive proof of the wishes of the people, — the Council expresses 
the desire that the Senate, using the initiative which Article 31 of the Consti- 
tution confers upon it, should propose to the French people the re-establish- 
ment of the empire, hereditary in the person of Prince Louis Napoleon." 

The municipal councils followed in the same track. I will give but thi-ee 
examples : — 

"The Council Municipal of the city of Metz, recently elected, representing 
the sentiments of its fellow-citizens, hastens, in commencing its labors, to 
express to the Prince President its profound gratitude for the courageous act 
of the 2d of December, which has saved social order. The re-establishment 
of public peace, and the revival of industry and of business, constrain the 
council to desire the permanency and stability of a power sanctioned by the 
suffrage of the nation, and so necessary to the repose and the prosperity of 
France." 

The Municipal Council of Alligny wrote, "Prince, you have not yet done 
enough. Recent elections have demonstrated that anarchy, suppressed for a 
moment, again audaciously raises its flag. The secret societies tie anew the 
threads which you have broken. Society is everywhere menaced anew. We 
pray you, consequently, to finish the work which you have so gloriously com- 
menced, well convinced that the supreme power which we wish to place in 
your hands will be for France a certain pledge of peace, of order, and of 
stability." 

The Municipal Council of Rouen wrote, " Mon seigneur, if we are able 
to-day to consecrate ourselves, in the enjoyment of peace, to the mission 
M'hich our fellow-citizens have intrusted to us; if we can see around us 



THE KE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 497 

calmness of the public mind, religion respected, the laws obeyed, cred.t multi- 
plying labor, families assured in their most sacred interests, — it is to you that 
we owe it all. 

" At this time, when the public welfare is so generally developed, but for 
you we should have seen society overthrown, and hostile parties in the midst 
of its ruins, engaged in desperate combats. Your genius and your courage 
have rescued the country from a trial which could not but have been a 
catastrophe. 

" Let the pact of social safety, formed half a century ago between the 
French people and your august uncle, continue with you. France, which 
owes so much already to the unity and the force of your government, waits for 
your wisdom again to advise, that the stability of supreme power may add 
the guaranty of the future to the stability of the present." * 

At this time, the president was preparing for a journey to the southern 
departments, that he might bring himself in contact with the people thei-e, 
and learn their wants. The municipal councils of the large towns which 
were upon his line of travel immediately voted large sums of money that 
they might give a magnificent reception to the " Elect of the People," as he 
was affectionately called. Learning of this, the president caused the follow- 
ing article to be inserted in the "Moniteur" on the 28th of August: — 

"Li all the cities in which the Prince President will probably sojourn 
during his journey to the south, the municipal councils have voted for his 
reception considerable sums of money. These are precious testimonials of 
sympathy. The president is deeply affected by them, and is happy to ex- 
press his gratitude ; but as the only object of the journey of the Chief of 
the State is to put himself in contact with the people of those districts 
which he has not yet been able to visit, to ascertain their interests, and to 
confer with them upon all feasible ameliorations, he will see, only with regret, 
fetes too sumptuous; and he will learn with satisfaction that a portion of the 
sums voted have been appropriated to the aid of the necessitous classes, and 
applied to works of beneficence." 

The prince left Paris on the 14th of September. "How can we," say 
Gnllix and Guy, " recount that journey, M'hich, undertaken for an object of 
public utility, was for hira the occasion of a triumph incessant and unheard 
of until that day? Why should we not state that which is true? jSTapoleon L 
himself, that glorious genius of whom France is so proud, was perhaps never 
the object of ovations so ardent and so spontaneous. It is because, without 
doubt, notwithstanding all the services rendered by that great man, notwith- 
standing the sad state to which the nation was reduced at the epoch of the 
18th Brumaire, France was not then menaced with a danger so great, so 

* " We will not here cite the innumerable petitions through which entire communes, imitating 
the cxam])le given by their local representatives, demanded explicitly the re-establishment of the 
empire. From all parts of the territory, addresses soliciting this change in the political state 
of France, and covered by thousands of signatures, flooded the Senate, which alone, in accord- 
ance with the constitution, could effect amendments of this nature. This petitioning, by its 
universality, recalled that which, in 1851, demanded in favor of Napoleon the revision of the 
constitution of 1848." — iV/ilf. Gallix et Guy, p. 594. 
63 



498 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

manifest, with anarchy so terrible, as the anarchy and the danger which 
she saw ready to burst upon her on the 2d of December if a powerful hand 
had not been found to save her."* 

We cannot follow the Prince President upon this tour. The reader would 
be fatigued with the continual repetition of brilliant fetes, of complimentary 
addresses, of enthusiastic greetings. The inhabitants of the country aban- 
doned their fields to crowd the cities through which the prince was to pass, — 
the heir of the great emperor, and who, in his own person, seemed to have 
conferred blessings upon France which eclipsed even those which she had 
received from the emperor himself Everywhere he was greeted with the 
cry, " Vive Napoleon III. !"" Vive la Sauveur de la France!" "Vive I'Em- 
fiereur!" The population rushed to see him from a distance of twenty, thirty, 
forty leagues around. From want of rooms in the hotels, they bivouacked 
in the streets. It was not only the peasant who abandoned his labor in 
the fields ; it was also the mechanic who left his workroom, and the mer- 
chant who left his shop. All classes seemed to be alike moved. "In all 
places," say Gallix and Guy, "from that immense crowd but one cry was 
uttered, as if the same heart beat in every breast, — 'The Empire!' 'An 
Emperor ! ' ' It is an Emperor that we need ! ' It was impossible for the 
country to ratify in a more emphatic manner the addresses of its local rep- 
resentatives." 

Louis Napoleon seems never to have taken any special care of his personal 
safety. He moved about at his ease, amidst all perils, as if conscious that he 
bore a charmed life. In those districts most infested with Socialism, and 
where the danger of assassination was not small, he presented himself alone 
and without any guard in the midst of the crowd. At Lyons, for example, 
there was an armed force between him and the immense throng which 
crowded the Place Bellecour. The prince made a sign for the soldiers to 
open their ranks; and the throng rushed in, only to lavish upon him the most 
touching testimonials of their devotion and respect. 

In reply to an address at Nevers from M. Charles Dupin, President of the 
Council-General, who reminded the prince of the unanimous wish of the 
council for the re-establishment of the empire, Louis Napoleon said, " In all 
that relates to the general interests, I shall ever endeavor to be in advance 
of public opinion; but I shall only follow that opinion in matters wliich 
seem to be personal, to myself." 

" On the 20th of September, the prince presided, in the city of Lyons, at 
the inauguration of an equestrian statue erected in honor of Napoleon I. 
Two hundred thousand spectators were present. The prince made the 
following address : — 

"Lyonese, — Your city is ever associated with I'emarkable incidents in the 
life of the emperor. You saluted him as consul when he went beyond the 
mountains to gather new laurels ; you saluted him as emperor, all-powerful ; 
and, after Europe had banished him to an island, you were again among the 
first to greet hira as e nperor. 

* Ilistoire complete de Napole'on III., p. 596. 



THE EE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIEE. 499 

" So, to-day, your city is the first to raise to him an equestrian statue. 
That fact is significant. We do not raise equestrian statues but to sovereigns 
who have reigned. Therefore the governments which have preceded me 
have always refused this homage to one whose legitimacy they were unwill- 
ing to admit. 

"And yet who could be more legitimate than the emperor, elected three 
times by the people, crowned by the chief of religion, recognized by all the 
Continental powers of Europe, who united themselves to him by pohtical ties 
and by the ties of blood ? 

"• The emperor was the mediator between two hostile ages. He destroyed 
the ancient regime by re-establishing every thing there was of good in that 
regime. He destroyed the spirit of revolution by causing all the benefits of 
revolution to triumph. And it is for this reason that those who have over- 
thrown him have much cause to deplore their triumph. As for those who 
have defended him — have I any occasion to recall how deeply they have 
mourned his fall ? 

" So soon as the people were free to choose, they turned their eyes towards 
the heir of Napoleon ; and for that reason, from Paris to Lyons, upon every 
point of my passage, the unanimous cry has risen, " Vive I'Empereur ! " But 
that cry is, in ray view, a souvenir which touches my heart, more than a hope 
which flatters my pride. 

" A faithful servant of the country, I shall ever have but one object ; and 
that is to reconstruct in this grand country, so upturned by many commotions 
and many Utopian schemes, a peace founded upon conciliation for men, upon 
the inflexibility of the principles of authority, of morals, of love for the labo- 
rious and sufiering classes, of national dignity. 

" We have scarcely emerged from that period of crises, in which, the 
notions of good and evil being confpunded, the best minds were bewildered. 
Prudence and patriotism require, that, under such circumstances, the nation 
should recover itself before fixing its destinies. And it is still diflScult for 
me to know under what name I shall be able to render the best services. 

" If the modest title of ^jresident could facilitate the mission which has been 
confided to me, and before which mission I have not recoiled, it is not I who 
would desire, from personal interest, to change that title for that of emperor. 

" Let us deposit then, upon this stone, our homage for a great man : it is at 
the same time to honor the glory of France and the generous gratitude of the 
people ; it is also to establish the fidelity of the Lyonese by immortal souvenirs." 

At Montpcllier, the working-men celebrated his visit by a ball at the Manege. 
As the prince entered the crowded hall, he was tumultuously gi-eeted, as usual, 
with shouts of "Vive Napoleon!" "Vive TEmpereur!" A few voices, how- 
ever, were heard, manifestly less friendly, shouting, " Vive I'Amnestie!" The 
prince, apparently paying no attention to this last cry, took his seat upon 
the platform placed to receive him, and soon took part in a quadrille. As he 
was afterwards leaving the hall, the shouts of "Vive I'Empereur !" were re- 
doubled ; but again there was heard the blending of a few of the apparently 
unfriendly cries. He stopped at the door, and made a sign that he wished t« 



500 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

speak. Instant, almost breathless silence reigned throighout the hall. In 
calm, unimpassioned tones, but with a voice so clear that every ear heard, he 
said, — 

" I hear cries which demand amnesty. Amnesty is in my heart still more 
than upon your lips. If you desire it, render yourselves worthy of it by 
your wisdom and your patriotism." 

A burst of enthusiastic acclaim from the crowd followed these words, which 
developed not only kindness of heart, but firmness of character. On the 26th 
of September, the president, at Marseilles, laid the corner-stone of a cathedral. 
His address was as follows : — 

" Gentlemen, — I am happy that this special occasion permits me to leave 
in this grand city a trace of my passage, and that the laying of the corner- 
stone of the cathedral will be associated with my presence among you. 
Everywhere indeed, Avhere I can, I exert myself to enforce and to propagate 
religious ideas, the most sublime of all, since they guide in prosperity and 
console in adversity. My government, I say it with pride, is perhaps the 
only one which has sustained religion for itself. It sustains it, not as a 
political instrument, not to please a party, but solely through conviction, and 
through love of the good Avhich it inspires, as of the truths which it teaches.* 

" Whenever you enter this temple to call for the protection of Heaven 
upon the heads of those who are dear to you, upon the enterprises which you 
have commenced, remember him who has laid the first stone of this edifice ; 
and be assured, that, identifying himself with the future of this great city, he 
enters by the thought into your prayers and your hopes." 

Perhaps the most important speech made upon this journey was that pro- 
nounced at Bordeaux. A banquet was given in his honor by the Chamber 
und the Tribunal of Commerce of that ci-ty. In the congratulatory address 
with which he was welcomed, the same wish was expressed, for the re-estab- 
lishment of the empire, which had accompanied him from province to prov- 
ince, and from city to city. The prince responded in the following words: — 

"Gentlemen, — The invitation of the Chamber and of the Tribunal of 
Commerce of Bordeaux, which I have gladly accepted, fui'nishes me with the 
occasion to thank your grand city for its welcome so cordial, for its hospitality 
so full of magnificence ; and I am veij happy also, towards the close of my 
journey, to communicate to you the impressions which it has left upon me. 

* " Napoleon, at St. Helena, the evening before he was to partake of the sacrament of the 
Lord's Supper, said with great solemnity to Count Montholon, — 

" ' In the midst of camps, I forgot religion. Upon the tlirone, surrounded by generals far 
from devout, — yes, I will not deny it, — I had too much regard for public opinion, and far too 
much timidity ; and perhaps I did not dare to say aloud, " I am a believer." I said, " Religion is a 
power, a political engine." But even then, if any one had questioned me directly, I should have 
said, " Yes, I am a Christian : " and, if it had been necessary to confess my faith at the price of 
martyrdom, I should have found all my firmness ; yes, I should have endured it rather than deny 
my religion. But, now that I am at St. Helena, why should I dissemble that whicli I believe 
at the bottom of my heart ? I desire the communion of the Lord's Supper, and to confess what 
I believe.' " — Abbott's Life of Napoleon, vol. ii. p. 611. 



THE KE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIEE. 501 

" The object of my journey was, as you know, to become acquainted, by 
personal observation, with our beautiful provinces of the south, and to search 
into their wants. It has, however, given rise to results flir more important. 

" Indeed, I say it with a frankness as far removed from pride as from a false 
modesty, that never has a people testified in a manner more direct, more 
spontaneous, more unanimous, the wish to relieve itself of solicitude respect- 
ing the future, by consolidating in the same hand a power with which it is in 
sympathy. It is because it now recognizes both the deceitful hopes with 
which it has been deluded and the dangers with which it has been menaced. 
It knew, that, in 1852, society was rushing to ruin, because each party consoled 
itself, in view of the general sliipwreck, with the hope of planting its flag 
upon the wreck which should continue to float. It afibrds me pleasure to 
have saved the ship by unfurling solely the banner of France. 

"Disabused of absurd theories, the people have acquired the conviction 
that pretended reformers were only dreamers; for there was always inconsis- 
tency, disj^roportion, between their means and the results promised. 

" To-day, France surrounds me with her sympathies, because I am not of 
the family of ideologists. To confer benefits upon the country, it is not ne- 
cessary to apply new systems, but to give, first of all, confidence in the present, 
security in the future. It is for this reason that France seems to wish for the 
return of the empire. 

"There is, nevertheless, a fear to which I ought to respond. Through a 
spirit of distrust, some persons say, 'The empire — it is war.' As for me, I 
say, ' The empire — it is peace.' 

" It is peace, for France desires it ; and, when France desires peace, the 
world is tranquil. "War is not waged for pleasure, but through necessity; 
and at these epochs of transition, in which everywhere, by the side of many 
elements of prosperity, there germinate many causes of death, one can say 
with truth, ' Woe to him, who, the first, shall give to Europe the signal of a 
collision the consequences of which will be incalculable ! ' 

" I admit, however, that I have, like the emperor, many conquests to make. 
I wish, like him, to conquer, by conciliation, the dissenting parties, and to bring 
together into the channel of one popular stream those various branches which 
are now lost without profit to any one. I wish to conquer by religion, by 
morals, by competence, that part of the population still so numerous, which, 
in a country of faith and of religion, scarcely knows the precepts of Christ ; 
which, in the bosom of a land the most fertile in the world, can scarcely 
obtain from its products the first necessaries of life. 

" We have immense uncultivated territories to clear up, routes to open, 
harbors to deepen, rivers to render navigable, canals to finish, our network of 
railroads to complete. We have, opposite Marseilles, a vast realm to assimi- 
late to France.* We have all our great ports of the west to bring nearer to 

* " ' In face of Marseilles, we have a vast realm to assimilate to France.' Such is the first 
inspiration of Kapolcon III. in respect to Algiers. By what means is this grand work of assimi- 
latior to be accomplished ? To this question I reply, By the acts emanating from the personal 
initia ive of the emperor, by stable institutions, by grand public works, by a government strong 
an d united." — JJ Algeria, devant I'Empereur, par le Dr. A. Warmer, p. 76. 



502 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

the American continent by the rapidity of the caumunicaticns which we «till 
want.* We have everywhere, in fine, ruins to rebuild, false gods to dethr.me, 
truths to make to triumph. 

" Thus do I comprehend the empire. Such are the conquests which I medi- 
tate; and you all who surround me, who desire, like me, the welfore of the 
country, — you are my soldiers." 

In the above address, allusion is made to Algiers. This semi-barbarous 
region on the northern coast of Africa, embracing a territory about as large as 
France, and with a roving population of about two millions, for many years 
had been the scourge of Christendom. Piratic fleets from the Algerine ports 
swept the Mediterranean, plundering, destroying, and extorting large ransom 
for the prisoners they captured. Napoleon I. had designed to relieve the 
world of this nest of pirates, to plant a French colony there, and to unite the 
Mediterranean and the Red Sea by means of a canal. But the warfare which 
combined Europe waged against him, by engrossing all his energies, prevented 
the execution of this plan. One day, at St. Helena, the conversation turned 
upon an expedition which the British had sent, under Lord Exmouth, to pun- 
ish these pirates. 

" I think," said Napoleon to Dr. O'Meara, " that the expedition will succeed, 
especially if the fleet takes and destroys as many of the Algerine ships as it 
can, and then anchors opposite the town, and does not allow a single ship or 
vessel, not eve^i a fishing-boat, to enter or go out. Continue that for a short 
time, and the dey will submit ; or else the populace will revolt and murder 
him, and afterwards agree to any terms you like : but no treaty will be kept 
by them. It is a disgrace to the powers of Europe to allow so many nests of 
robbers to exist. 

" At Amiens, I proposed to your government to unite with me, either to 
destroy entirely those nests of pirates, or at least to destroy their ships and 
fortresses, and make them cultivate the soil and abandon piracy ; but your 
ministers would not consent to it, owing to their mean jealousy of the Ameri- 
cans with whom the barbarians were at war." * 

Not long after the restoration of the Bourbon Government, Charles X., who 
was then reigning, decided upon an expedition to Algiers to compel the same 
respect to be paid to the French flag which was paid to the British flag. 
With causes in abundance for the war, the alleged cause was an insult received 
by their consul, whom the dey was said to have struck with a fan. The En- 
glish Government was much alarmed when it learned that the French Govern- 

* " It had long been a matter of reproach to the Christian powers, that the piratical States cf 
Barbary were still permitted, with impunity, to carry on their inhuman warfare against th« 
States of Europe; and that their prisons exhibited captives of every nation, who were detained 
in hopeless slavery, and exposed to the most shocking barbarities. In one instance, fifty oiit of 
three hundred prisoners died of harsh usage at Algiers on the very day of their arrival. Neither 
age nor sex was spared. One Neapolitan lady of rank was rescued by the British in the thir- 
teenth year of her captivity ; having been carried off with her eight children, six of whom had 
died in slavery. It was suspected that the British connived at these depredations, as their flag, 
being the only one which was respected, gained an advantage in navigating that inland sea." — 
Sir Archibald Alison, History of Europe, vol. v. p. 44. 



THE EE-ESTABLISHMENT OF TPIE EMPIRE. 503 

ment was fitting out an expedition for Africa; and anxiously inquired, through 
Loi'd Aberdeen, the object of the measure. Polignac answered with spirit, 
which intimated that he regarded the question as an impertinence. 

An expedition sailed from Toulon in June, 1830. It consisted of twenty- 
three frigates, seventy smaller vessels of war, three hundred and seventy- 
seven transports, and two hundred and thirty boats. The combatants num- 
bered thirty-seven thousand five hundred. A landing was effected, a terrible 
battle fought, and the city of Algiers captured. Algiers thus fell under French 
dominion ; and a colony, strongly supported by a military force, was estab- 
lished there. Still a very desperate warfare was continued for many years by 
the fierce natives in the interior, and the colony made but little progress. 

The Algerine expedition was the first of a scries of measures, under Charles 
X., which were intended to revive the military spirit of the French nation. 
The next movement was to be an advance of the French frontier to the 
Rhine. Chateaubriand avows in his Memoirs that this was the secret but 
well -matured plan of the cabinet, and that it would have been executed had 
he remained in office. 

Upon Louis Philippe's accession to the throne of France, he did all in 
his power to consolidate the French possessions in Algiers. Still he was 
engaged in almost constant and deadly warfare with the interior tribes, who 
were under the leadership of a renowned warrior, Abd-el-Kader. At last, this 
chief was reduced to such straits, that he was compelled to surrender to 
Generals Lamoriciere and Cavaignac, but upon conditions that he should be 
conveyed to Constantinople, Alexandria, or St. Jean d'Acre, and there set at 
liberty. The terms were agreed to, and were ratified by the son of Louis 
Philippe, the Duke d'Aumale, who was then governor-general of the province. 
For fifteen years, Abd-el-Kader had made warfare against France ; and his 
captors, fearing to set him at liberty, where he could at any time return to 
Algiers, took him, with dishonor which no language can too severely denounce, 
to Toulon, with his wives, his children, and his servants, and imprisoned him 
iu a castle in the interior of France. This was in 1847. 

The throne of Louis Philippe soon afterwards fell. The tumultuous re- 
public succeeded it, followed by the dictatorship of Cavaignac, which gave place 
to the presidency of Louis Napoleon, who found both of his hands tied by the 
constitution imposed upon him. Abd-el-Kader was for a time forgotten. 
Such a multitude of cares pressed upon Louis Napoleon immediately after the 
coup cfetat^ that many important measui-es were necessarily delayed ; but 
now he turned liis attention to the captive. In the following words, on the 
16th of October, the president announced in the Chateau d'Amboise to the 
distinguished prisoner that he was free: — 

" Abd-el-Kadee, — I come to announce to you that you are set at liberty. 
You will be conducted to Bursa, in the estates of the sultan, as soon as the 
necessary preparations can be made ; and you will receive there, from tho 
French Government, treatment worthy of your ancient rank. 

"For a long time, you are aware, your captivity has caused me sincere re- 
gret ; for it has incessantly reminded me that the government which preceded 



604 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

me had not kept its engagements with an unfortunate enemy : and nothing, 
in my eyes, is more humiliating to the government of a great nation than to 
be so unmindful of its strength as to fail to keep its promise. Generosity is 
always the best counsellor ; and I am convmced that your sojourn in Turkey 
will not be injurious to the tranquillity of our African possessions. 

" Your religion, as ours, teaches that we should submit to the decrees of 
Providence. Now, if France is mistress of Algiers, it is because God has 
wished it. The nation will never renounce that conquest. 

"You have been the enemy of France: but I do not the less recognize 
your courage, your character, your resignation under misfortune; and, for 
this reason, I consider it an honor to terminate your captivity, having full 
confidence in your parole." * 

At Marseilles a very desperate measure was planned, attiibuted to the 
Socialists, to assassinate the Prince President. An infernal machine was con- 
structed upon the pattern of the one made by Fieschi, but far more deadly. It 
consisted of more than a hundred musket-barrels i>laced in a room upon the 
ground-floor of a house, so as to sweep tlie street with certain death to all 
before it. These guns were all to be discharged simultaneously by a fuze, as 
soon as the president with his cortege was in front of them. The carnage, had 
the plan been accomplished, must have been dreadful, in the crowded streets 
of a city on a/eie-day. Fortunately, the attempt was discovered, by the vigi- 
lance of the police, on the day before the prince passed by that window. 

Louis Napoleon never seems to have been conscious of fear. He is never 
agitated ; he never turns from his path ; he knows full well that at any hour 
a sharpshooter from a distant window can pierce his heart; and quietly he 
leaves himself in the hands of that Providence which has thus far guided him, 
and which, he believes, will continue to guide him to his destined end. 

On the 15th of October, the Prince President returned to Paris from this 
triumphal journey. He entered the city about two o'clock in the afternoon. 
His ministers, the high dignitaries, the Archbishop of Paris and his clergy, 
the principal piiblic functionaries, and deputations from all the constituted 
bodies, met him at the station of the Orleans Railroad. There the prince, 
mounted on horseback, and accompanied by a brilliant cortege of generals 
and officers of his staff, passed through the Boulevards, and by the Place de la 
Concorde, to the Tuileries. He was preceded and followed by his military 
household, by the National Guard upon horseback, and by many regiments of 
the army. 

It was a magnificent tribute of welcome which Paris displayed that day. 
The accounts of the reception with which the president had been greeted in 
the provinces had been eagerly read ; and the metropolis did not wish to be 
eclipsed in its manifestations of enthusiasm for that sovereign of whom France 
was increasingly proud. Everywhere along the line the prince traversed, — 
at the corner of every street, before every theatre, — triumphal arches were 
erected. Private houses were decorated with garlands, flags, and transparen- 
cies ; all tl e places of business were closed ; and apparently the whole popu- 

* La Politique imperialc de I'Einpereur Napoleon III., pp. 161, 162. 



pi 



■f^- 



Vr^/i 







THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 505 

lation of Paris thronged the pavements, and crowded the windows. It was a 
serene and brilliant autumnal day. From the Bastille to the Madeleine, the 
soldiers of the regular army and the National Guard, with their rich uniforms 
and g'eaming arms, lined the avenue. 

All the corporations, trades, industries, were represented by deputations. 
Long processions from the suburbs, from twenty different departments, ap- 
peared, led by their mayors and their clergy. The old soldiers of the empire 
were honored with conspicuous positions as they came forward eager to honor 
the nephew of their great captain. Groups of young girls, robed in Avhite, pre- 
sented the prince baskets of flowers, and crowns of violets. It was estimated 
that two hundred thousand spectators thronged the Boulevards. As it were 
in explanation of this magnificent spectacle, the municipal council addressed 
the prince in the following words: — 

"Prince, the Municipal Council of Paris with eagerness salutes your re- 
turn. It congratulates itself with you for the triumph which has marked 
every step of this glorious journey. If the most noble enjoyment, after that 
of saving one's country, is to find that country grateful, what happiness must 
fill your heart! Everywhere you meet the acknowledgment of the service 
rendered, everywhere the plaudits and the acclamations of the people. Where 
civil discord had sown despair and death, you have carried consolation, hope, 
life. 

" Prince, France, a few months ago, surrendered to you the supreme right to 
form her laws. To-day, the voice of the people, after having consecrated the 2d 
of December, demands that the power which has been confided to you should 
be consolidated, and that its stability may be the guaranty -for the future. 

"The city of Paris is happy to associate itself with this wish; not in your 
interest, prince, and to add to your glory, — there is no greater glory than to 
have saved the country, — but in the interests of all, and in order that the 
mobility of institutions should leave hereafter to the spirit of disorder neither 
hope nor pretext. 

"You have anticipated France when it was necessary to rescue her from 
peril ; but now, when France, guided by her souvenirs, inspired by her love, 
opens to you a new path, follow it." 

The prince responded, — 

"I am the more happy, in view of the wishes which you express to me in 
the name of the city of Paris, since the acclamations which I receive here are 
the continuation of those of which I have been the object during my journey. 

"If France desires the emi)ire, it is because she thinks that that form of 
government better guarantees her grandeur and her future. As for me, under 
whatever title I may be permitted to serve her, I shall consecrate to that 
service all I have of force, all I have of devotion." 

The address of the council-communal of Paris was followed by twenty others 
from the difterent bodies and corporations represented on the occasion, all 
alike st liciting the restoration of the empire.* 

* Histoire complete de Napoleon III., par MM. Gallix et Guy, p. 640. 
64 



506 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"It became, then," say MM. Gallix and Guy, " every day more evident that 
Paris, all entire, associated itself heart and soul in the wish universally atH sj 
spontaneously uttered by the departments. Thus it was the totality of France 
which demanded the re-establishment of the empire." 

In accordance with this wish, expressed with such extraordinary unanimity, 
the president, by a decree dated the 19th of October, convoked the Senate to 
assemble on the 4th of November to decide upon the proposed modification in 
the constitution. At noon of that day, this august body met in its hall of 
session. The President of the Republic addressed the members in the follow- 
ing message : — 

"Messieurs les Sej^"ateues, — The nation loudly expresses its wish for 
the re-establishment of the empire. Confiding in your patriotism and intelli- 
gence, I have convoked you to deliberate legally upon this grave question, and 
to submit to you the care of regulating the new state of things. If you adopt 
it, you will think, undoubtedly, as do I, that the constitution of 1852 ought to 
be maintained ; and then the modifications recognized as indispensable will 
touch in nothing the fundamental bases. 

" The changes proposed bear chiefly upon the form ; and yet to take the 
imperial symbol is for France a matter of immense significance: indeed, in the 
re-establishment of the empire, the people find a guaranty for their interests, 
and a satisfaction for their just pride. The re-establishment guarantees their 
interests in assuring the future, in closing the era of revolutions, and in conse- 
crating again the conquests of '89 : it satisfies the just pride of the people, 
because establishing anew, with liberty and with mature reflection, that which 
entire Europe thirty-seven years ago had overthrown by force of arms in the 
midst of the disasters of the country. The people nobly avenge their reverses 
without making any victims, without menacing any independence, without 
troubling the peace of the world. 

"Nevertheless, I do not di&semble all that is formidable in accepting to-day, 
and in placing upon one's head, the crown of Napoleon ; but these apprehen- 
sions diminish at the thought, that, representing by so many titles the cause 
of the people and the national will, it will be the nation, which, in elevating 
me to the throne, crowns itself."* 

A decree of the Senate was prepared, and adopted on the 7th, with every 
vote but one in its fixvor. The decree consisted of eight articles. The first 
two were as follows : — 

" SEISTATUS CONSULT. 

" Article 1. — The imperial dignity is re-established. Louis Napoleon Bona- 
parte is emperor, under the name of Napoleon III. 

"Art. 2. — The imperial dignity is hereditary in the descendants, direct and 
legitimate, of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, from male to male, by order of primo- 
geniture, to the perpetual exclusion of women and their descendants." 

* La Politique imperiale do TEmpercur Napoleon III., p. 162. 



THE EE-ESTABLISHIMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 507 

The remaining articles, excepting the last, regulated the order of succession 
in the imperial household, and other questions of that nature. 

The eighth and last article declared, — 

"The following proposition shall be j^resented to the acceptance of the 
French people : — 

"The people wish for the re-establishment of the imperial dignity, in the 
person of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, to be hereditary in his direct descendants, 
legitimate or adoptive; and give to him the right to regulate the order of suc- 
cession to the throne in the Bonaparte family, as is provided for in the decree 
of the Senate of the 7th of November, 1852." 

Another decree convoked the people to meet at the polls, in their several 
districts, on the 21st and 22d of November, to decide, by the voice of univer- 
sal suffrage, whether they would adopt or reject the empire as thus re-estab- 
hshed. The vote was to be taken by simply depositing Yes or JVo in the 
ballot-box. At the same time, the president convoked a meeting of the 
Legislative Corps for the 25th of November, two days after the ballot, to 
take part in measures of such vast national moment, by counting the votes, 
and announcing the result. 

The Senate, having passed the above decrees, waited in a body, and in cos- 
tume, upon Louis Napoleon at St. Cloud, to announce the result. It was the 
7th of November. In response to the flattering address of the Senate, the 
president replied, — 

" I thank the Senate for the promptness with which it has responded to the 
wishes of the country in deliberating upon the re-establishment of the empire, 
and in enacting the decree of the Senate, which is to be submitted to the 
acceptance of the people. 

" When, forty-eight years ago, in this same palace, in this same hall, and 
under similar circumstances, the Senate came to offer the crown to the chief 
of my family, the emperor responded by these memorable words: — 

" ' My spirit will no longer be with my posterity when it shall cease to 
merit the love and confidence of the great nation.' 

" Now, to-day, that which most touches my heart is to think that the spirit 
of the emperor is with me, that his thought guides me, that his shade pro- 
tects me ; since, by a solemn measure, you come, in the name of the French 
peojjle, to prove to me that I have merited the confidence of the country. 
I have no need to tell you that my constant endeavor will be to work with 
you for the grandeur and the prosperity of France." 

These measures of the French people roused to the highest degree the 
wrath of the Socialist and extreme Democratic factions. The French refugees 
in London were divided into two hostile bands. Ledru Rollin led one, Louis 
Blanc the other. They both issued their manifestoes. Both alike denied 
that the m.'ijority of the people of France had any right to choose their own 
institutions if they should choose the empire. The first remonstrance from 
the Ledru Rollin party Avas entitled, "Manifesto of the Revolutionai-y Com- 
mittee of London." It was so bitter in spirit, so rude, coarse, and vulgar in 
its tone, and so unscrupulous in the epithets of abuse which it employed, that 



508 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

it would afford the reader no pleasure to have it transcribed to these pages. 
Its one, all-pervading cry Avas an appeal to the democracy of Europe to rise 
with arms in their hands, and overturn eveiy existing government for the 
establishment of a universal republic. 

The remonstrance from the Louis Blanc party was entitled, "Manifesto of 
the Society of the Revolution to the People." It was equally violent, passion- 
ate, and vituperative. A third remonstrance, which also breathed threaten- 
ings and slaughter, and which vied with the other two in that species of 
eloquence in which they both excelled, was headed, "Manifesto of the Pro- 
scribed Democratic Socialists of France resident at Jersey." Victor Hugo was 
the first signer of this document, and it came apparently from his pen. 

The fourth remonstrance was from Count de Charabord. It was a dignified 
document, moderate in its tone, and though decided, yet gentlemanly in all 
its utterances. A few extracts will show its spirit : — 

"I am not sure," he wrote, "that I shall ever be permitted to return to my 
country; but I am very sure that my country will never have cause to 
reproach me with a word or an act which can cause the least injury to her 
prosperity or her repose. 

" Frenchmen, you desire a monarchy. You have recognized that a mon- 
archy alone can confer upon you, with a regular and stable government, that 
security of all rights, that guaranty of all interests, and that permanent accord 
of firm authority and of a wise liberty, which establish and assure the hnpjji- 
ness of nations. The true monarchy, the traditional monarchy, supported by 
hereditary right and consecrated by time, can alone put you in possession of 
these inestimable advantages, and enable you ever to enjoy them. The genius 
and the glory of Napoleon have not been able to found any thing stable. 
His name and his memory will still less be able to accomplish that end. 

" We cannot re-establish security in disturbing the principle upon which 
the throne reposes ; and one cannot consolidate all rights in disregarding that 
which is with us the necessary base of monarchic order. The monarchy in 
France is the royal house of France, indissolubly united to the nation. My 
fathers and yours have traversed the centuries, working in concert, according 
to the customs and the needs of the times, for the development of our beauti- 
ful country. During fourteen hundred years, alone among all the peoples of 
Europe, the French have always had at their head princes of their nation and 
of their blood. The history of my ancestors is the history of the progressive 
grandeur of France. 

"Whatever may be, for you or for me, the designs of God, I, the remaining 
shief of the ancient race of your kings, the heir of that long succession of 
monarchs, who, during so many centuries, have incessantly aggrandized and 
caused to be respected the power and the fortune of France, — I owe it to my 
family, to my country, to protest loudly against combinations deceitful, and 
full of danger. I maintain my i-ight, which is the surest guaranty of yours; 
and, calUng God to witness, I declare to France and to the world, that, faitli- 
ful to the laws of the realm and to the traditions of my ancestors, I shall 
preserve religiously, and to my last breath, the dejyot of the hereditary mon- 
archy, of which God has constituted me the guard, and which is'the only port 



THE EE-ESTABLISnMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 509 

of safety, where, after so many storms, this France, the object of our fove, 
can find at last repose and happiness."* 

There was in France, besides the old nobility, who, generation after genera- 
tion, had been educated in these views of legitimacy and divine right, a small 
class of highly-educated and influential men and women of imaginative 
temperament, like Chateaubriand and Madame Recamier, with whom life was 
but a poem, who, with enthusiasm, embraced tliese sentiments. Even in re- 
publican America there will be found not a few hearts which will vibrate some- 
what in sympathy with the appeal from the heir of the ancient kings. This 
senthnent was one of the elements against which Louis Napoleon had to 
contend in establishing the Republican Empire. 

The Count de Paris, as representative of the Orleans claim, had the good 
sense not to issue any manifesto. It would be difficult to imagine any princi- 
ple which could be brought forward in advocacy of the Orleans throne. It 
surely could claim neither legitimacy nor popular suffrage. A few gentlemen 
had reared it in Paris ; and the nation had fought against it for fifteen years, 
until they battered it down. 

At last, the day for the election arrived. It was the third time within four 
years that tlie name of Louis Napoleon had been presented for the suffi-ages 
of the French nation. One of the most fearful storms of wind and rain was 
raging which ever swept the territory of France : still the enthusiasm was so 
great, that the polls were thronged. The pride of France was roused to re- 
establish the empire of Napoleon, of which they had been robbed by the 
combined dynasties of Europe. The Legitimists, the Orleanists, the Republi- 
cans, the various bands of Socialists, were busy in opposition ; but they con- 
stituted a very small portion of the roused nation. The result was as 
follows : — 

The affirmative votes were 7,864,180 

The negative 253,145 

The irregular 63,326 

It has been said that the vote was fraudulent. There is no satisfactory 
ground for such an accusation. The events which preceded, and those which 
followed, the election, prove incontestably that never before did a nation, with 
such unanimity, choose its sovereign. 

On the 1st of December, the Legislative Corps, having counted and 

* Lest it should be thought that I have not justly spoken of the documents issued by the 
Revolutionary Committee, I will, though with reluctance, quote a few sentences : — 

" Democracy must impose upon herself a few months of patience and endurance before she 
sti ikes the brigand who disgraces our country. As soon as you learn that the infamous Louis 
Napoleon has received his just chastisement, whatever may be the day or the hour, rush to your 
rendezvous, and march together upon the cantons, the arrondissements, and the prefectures, that 
you may surround with a circle of steel and lead all those wretches, who, in taking the oath, 
have rendered themselves accomplices in the crimes of their master. Purge France of all the 
brigands. Let not your heart or your arm fail you. In punishing the perverse, the people be- 
come the ministers of the justice of God. Louis Napoleon is outlawed. Louis Napoleon is 
out of the pale of humanity (hors I'humanite). During the ten months that malefactor has 
reigned," &c. — Manifeste du Comile Re'voluiionnaire de Londres. 



510 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

ratified the votes, repaired in a body to the P.ahace of St. Cloud, officially 
to report the result. All the members of the Senate, and councillors of 
State, accompanied them. The ceremony took place in the grand gallery of 
Apollo. A throne had been erected upon a platform, at the extremity of the 
hall. The emperor elect, accompanied by Prince Jerome, brother of Na- 
poleon I., upon the right, and Prince Napoleon Bonaparte, son of Jerome, 
upon the left, entered the brilliantly-lighted hall at nine o'clock in the even- 
ing, and took his stand befoi'e the throne. To the addresses then made to 
him by the highest dignitaries of the realm, in presenting to him the crown, 
the prince responded, — 

" Gentlemeis", — The new reign which you inaugurate to-day has not for 
its origin, like many others in history, violence, conquest, or stratagem. It is, 
as you have said, the legal result of the will of the entire people, who con- 
solidate in the midst of tranquillity that which it had founded in the midst 
of agitations. 

" But the more power gains in extent and in vital force, the more it has 
need of men enlightened as those who surround me each day, of men in- 
dependent as those whom I address, to aid me with their counsels to bring 
back my authority within just limits, if it can ever pass them. 

" I take to-day, with the crown, the name of Napoleon III., because the 
logic of the people has already given it to me in their acclamations, because 
the Senate has proposed it legally, and because the entire nation has ratified 
it. 

" Is this, however, to say, that, in accepting the title, I fall into the error 
with which that prince is reproached, who, returning from exile, declared as 
null, and as not having happened, every thing which had taken place during 
his absence ? Far from me a similar delusion ! Not only do I recognize the 
governments which have preceded me, but I inherit, in a measure, the good or 
the evil which they have done ; for governments which succeed each other, 
notwithstanding their diflTerent origins, are responsible for their predecessors. 

"But the more I accept all that, which, for fifty years, history has trans- 
mitted to us with its inflexible authority, the less will it be permitted me to 
pass in silence the glorious reign of the chief of my family, and the regular 
title, though ephemeral, of his son, whom the Chambers proclaimed in the last 
outburst of vanquished patriotism. 

" Thus, then, the title of Napoleon III. is not one of those dynastic and 
obsolete pretensions which seem an insult to good sense and to truth : it is 
Ihe homage rendered to a government which was legitimate, and to which 
we owe the best pages of our modern history. My reign does not date from 
1815: it dates from the moment in which you make known to me the 
suffrages of the nation.* 

* " Some regretted, it is true, to see Louis Napoleon take the title of Napoleon III. ; but 
that rejrret disappears upon a moment's reflection. We must not suppress facts. Had not 
France before the present chief of the government, two sovereigns of the name of Napo- 
leon 1 There was Napoleon I., and after his abdication, after the battle of Waterloo, his 
son, whom the two Chambers proclaimed under the name of Napoleon II. But it is said 



THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE. 511 

"Receive then my tlinnks, gentlemen-deputies, for the cdat which you 
have given to the manifestation of the national will, in rendering it more 
evident by your control, more imposing by your declaration. I thank you 
also, gentlemen-senators, for having desired to be the first to address to me 
your felicitations, as you have been the first to give expression to {formuler) 
the popular will. 

" Aid rae, all, to establish upon this land, agitated by so many revolutions, 
a stable government, which shall have for its basis religion, justice, honesty, 
and love for the suffering classes. Receive here the oath, that nothing shall 
I count too dear to assure the prosperity of the country ; and that, in main- 
taining peace, I shall yield nothing which can affect the honor or the dignity 
of France." 

The next day, the 2d of December, all Paris seemed to be flocking towards 
the Champs Elysees. The emperor left the Palace of St. Cloud at noon. 
lie was on horseback, in the uniform of a lieutenant-general, and decorated 
with the grand cordon of the Legion of Honor. He rode alone at a little 
distance in advance of his cortege. The magnificent avenue, from the Porte 
Maillot to the Place de la Concorde, was lined on each side with the regular 
troops and the National Guard. One incessant shout of acclamations accom- 
panied him all the way to the Palace of the Tuileries. Those who witnessed 
that spectacle of the outburst of a nation's enthusiasm can never forget it. 
Paris seemed delirious with joy. In the evening, the whole city blazed with 
illuminations. The people of France had re-established the empire. 

In 1848, Louis Napoleon had been chosen president by nearly five and a 
half million votes; in 1851, the nation ratified the coiq) cVetat by nearly 
seven and a half million sufii-ages, and conferred upon him the presidency for 
an additional term of ten years; and again, in 1852, the empire was re-estab- 
lished, and the imperial crown was placed upon the brow of Louis Napoleon, 
by nearly eight millions of votes. Fifteen years have since passed away, — 
fifteen years of internal peace and unprecedented prosperity, — and France 
has never before occupied so proud a position as she now fills among the 
nations of the earth ; and it is not too much to say that there is not another 
country upon the globe, where, during the last fifteen years, there has been 
more of peace, of contentment, of general prosperity, of security of property, 
of all social rights, and of life. 

the King of Rome did not reign in fact. No matter : he reigned in right until the return from 
Ghent. Louis XVII. did not reign in fact : nevertheless, the Count do Lille, in assuming the 
crown, called himself Louis XVIII. It is then evident that Louis Napoleon, in taking place 
after his unfortunate cousin, obeyed history, and submitted to the empire of facts ; and entire 
Europe, within the space of three months, recognized the legitimacy of his new title, — Europe 
without exception, from the Emperor of Russia to the Vicar of Christ ; from England, who 
refused to recognize Napoleon I., to the Bourbon of Naples, relative of the Count de Chambord.' 
— MM. Gallix et Guij, p. 644. 




CHAPTER XXIX. 



THE MARRIAGE OF THE EMPEROR, AND THE CARES OF EMPIRE. 

The Countess de Teba. — Her Birth, Education, and Character. — Announcement of the Impe 
rial Marriage. — The Imposing Ceremonies. — Prosperity of France. — Alarm in England — 
Counsel of Napoleon I. — Scenes at St. Helena. — Spirit of Napoleon III. — Speech at the 
Opening of the Legislative Session. — Deputation of English Tradesmen. — Causes of the 
Em])eror's Popularity. — Confidence of the People in him. — Inundations. — Internal Improve- 
ments. — The Famine. — Addresses to the Legislature. — Fete at Boulogne. 

N" the city of Malaga, in Southern Spain, there was, half a cen- 
tury ago, in one of its streets called St. Juan de Dios, a stately 
mansion, which was the favorite resort of all the most refined 
and intellectual society of the city. Mr, Kirkpatrick, a Scotch 
gentleman, opulent, and engaged in extensive trade, occupied 
the mansion. It is said that he was at that time British consul 
at the port of Malaga. He had married a Spanish lady of position and accom- 
plishments, — Signora Francisca Gravisne. Three daughters of remarkable 
beauty and attractions — Maria, Carlotta, and Henriqueta — were the orna- 
ments of their household.* 

As all strangers of distinction were welcomed at their hospitable board, 
and as the best native society of Malaga met in their drawing-rooms, the young 
ladies enjoyed every advantage from the combined influence of English intelli- 
gence and Spanish grace ; and the family, in its social attractions, stood at the 
head of society in Malaga. Of the three daughters, — Maria, Carlotta, and 
Henriqueta, — the eldest, Maria, was described as a brunette develo[)ing the 
richest style of Spanish beauty. She was tall, of exquisitely moulded form, 
with piercing black eyes, and very animated features. 

Carlotta, the second daughter, blended more of the Saxon element in her 
frame. She was a blonde, with light hair, and a very pure, fair complexion ; 
and the connoisseurs in beauty disputed as to which of the two sisters had the 
highest claims to personal loveliness. The renown of the family was such, 
that it was considered a great distinction to obtain an introduction to their 
salon. 

A Spanish gentleman of noble birth, large fortune, and much celebrity for 
his military achievements, — Cipriano Palafox, Count de Teba, — married 

* For most of the incidents in reference to the family of Mr. Kirkpatrick, I am indebted to a 
>olume, not reliable upon other points, entitled " Napoleon III. and his Court. By a Retired 
Diplomatist. London : John Maxwell & Co." 
512 



MARRIAGE OF THE EMPEROR. 513 

Maria. Like many others of the most noble men in Spain, weary of the misera- 
ble government of the Spanish Bourbons, he had welcomed the efforts of Napo- 
leon to rescue the Peninsula from the tyranny of the old regime^ and to infuse 
into the government the principles of popular liberty to which the French 
Revolution had given birth. He had consequently fought in co-operation with 
the French army; and he bore many wounds in attestation of his zeal and 
bravery. 

The marriage of Cipriano Palafox, Count de Teba, to Maria Kirkpatrick, 
took place in 1819. Maria accompanied her husband to Madrid, where she 
was presented at court. Her beauty and her brilliant mental endowments 
rendered her a great favorite with the queen, Maria Christina ; and she was 
soon appointed to the most distinguished female office in the court, — that of 
first lady of honor. 

Carlotta, soon after this, married her cousin, an Englishman, the son of John 
Kirkpatrick, her fither's brother. John Kirkpatrick was paymaster, under the 
Duke of Wellington, until the downfall of Napoleon. He afterwards became 
a banker in Paris. The third daughter, Henriqueta, married a wealthy sugar- 
jDlanter, Count Cabarras, the proprietor of a fine plantation near Velez Malaga. 

Cipriano Palafox, in addition to his title of Count de Teba, inherited the 
title and fortune of his elder brothei'. Count Montijo, who died as captain- 
general of Andalusia. Maria enjoyed but a few years of married life. Cipri- 
ano soon died, leaving her eyiceinte. On the 5th of May, 182G,* or, according 
to some authorities, in 1824, she gave birth to a daughter, to whom she gave 
the name of Eugenie. The child was very beautiful and very attractive. As 
her mother was in the possession of a large fortune, and was a conspicuous 
member of the Spanish court, which was celebrated for its splendor and its 
punctilios of etiquette, Eugenie enjoyed every advantage which any one could 
possess for polished culture : from infancy, she was trained in the observance 
of all courtly forms. 

Blending in her person the blood of the English and the Spanish races, she 
is said to blend in her character the best qualities of both nations. Her excel- 
lent mother secured for her a finished education. As she matured, she devel- 
oped extraordinary loveliness of person, brightness of intellect, and all those 
social charms which can captivate the heart. Speaking Englis^h, Spanish, and 
French with equal fluency, the distinguished of all countries gathered around 
her, and were alike fascinated with her beauty, her amiability, and her spar- 
kling intelligence. " Her beauty was delicate and fair, from her English ances- 
try ; whilst her grace was all Spanish, and her wit all French." t 

It will be remembered that one of Eugenie's aunts had married a cousin, an 
English gentleman, who subsequently became a banker in Paris. Soon after the 
accession of Louis Napoleon to power, Eugenie, Avith the title of Countess do 
Teba, accompanying her mother the Countess de Montijo, visited the French 
metropolis. 

Instantly, the young Spanish beauty attracted attention and admiration. 

* " L'lmperatrice Eugenie Marie de Guzman, Comtesse de Teba, ne'e le 5 mai, 1826." — Mauud 
du Voyageur, par K. Baedeker. 

t Italy and the War of 1859, by Julie de Marguerittes, p. 99. 
63 



514 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

She was introduced to the court, and at once was recognized as one of its 
most conspicuous ornaments. She had been religiously educated, scrupulously 
conforming her conduct to the doctrines and the rites of the Catliolic Church, 
in whose communion she had been born, and in whose tenets she had been 
thoroughly instructed. Her character had ever been that of an earnest and 
devout Christian. " There is not one well-authenticated adventure which can 
be told to her disadvantage." * 

The emperor met her, admired her, and, as he cultivated her acquaintance, 
found her religious sentiments and her whole character in harmony with his 
own. On the 22d of January, 1853, the emperor, in the following communica- 
tion to the Senate, announced that the Countess de Teba was to share with 
him the throne. 

"Gentlemen, — I yield myself to the wish so often manifested by the 
country in announcing to you my marriage. The union which I contract is 
not in accord with the traditions of the ancient policy. In that is its 
advantage. 

" France, by her successive revolutions, is always rudely separated from the 
rest of Europe. Every sensible government should seek to re-introduce her 
to the bosom of the old monarchies ; but this result will be much more surely 
attained by a policy just and frank, and by loyalty of transactions, than by 
royal alliances, which create folse security, and often substitute the interest of 
families for the national interest. Moreover, the examples of the past have 
left upon the minds of the people superstitious impressions. They have not 
forgotten, that, for seventy years, foreign princesses have ascended the steps 
of the throne only to see their race dispersed and proscribed by war or by 
revolution. One woman only has seemed to bring happiness to France, and 
to live, more than others, in the memory of the people ; and that woman, the 
modest and excellent wife of General Bonaparte, was not of royal blood. 

" We must, however, admit that the marriage, in 1810, of Napoleon I. with 
Maria Louisa, was a grand event. It was a pledge for the future, a true satis- 
faction to the national pride, since the ancient and illustrious house of 
Austria, with which we had so long waged war, was seen to solicit an alliance 
with the elected chief of a new empire. Under the last reign, on the con- 
trary, did not the self-love of the country suffer, when the heir of the crown 
solicited in vain, during many years, the alliance of a royal house, and ob- 
tained, at last, a princess, accomplished, undoubtedly, but only in the second- 
ary ranks, and of another religiuii.t 

* Julie de Marguerittes, p. 99. 

t This is an allusion to the eiforts Louis Philippe made to secure a royal alliance for his son, 
the Duke of Orleans. All the old monarchies in Europe contemptuously rejected the applica- 
tion of the Citizen King. 

" The times were far distant," says Alison, " when the hand of the heir-apparent of France 
was an ohjcct of ambition to all the crowned heads of Europe. It was deemed a fortunate 
move when the son of the Citizen King obtained the daughter of a third-rate German prince. 
The vision of a Prussian or an Austrian princess — the daughter of the Archduke Charles, 
or of the joyal house of Brandenburg — had melted into thin air ; and the young prince, with 



MAREIAGE OF THE EMPEEOK. 515 

" Wlien, in the face of ancient Europe, one is borne by the force of a new 
principle to the height of the ancient dynasties, it is not in endeavoring to 
give antiquity to his heraldry, and in seeking to introduce himself, at what- 
ever cost, into the family of kings, that one can make himself accepted. It is 
much more in ever remembering his origin, in maintaining his appropriate 
character, and in taking frankly, in the face of Europe, the position of a new- 
comer (parvenu), — a glorious title when one attains it by the free suffrages 
of a great people. 

" Thus obliged to turn aside from the precedents followed until this day, 
my marriage becomes but a private affair. There remains only the choice of 
the person. The one who has become the object of my preference is of 
elevated birth. French in heart by education and by the recollection of the 
blood shed by her father in the cause of the empire, she has, as a Spaniard, 
the advantage of not having in France a family to whom it might be neces- 
sary to give honors and dignities. Endowed with all qualities of mind, 
she will be the ornament of the throne, as, in the day of danger, she will 
become one of its most courageous supports. Catholic and pious, she will 
address the^ame prayers to Heaven with me for the happiness of France.* 
By her grace and her goodness, she will, I firmly hope, endeavor to revive, 
in the same position, the virtues of the Empress Josephine. 

" I come then, gentlemen, to say to France, that I have preferred the 
woman whom I love and whom I respect, to one who is unknown, whose 
alliance would have advantages mingled with sacrifices. "Without testifying 
disdain for any one, I yield to my inclinations, after having consulted my 
reason and my convictions. In fine, by placing in dependence the qualities 
of the heart, domestic happiness above dynastic prejudices and the calcula- 
tipns of ambition, I shall not be less strong, because I shall be more free. 

" Soon, in repairing to Notre Dame, I shall present the empress to the 
people and to the army. The confidence they have in me assures me of 
their sympathy. And you, gentlemen, on knowing her whom I have chosen, 
will agree, that, on this occasion, again I have been guided by Providence." f 

The marriage-ceremony between the emperor and the Countess of Teba 
was celebrated at the Tuileries on the 29th of January, 1853. The next day, 

every amiable and attractive quality, underwent the penalty of his father's doubtful title to the 
throne." 

The bride finally obtained for him was the Ei4nCT«s Helen Louisa Elizabeth, daughter of 
Frederic Louis, Grand Duke of Mecklenberg-Schwerin. She had been educated in the Lutheran 
faith. 

* It will be remembered that Louis Napoleon said in his speech at Marseilles, on the 26th 
of September, 1852, when laying the corner-stone of a cathedral, "Everywhere indeed, where 
I can, I exert myself to enforce and to propagate religious ideas, the most sublime of all, since 
they guide in prosperity and console in adversity. My government, I say it with pride, is per- 
haps the only one which has sustained religion for itself. It sustains it, not as a political in- 
strument, not to please a party, but solely through conviction and through love of the good 
which it inspires as of the truths which it teaches." — La Politique Impe'riale de I'Empereur 
Napoleon TIT., p. 1 .57. 

t La Politique Impe'riale de I'Fmpereur Napoleon III. 



516 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

which was Sunday, the religious ceremonies took place with great splcm.or 
at the Cathedral of Kotre Dame. The capacious edifice was crowded to its 
utmost capacity with probably as brilliant an assembly as was ever convened 
on earth. The Archbishop of Paris officiated, bringing into requisition all 
the pomp of the Catholic service. The emperor and empress sat upon thrones 
elevated in front of the altar. The most exquisite music modern art could 
furnish entranced the ear. A vast array of ecclesiastics assisted in the cere- 
monies. The Senate, the army, the navy, the municipal authorities, the 
diplomatic corps, and the great cities of France, all were represented. A 
dazzling array of female elegance and beauty added to the brilliancy of the 
scene. Nothing was wanting to invest the occasion with splendor and 
solemnity. 

The emperor signalized his marriage by granting amnesty to nearly five 
thousand persons who were in banishment for political offences. The em- 
press has proved to be all that France could desire, nobly following in the 
footsteps of Josephine. Her grace, beauty, and accomplishments have made 
her the pride of the Tuileries. A sincere Christian, devotedly attached to 
the recognized Christian faith of France, — the faith in which she was born 
and educated, — her influence in the court has ever been ennobling and purify- 
ing. In more than one scene of danger, she has proved herself the possessor 
of that heroism which sheds additional lustre upon her exalted station. In 
the grand receptions at the Tuileries, all eyes are fixed upon her with admira- 
tion; and it is the testimony of every one who is honored with her acquaint- 
ance, that in her character are combined, in an unusual degree, the virtues of 
a wife, of a mother, and of an empress. 

At the time of her marriage, the city of Paris voted a very large sum for 
the purchase of diamonds for the empress. Slie accepted the magnificent 
gift, but devoted it to the foundation of a charitable institution for the 
education of young girls belonging to the working-classes.* 

A fortniglit after the marriage, on the 14th of February, 1853, the emperor, 
in his speech at the opening of the legislative session, gave the following 
account of the state of the emj^ire : — 

" Messieurs les S^nateurs, Messieurs les Disputes, — A year ago, 
I assembled you in this hall to inaugurate the constitution promulgated in 
virtue of the powers which the people had conferred upon me. Since that 
time, tranquillity has not been disturbed. The law, in resuming its empire, 
has permitted many men who had been struck by its necessary rigor to return 
to their firesides. The national wealth has increased to such a point, that 
the personal property, whose value can each day be appreciated, has advanced 
four thousand million of francs. Renewed activity is developed in all 
branches of industry. The same results are in progress in Algiers, where 
our arms have attained signal success. The form of government has been 
modified legally, and without commotion, by the free suffrage of the people. 
Grand public works have been undertaken, without creating any tax, and 

* Italy and the War of 1859, by Julie de Margucrittcs, p. 101. 



THE CARES OF EMPIRE. 617 

without loan. Peace has been maintained without weakness. All the powers 
have recognized the nevv government. France has now institutions which 
can defend themselves, and whose stability does not depend upon the life of 
a single man. 

" These results have not cost great efforts, because they were in accordance 
with the spirit and the interests of all. To those who do not recognize their 
importance, I would say, that scarcely fourteen months have passed since 
France was exposed to the perils of anarchy. To those who regret that a 
wider field has not been given to liberty, I reply. Liberty has never aided in 
founding a desirable political edifice : it crowns it when it has been consoli- 
dated by time. 

" Let us also not forget, that if the immense majority of the country has 
confidence in the present, and faith in the future, still there always remain 
incorrigible individuals, who, forgetful of their own experience, of their past 
terrors, of their disappointments, obstinately pei-sist in paying no attention 
to the national will, unscrupulously deny the reality of facts, and, in the midst 
of a sea which every day becomes more and more calm, call for tempests 
which would surely ingulf them the first. 

" The occult proceedings of the different parties serve no purpose but to 
prove their powerlessness ; and the government, instead of being disturbed 
by them, only devotes itself more to the wise administration of the affairs 
of France and to the tranquillization of Europe. With this double end in 
view, it has adopted the fixed resolve to diminish the expenses of the arma- 
ments, and to devote to useful applications all the resources of the country ; 
to maintain lionestly international relations ; in fine, to prove to the most 
incredulous, that, when France expresses the foi-mal intention to remain at 
peace, she must be believed : for she is sufiiciently strong not to fear ; conse- 
quently, need not attempt to deceive. 

"You will see, gentlemen, by the budget which will be presented, that our 
financial position has never been better during the last twenty years, and that 
the public revenues have increased beyond all precedent. Nevertheless, the 
effective force of the army, which, during the last year, has been reduced 
thirty thousand men, will be immediately reduced twenty thousand more. 

"Most of the laws which will be presented to you will be found within the 
range of ordinary exigencies. This is one of the most favorable indications 
of our situation. The people are happy when the government has no occa- 
sion to resort to extraordinary measures. 

" Let us thank Providence for the cordial protection accorded to our 
efforts; let us persevere in this path of firmness and of moderation, and 
thus preclude all re-action ; let us rely ever upon God and upon ourselves ; 
and let us not doubt that we shall soon see this grand country pacified, pros- 
perous at home, and honored abroad." * 

There was quite a general apprehension in England, that Louis Napoleon, 
the nephew of the exile of St. Helena, would " avenge Waterloo." It was 

* La Politique Imperiale cxposee par les Discours et Proclamations de I'Empereur Napoleon 

m., p. 77. 



518 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

known that this was the burning desire of very many of the French pe »ple. 
A steam-fleet could swiftly cross the Channel, and land the armies of France 
upon the shores of England. Catholic Ireland would, not improbably, welcome 
the eagles of Catholic France, and seize upon the opportunity to strike for 
independence. British troops had been quai-tered in Paris. The pride of the 
French army was roused to take up its quarters in the parks of London. The 
alarm in England was great. The journals in Great Britain and on the Conti- 
nent w^ere filled with rumors of the contemplated invasion. All the assur- 
ances of the emperor that he contemplated no such measure were unavailing, 
as it was generally supposed that he could do nothing to render himself so 
popular in France, as to attempt, at least, to send an army to London. It was 
supposed that such a movement against the hereditary foe of France would 
rouse the enthusiasm of the whole French nation. But the Emperor Napo- 
leon I., dying at St. Helena, had, with his last breath, dictated a message to his 
son and heir, imploring him to cultivate only the arts of peace. A few 
extracts from the words of the emperor, uttered upon his dying bed, will be 
read with interest, as showing the spirit which then animated him, and which 
has been so cordially embraced, and so zealously carried into practice, by his 
heir, the present emperor. 

Count Montholon entered the wretched apartment of the hovel where the 
exiled emperor was dying. It was three o'clock in the afternoon of the 17th 
of April, 1821. The face of the emperor was flushed, and his eye beamed 
with peculiar lustre. 

" My mind has been roused," said he, " in talking with General Bertrand 
about what my executors should say to my son when they see him. I wish, 
in a few words, to give you a summary of the counsels which I bequeath to 
my son. Write " — The emperor then rapidly dictated the extraordinary 
letter from which we make the following extracts : — ■ 

" My son should not think of avenging ray death. Let the remembrance 
of what I have done never leave his mind. The aim of all his eflbrts should 
be to reign by peace. I saved the revolution which was about to perish. I 
have implanted new ideas in France and in Europe. Let ray son bring into 
blossom all I have sown ; let him develop all the elements of prosperity 
enclosed in the soil of France ; and by these means he may yet be a great 
sovereign. 

" The Bourbons will not maintain their position after my death. A re-ac- 
tion in my favor will take place everywhere, even in England. This re-action 
will be a fine inheritance for my son. It is possible that the English, in order 
to efiace the remembrance of their persecutions, will favor my son's return to 
France. 

" Let not my son ever mount the throne by the aid of foreign influence 
His aim should not be to fulfil a desire to reign, but to deserve the approbation 
of posterity. My son will arrive after a time of civil troubles. He has but 
one party to fear, — that of the Duke of Orleans : this party has been germi- 
nating for a long time. Let him despise all parties, and see only the mass of 
the people. France is the country where the chiefs of parties have the least 



THE CARES OF EMPIRE. 519 

influence. To rest for support on them is to build on saud. Gi ►at things 
can be done in France, only by having the support of the mass of the people. 
The Bourbons can only rely for support on the nobles and the priests : I, on 
the contrary, relied on the whole mass of the people, without excei)tion. I 
set the example of a government which favored the interests of all. I did 
not govern by the help of, or solely for, either the nobles, the priests, the 
citizens, or tradesmen : I governed for the whole community, for the whole 
family of the French nation. 

"Religious ideas have more influence than certain narrow-minded philoso- 
phers are willing to believe : they are capable of rendering great services 
to humanity. By standing well with the pope, an influence is still maintained 
over the consciences of a hundred millions of men. 

"If you are pei-mitted to return to France, you will still find many who 
have remained faithful to my memory. The best monuments which they 
could raise to me would be to make a collection of all the ideas which I 
expressed in the Council of State for the administration of the empire ; to 
collect all my instructions to my ministers ; and to make a list of the public 
works which I undertook, and of all the monuments which I raised in France 
and Italy. In what I have said in the Council of State, a distinction must 
be made between the measures good only for the moment and those whose 
application is eternally true. 

" Let my son often read and reflect on history : this is the only true philoso- 
phy. But all that you say to him, or all that he learns, will be of little use 
to him if he has not in the depths of his heart that sacred fire, and love of 
good, which alone can effect great things. I will hope, however, that he will 
be worthy of his destiny." * 

On other occasions, he said, in the same strain, — 

" Europe never ceased to make war upon France, her principles, and upon 
me. We were compelled to destroy to save ourselves from destruction. The 
coalition always existed, openly or secretly, avowed or denied. It was perma- 
nent : it only rested with the allies to give us peace. For ourselves, we were 
worn out. As to myself, is it supposed that I am insensible to the charms of 
repose and security when honor does not require it otherwise? 

" Liberal ideas flourish in Great Britain, they enlighten America, and they 
are nationalized in France ; and this may be called the ti'ipod whence issues 
the light of the world. Liberal opinions will rule the universe : they will 
become the faith, the religion, the morality, of all nations; and, in spite of all 
that may be advanced to the contrary, this memorable era will be inseparably 
connected with my name : for, after all, it cannot be denied that I kindled the 
torch, and consecrated the principle ; and now persecution renders me the 
messiah. 

" The Bourbons are greatly deceived if they believe themselves firmly 
seated on the throne of Hugh Capet. I do not know whether I shall ever 
again see Paris; but what I know is, that the French people will one day 

* Abbott's Life of Napoleon, vol. ii. pp. 639-641. 



520 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

break the sceptre which the enemies of France have confided to Louis 
XVIII. 

" My son will reign if the popular masses are permitted to act without 
control. The crown will belong to the Duke of Orleans if tlioso wlio are 
called Liberals gain the victory over the people ; hut then, sooner or later^ 
the people will discover that they have been deceived, and that there is no 
guaranty for their true interests except under the reign of my dynasty, because 
it is the work of their creation. 

"I did not usurp the crown; I picked it from the gutter: the people 
placed it on my head. I was king of the people, as the Bourbons are kings 
of the nobles, under whatever color they may disguise the banner of their 
ancestors. 

" In spite of all the libels, I have no fear whatever about my fame. Pos- 
terity will do me justice : the good I have done will be compared with the 
faults I have committed. I have framed, and carried into eflect, a code of 
laws which will bear my name to the most distant posterity. I have always 
been of opinion that the sovereignty lay in the people : in fact, the imperial 
government was a kind of republic. Called to the head of it by the voice of 
the nation, my maxim was, the career open to talents, without distinctioa of 
birth or fortune. 

"I always desired peace, and a sincere peace witji England. I wished to 
fill up the abyss of revolutions, and to reconstruct, Avithout shaking, the 
European edifice, to the advantage of all, by employing kings to bestow on 
Continental Europe the blessings of constitutions, — a blessing which your 
country [England] as well as mine only acquired at the price of a fear- 
ful commotion. I repeat, that I always desired peace: I fought only to 
obtain it. 

"No doubt, faults were committed. But who is exempt from faults? Tho 
citizen, in the quiet tenor of his easy life, lias his moments of weakness and 
strength : and it is required that men grown old in the midst of the hazards 
of war, who have had constantly to contend with all kinds of difticulties, 
should never have been inferior to themselves at any moment; should have 
always exactly hit the mark." * 

Such was the sjiirit of the exile of St. Helena. Such were the principles 
which lay at the foundations of the empire as established by Napoleon I., 
and Avhich are recognized as the bases of the empire restored by Napoleon 
IIL 

Louis Napoleon was thoroughly inspired with the spirit of peace. It was 
his great ambition to develop the industrial energies of France, and to fill the 
empire with prosperous and happy homes. Thus all his efforts were directed 
to discouraging the spirit of war, and to the promotion of the arts of peace. 
There were those in England who appreciated this disposition, and felt grate- 
ful to the emperor that he was not disposed to introduce to Europe the 
rai ages and the woes which inevitably accompany the sweep of armies. On 

* Abbott's Life of Napoleon, passim. 



THE CARES OF EMPIRE. 521 

the 28th of March, 1853, a deputation from the higher trades in London 
called upon the emperor, at the Tuileries, with expressions of congratulation 
and confidence. The emperor, in reply to their address, said, — 

"I am deeply touched by this manifestation. It fortifies me in the confi- 
dence which I have always reposed in the good sense of the English nation. 
During my long sojourn in England, I have admired the liberty which she 
enjoys, thanks to the perfection of her institutions. Nevertheless, for a 
moment during the last year, I feared that England had adopted erroneous 
views respecting the true state of France and her sentiments towards Great 
Britain. 

" But one does not long deceive the good faith of a great people ; and 
this approach which you make to me is a brilliant proof of it. Since I 
have been in power, my efforts have been constantly directed to the de- 
velopment of the prosperity of France. I know her interests : they are not 
different from those of all other civilized nations. With you I desire peace ; 
and, to strengthen it, I wish, as do you, to draw closer the ties which unite 
our two countries." * 

By universal admission, the reign of the emperor has been marked by a 
degree of sagacity, energy, and harmony, in the administration of affairs, both 
domestic and foreign, never before surpassed in France, even in the days of 
the first Napoleon. The ceaseless activity of the sovereign pervades every 
branch of the national interests. He has little time for luxury, for recreation, 
for repose. All his energies are consecrated, with zeal rarely equalled, to pro- 
moting the prosperity of France at home, and her influence and honor abroad. 
Paris has been almost new created ; and is now, beyond all comparison, the 
most beautiful and attractive city in the world. All the public monuments 
have been repaired and renovated. The churches have laid aside the dingy 
aspect of past ages, and have assumed an air of new freshness and beauty. 
Magnificent avenues have been thrown open. Narrow alleys have been trans- 
formed into wide and well-ventilated streets. Decayed and tottering build- 
ings have given place to the finest structures in arcliitectural attractions and 
internal conveniences which modern art can rear. Tenement-houses in large 
numbers, and of admirable arrangement, have been constructed for the poor. 
Napoleon III. has done vastly more, in his short reign of no^ but about six- 
teen years, for the embellishment of Paris, and for the promotion of the 
comfort, prosperity, and happiness of its inhabitants, than was accomplished 
by Louis XVIIL, Charles X., and Louis Philippe, in all the united years of 
their sovereignties.! 

* La Politique Imperiale de I'Empereur Napoleon III., p. 177. 

t Foreigners are sometimes surprised that French people seem so willing to leave the affairs 
of government unquestioned in the hands of the emperor. " One reason for this," says Smuckcr, 
" is the confidence which the great majority of the French nation actually feel in the sagacity 
and security of the imperial government, and a desire to enjoy a continuance of the favorable 
results which the policy and labors of Louis Napoleon have already obtained for France. It is 
undoubtedly true, that in regard to physical advantages, such as commerce, agriculture, arts, 
sciences, and education, France was never more prosperous and flourishing than she has been 
under the si ond empire; and it is natural that the French people should desire a permanence 

ca 



522 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

In the emperor's address to the senators and deputies on the 16th of Febru- 
ary, 1854, at the opening ol' the legislative session, he said, in reference, to the 
famine which had afflicted France, — 

"It is a remarkable fact, which has profoundly affected me, that, during this 
rigorous winter, not an accusation has been directed against the government' 
The people have with resignation submitted to sufferings which they were 
sufficiently just to impute to circumstances alone, — a new proof of their confi- 
dence in me, and of their conviction that the welfare of the people is, before 
every thing else, the object of ray constant thoughts."* 

The harvest had fallen short about twenty-five millions of bushels (ten 
millions of hectolitres), of a value, as estimated, of three hundred millions of 
francs, in quantity sufficient to freight four thousand ships. The government 
wisely decided that it was in vain for it to undertake to purchase from all 
quarters of the globe these millions of bushels to sell them again in all the 
markets of France. There were insuperable objections to such an attempt. 
The plan was consequently adopted to encourage commerce to bring forth all 
its resources for the majestic enterprise ; and the tax upon grain was imme- 
diately struck off that it might be admitted free. The government pushed 
forward with new vigor large public works to employ the poor, and opened 
a liberal system of credit to encourage private individuals and corporations to 
embark in enterprises which would give employment and support to those 
who must otherwise have starved. 

The 15th of August, the birthday of Napoleon the L, the founder of the 
empire, had for some time been celebrated by the French people with great 
enthusiasm. This fete, in 1854, found Napoleon III. at Bayonne. In response 
to felicitations addressed to him by the Bishop of Bayonne, the emperor 
said, — 

" MoNSEiGNEUK, — Usage has ordained that there should be one day in the 
year in which all the nation should celebrate the fete of the sovereign. In 
the presence of this general manifestation, and the prayers which all France 
addresses to Heaven, it is the duty of the sovereign, in his turn, to examine 
himself, that he may ascertain if he has done every thing in his power to 
merit this concert of homage and of prayers. It is his duty, especially, to 
cast himself at the foot of the altar, to implore of Heaven, through the inter- 
cession of its sacred ministers, to bless his efforts, to enlighten his conscience, 
and to give him ever the ability to promote the good and to combat the 
evil. 

" My presence at Bayonne to-day is a fact which I state with pleasure. It 
proves that France, calm and happy, has none of those fears which oblige the 
chief of the State to be always armed, and always upon the watch in the 

of this fortunate state of affairs. It is true that the ancient parties which are hostile to the 
emperor still exist. The Legitimists, the Orleans party, and the Eed Republicans, are not yet 
extinct ; but it is very evident that their influence is insignificant, cither separately or combined, 
when compared with the overwhelming power of the partisans, the patrons, and the employees of 
the imperial government." — Life of Napoleon III., by Samuel M. Smucker, LL.D., p. 247. 
* La Politique Imperiale de I'Empcreur Napoleon III., p. 189. 



THE CARES OF EMPIRE. 523 

capital. It proves that France can be engaged in a foreign war* without its 
interior life ceasing to be free and well regulated. 

" I thank you, monseigneur, for the prayers which you address to Heaven 
for me. But will you also please to implore its protection upon our armies ? 
for to pray for those who combat, as for those who suffer, is still to pray for 
me." 

* Allusion 13 here made to the Crimean War, wliich was in progress, and of which we shall 
speak in a subsequent chapter. 




CHAPTER XXX. 

THE EASTERN QUESTION. 

Eise of the Turkish Power. — Conquest of Greece. — Peril of Christendom. — Rise of Russia. 

Her Territory, Population, Military Power. — Poland. — Moldavia and Wallachia. — Cir- 

cassia. — The Dardanelles. — The Bosphorus. — Geography of those Regions. — Russian 
Ambition. — Grecian Revolt. — Count Capo d'lstria. — King Otho. — Battle of Navarino. 
— Anxiety of England. — Remarkable Sayings of Napoleon I. — Visit of Nicholas to the 
Court of Queen Victoria. — Probable Results. 

HE great question which for nearly half a century has agitated 
all the courts of Europe is, "What shall be done with Turkey?" 
The subject is generally discussed under the title of " The East- 
ern Question." It is one of the marvels of history, that a band 
of half-civilized robbers, emerging from the plains of Northern 
Asia, should have captured the finest provinces of the Old World, 
trampling great nations beneath their feet ; and should have grasped and held, 
in deSancc of all the powers of Christendom, not only the whole of Asia Minor, 
— where Christianity was first planted, — but also large portions of Europe. 

About the middle of the sixth century, a band of Scythian Tartars, from 
the Altai Mountains, commenced their conquests. Gradually subjugating and 
absorbing other tribes, in the course of a few centuries they overran all of 
Egypt and Asia Minor, and established one of the most energetic and bloody 
military despotisms earth has ever known. 

Early in the fourteenth century, the Turks could raise a more powerful army 
than any other nation. They resolved to bring all Christendom under their 
sway. In the year 1453, Mohammed II., with a land-force of three hundred 
thousand men and with six hundred vessels, laid siege to Constantinople. For 
fifty-three days, the storm of war beat upon the doomed city; then the Turks, 
rushing through the breach with gleaming cimeters, in a few hours cut down 
sixty thousand of the helpless inhabitants. 

Thus fell the Greek Empire. The Crescent waved proudly over the city of 
Constantine; and the whole of the Peloponnesus was subject to the Moslem 
sway. The conqueror, boasting that he would grain his horse from the altar 
of St. Peter's, in Rome, crossed the Adriatic, and took Otranto ; and nothing 
but the sudden death of Mohammed saved Italy from the doom of Greece. 

But the Moslem sweep was still onward. For three centuries, the Valley of 
the Danube was the arena of almost incessant conflicts between the Christian 
and the Turk. The Moslem banners were borne triumphantly to the gates of 

624 



THE EASTERN QUESTION. 525 

Vienna. The power of the Turk had become so great, that all Christendom 
trembled. But about two hundred years ago, the Austrian ambassador at the 
Ottoman Porte wrote to the empei-or, Ferdinand II., — 

" When I compare the power of the Turk with our own, I confess the con- 
sideration fills me with anxiety and dismay. A strong conviction forces itself 
on my mind, that we cannot long resist the destruction which awaits us. The 
Turks possess immense wealth, strength unbroken, a perfect knowledge of the 
art of war, patience under every difficulty, union, order, frugality, and a con- 
stant state of preparation. 

"On our side are exhausted finances and universal luxury. Our national 
spirit broken by repeated defeats, mutinous soldiers, mercenary officers, licen- 
tiousness, intemperance, and a total want of military discipline, fill up the 
dismal catalogue. 

" Is it possible to doubt how such an unequal conflict must terminate ? The 
enemy's forces, being at present directed against Persia, only suspend our fate. 
After subduing that power, the all-conquering Mussulman will rush upon us 
with undivided strength, and overwhelm at once Europe as well as Germany." 

Such were the general apprehensions of all thinking men, respecting the 
encroachments of Turkey, but about two hundred years ago. But another 
gigantic power gradually arose in the north of Europe, which began to i^ress 
resistlessly down upon the Turkish frontiers. Let us look a moment at the 
Russian power as it now exists. It is generally estimated that the emperor 
Alexander II. reigns over a population of about eighty millions. The army 
of Russia numbers between eight hundred thousand and a million of men. 
In the war with Poland a few years ago, it was promptly increased to nearly 
fourteen hundred thousand. These troops are proverbially regardless of dan- 
ger. In the recent struggle at Sevastopol, all the united energies of France, 
England, Sardinia, and Turkey, were expended against Russia alone; and yet 
it was long doubtful upon whose banners victory would alight. 

The territory of Russia occupies one-seventh of the habitable globe, extend- 
ing from the Baltic Sea, across the whole breadth of Europe and of Asia, to 
Behring's Straits; and from the eternal ices of the north pole down to the 
sunny clime of the pomegranate and the fig. For nearly two centuries, this 
gigantic power has been advancing in the march of territorial greatness with 
strides never equalled. Poland was coveted by Russia. She took it. The 
Poles despairingly rose in resistance. The troops of the czar, with the rush 
of the tornado, swept the doomed kingdom. There was but one shriek, — so 
shrill, that it startled Europe, and, piercing the storms of the Atlantic, echoed 
along our shores, — and Poland was no more. 

North of the Danube, and near its mouth, there are the provinces of Molda- 
via and Wallachia. In salubrity of climate, and fertility of soil, they are 
regarded as among the most atti-active regions on the globe. The provinces 
embrace about fifty thousand square miles, and contain a j:»opulation of 
about three millions, — nearly all members of the Greek Church. Russia em- 
braced her opportunity, and seized the provinces. Without then formally 
annexing them to her empire, she maintained political ascendency there. 

There is a large promontory jutting out from the north into the Black Sea, 



526 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

called the Crimea. It contains fifteen thousand square railes. Turkey, by 
the right of conquest, had for a long time held this province. Russia wanted 
it ; for at Sevastopol there was a magnificent harbor for the Euxine fleet. She 
took it. Turkey remonstrated and threatened. The czar wasted no words in 
the argument, but simply pointed to his troops and his fleet. The hint sufficed. 

On the eastern shores of the Black Sea, between its waves and the Caspian, 
lies Circr.ssia, — a wild and mountainous region, filled with gloomy ravines and 
inaccessible crags. It is the cradle of the Caucasian race. Russia, having 
obtained possession of the western and northern shores of the Euxine, turned 
her wistful eyes to the eastern shore. Her troops were soon there. The 
hardy mountaineers fouglit with bravery which elicited the admiration of the 
world. Army after army of Russians was cut up in these Thermopylae defiles; 
but fresh thousands were incessantly poured into the doomed country, and 
now the Russian flag floats almost undisputed over the whole territory. 

And why is Russia so anxious to take possession of this wild and unculti- 
^•ated region? Because through Circassia lies the road to Persia and the 
Indies. Persia can be easily subdued. A Russian fleet can then float undis- 
turbed upon the Caspian ; and the Hither and the Farther Indies can then be 
controlled by Russia. With Roman ambition, Russia seeks the conquest of 
new Avorlds; and England trembles lest Calcutta should become but one 
of the outposts of her conquering rival. 

It is now the great object of Russian ambition to gain possession of Constan- 
tinople, which would give her command of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. 
Let us briefly refresh our minds with the geography of those regions. At 
the mouth of the strait usually called the Hellespont, which connects the Med- 
iterranean Sea with the Sea of Marmora, there are four strong Turkish forts, 
named the Dardanelles: hence the straits themselves are sometimes called by 
the same name. Through these serpentine straits, which are thirty miles long 
and from half a mile to a mile and a half in width, and whose crags and bluifs 
may be lined with batteries which no fleet can possibly pass, you ascend to 
the Sea of Marmora. 

This is a vast inland body of water, one hundred and eighty miles in 
length, and sixty miles in breadth. Crossing this sea to its northern shore, 
you enter the beautiful Straits of the Bosphorus. But a short distance up 
these straits, on the European side as you ascend them from the Sea of Mar- 
mora, sits enthroned upon the hills, in peerless beauty of situation, the city 
of Constantinople, with its domes, minarets, and pinnacles glowing like a 
fairy vision. On the north of the city, a beautiful bay, called the Golden 
Horn, opens to the west, which constitutes one of the finest harbors in the 
world. A small river flows into it at its head, through a warm, fertile, 
picturesque region, appropriately named the "Valley of Sweet "Waters." 
The Straits of the Bosphorus, which connect the Sea of Marmora with the 
Black Sea, are about fifteen railes long, and of an average width of perhaps 
half a mile. It is the uncontradicted testimony of tourists from all lands, 
that the scenery of the Bosphorus, in natural and artistic loveliness, in all 
the combined elements of the beautiful, the picturesque, the sublime, stands 
pre-eminent and unrivalled. 



THE EASTEKN QUESTION. 527 

Tlnse straits conduct to the Euxine, or Black Sea, — avast inland ocean, 
extending in length, from west to east, seven hundred miles, and in breadth 
three hundred miles. Its immense reservoir receives the floods of the 
majestic Russian rivers, — the Dneiper, the Dneister, and the Don. Through 
these rivers, navigation is oiDcned to the almost boundless realms of the 
Russian Empire. 

This brief sketch reveals the infinite importance of the Dardanelles and 
the Bosphorus to Russia. This majestic empire, three times as large as tlie 
United States in extent of territory, and with more than twice its population, 
has no easy access to the ocean.* It is shut out, a large portion of the year, 
from all the benefits of commerce. Its only seaports are on the Baltic, far 
away amidst the ices of the north. Unless Russia can obtain an open door 
to outside commerce through the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles, the nation 
is hopelessly impeded in its progress, and can but slowly rescue its benighted 
millions from comparative barbarism. 

The Bosphorus and the Dardanelles are, in reality, the only gate for the 
commerce of nearly the entire of Russia. All her great navigable rivers flow 
into the Black Sea, and thence, through the Bosphorus, the Marmora, and the 
Plellespont, into the Mediterranean. And yet Russia cannot send a boat- 
load of corn along that magnificent avenue of the world's commerce without 
bowing her flag to all the Turkish forts which frown upon its banks. 

Consequently, for a long period it has been constantly the object of Russian 
diplomacy and ambition to obtain possession of Constantinople, which would 
give her the command of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. It has been 
equally the object of the other leading nations of Europe to prevent this con- 
summation ; as the acquisition of Constantinople would give Russia power 
which all united Europe could scarcely withstand. 

The revolt of Greece, in her heroic and finally successful attempt to throw 
off the Turkish yoke, was generally understood to be instigated by Russian 
influence : and though the Emperor Alexander, as one of the leading mem- 
bers of the Holy Alliance, positively denied that he had contributed any aid 
to this attempt of the people to escape from the rule, however oppressive, 
of their sovereigns, still Alexander Ypsilanti, who first unfurled the banner of 
Grecian revolt, was an officer of the Russian army ; and he assured the Greeks 
of the secret promise of the czar to aid them in their heroic endeavor.f The 
Turkish Government, it is certain, gave no credence to the denial of the 
Russian emperor. As the czar looked eagerly down from his palaces in 
Moscow, and saw army after army of the Turks cut up, the resources of the 
Ottoman Empire exhausted, its fleet annihilated, and finally Greece itself for- 
ever severed from the Tui'kish sway, he felt, and all Europe felt, that Rus- 
sia had taken a long stride towards the possession of the Dardanelles. 

* Accordincj to Johnson's American Atlas, the United States contain three million square 
miles ; while I>ussia embraces over four millions in Europe, and five millions in Asia. 

t M. de Chateaubriand, in an account which he gives of a confidential interview with the 
czar, declared that Alexander said to him that " nothing could be more for his interests and for 
thiscof his subjects" than to aid the Greeks against the Turks; but that he discerned in the 
mc 'emcnt " the revolutionary mask, and from that moment kept aloof." — Chateaubriand, Congres 
de Vf^ronne, i. 222. 



628 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

And when, subsequently, Count Capo d'lstiia, an aide-de-cnmp of the 
Russian czar, formerly his secretary of war and his bosom friend, was made 
president of Greece, and by the appointment of the Emperor of Russia (for 
he was permitted to make the appointment),* no one could question the 
success of Russian diplomacy; and when, subsequently, afler the assassina- 
tion of Count Capo d'Istria, Otho — a boy of seventeen, second son of the 
King of Bavaria — was by the allied powers imposed as king upon the Greeks, 
who were found, in their state of semi-bai-barism, utterly incapable of a 
republic, the miniature realm had neither the disposition nor the power to 
impede the encroachments of the Russians upon the Turks. 

The success of Russia in weakening Turkey by the liberation of Greece 
was bitterly deplored by England and France, though, by the force of circum- 
stances, tliey had been compelled to aid in the enterprise. The mercilessness 
of the Turk in the war of extermination which he was waging against the 
Greeks, — putting all to the sword but boys and maidens; selling the girls as 
slaves, and dragging them into his harems ; compelling the boys to accept the 
Moslem faith, and forcing them into his armies, — these outrages so shocked 
Christendom, that the humanity of the people demanded interposition. Tlie 
combined fleets of England, France, and Russia, almost by accident, encoun- 
tered the Turkish fleet in the Bay of Navarino. It was an hour of intense 
exasperation. A spark fired the train ; and, in an outburst of resistless pas- 
sion, the whole Turkish fleet was blown into the air. 

It was on the afternoon of the 20th of October, 1827. The Allies had in 
all twenty-three vessels, carrying 1,324 guns. The Turkish fleet consisted 
of seventy-nine vessels, armed with 2,24.0 guns, besides a formidable array of 
batteries on the shore. Still the allied fleet, having the superiority in sails 
of the line, were superior in strength. The battle lasted four hours. Tlie 
Turks fought with their characteristic desperation. As night closed over the 
terrific conflict, nearly the whole Turkish fleet was burnt, sunk, or blown to 
fragments; and seven thousand of their crew, torn by shot and shell, had 
disappeared beneath the waves. History has rarely recorded a scene of 
devastation so awful. The fleet of the Allies had also been very roughly 
handled. Their loss in killed and wounded, though never fully reported, 
was severe. 

But no sooner was the hasty deed done, the "untoward event," as the 
diplomatists termed it, ere it was bitterly regretted. England and France 
had aided the czar in crippling the energies of the Turk, and thus had ficili- 
tated the advance of Russia towards Constantinople. The battle of Navf)- 
rino liberated Greece, and humbled the Turk as he had not been humbled for 
four hundred years. Since that hour, the Crescent has been constantly on the 
wane. The dilapidated battlements of Ottoman power are crumbling. 
Turkey, so long the terror of Europe, can no longer stand alone. Its name 
is doubtless soon to be added to the list of the ruins of empires.f 

* Alison, vol. vii. p. 171. 

t " The territory of this old dilapidated empire is seven or eight times as large as that of 
France. The territories of ancient and mighty kingdoms are embraced in it, — Macedonia, 
Thessaly, Thrace, Dacia, the whole of Asia Minor, Syria, Phcenice, Palestine, Armenia, Meso- 



THE EASTERN QUESTION. 529 

" The Dardanelles," said the Emperor Alexander I., « are the keys of my 
house. Let me get them, and my power is irresistible." "The possession 
of Constantinople," said Napoleon I., "gives Russia the dominion of the 
world." 

Let Russia obtain possession of Constantinople and the Dardanelles, and 
she is apparently invulnerable. The majestic empire frowns down upon 
Europe from its inaccessible position, prepared to launch forth its hordes 
upon any province it may wish to invade. The Black Sea becomes a Russian 
harbor, which no foe can penetrate; its shores, her navy-yard, unapproachable 
by foreign fleet or army. And this vast power, sweeping across the whole 
breadth of Asia as well as of Europe, can press down upon the plains of 
India, till her trading factories shall supply those vast territories, and till 
English goods, and finally English men, are driven out of Asia. 

The anxiety with which England contemplates these encroachments of 
Russia may be inferred from the following extract from " The London 
Quarterly Review : " — 

"The possession of the Dardanelles would give to Russia the means of 
creating and organizing an almost unlimited marine. It would enable her 
to prepare in the Black Sea an armament of any extent, without its being 
possible for any power in Europe to interrupt her proceedings, or even to 
watch or discover her designs. Our naval officers of the highest authority 
have declared that an effective blockade of the Dardanelles cannot be main- 
tained throughout the year. 

" Even supposing, therefore, that we could maintain permanently in those 
seas a fleet capable of encountering that of Russia, it is obvious, that, in the 
event of war, it would be in the power of Russia to throw the whole weight 
of her disposable forces on any point in the Mediterranean, without any 
probability of our being able to prevent it ; and the power of thus issuing 
at any moment would enable her to command the Mediterranean Sea for a 
limited time, whenever it might please her to do so. 

"Her whole southern empire would be defended by a single impregnable 
fortress. The road to India would be open to her, with all Asia at her back. 
The finest materials in the world for an army destined to serve in the East 
would be at her disposal. Our power to overawe her in Europe would be 
gone ; and, by even a demonstration against India, she could augment our 

potamia, Egypt, Lybia, Carthage. In all these vast regions, it has a population of about thirtv- 
six millions. 

"But its spacious African possessions arc, for the most part, vast deserts of sand. Egypt is 
rather a weakness than a strengtli. Arabia and Kurdistan are hardly subject to government. 
The Danubian provinces are nearly independent. All European Turkey is following in the 
same track. The revolted island, Crete, cannot be subdued. Asia Minor alone is Turkeij. All 
the rest is weakness, not strength. 

" I could show you whole villages in ruins, inhabited only by storks and owls. The public 
debt is rapidly increasing. The finances are getting hopelessly involved. Misgovernment is 
everywhere using up the Turkish race. It has gone beyond redemption. England cannot save 
it. It will not need Russia to destroy it: it is slowly destroying itself. It is gravitating 
downward with the silent certainty of a great law of Nature." — Constantinople, Correspondent of 
the New-Ywk Tribune, April, 1868. 
67 



530 LIFE OF NAPOLEOX III. 

national expenditures by millions annually, and render the government of the 
country difficult beyond all calculation." 

Such is the view which England takes of the subject we arc now contem- 
plating. So great was the desire of the Empress Cathai-ine for the possession 
<tf Constantinople, that she christened her youngest grandson Constantine, 
hoping that he would march to the conquest of the capital after which he 
was named. Meneval, private secretary of Napoleon I., records, that, in one 
of the interviews of Napoleon with Alexander I., he overheard the czar offer to 
co-operate with the emperor in all his plans if Napoleon would consent that 
Russia should take Constantinople. The French emperor replied, after a 
moment's hesitation, "Constantinople, — never! It is the empire of the 
world."* 

Napoleon said to Las Casas at St. Helena, "Russia has a vast superiority 
over the rest of Europe in regard to the immense powers she can call up for 
the purpose of invasion, together with the physical advantages of her situa- 
tion, — under the pole, and backed by eternal bulwarks of ice, which, in case of 
need, will render her inaccessible. Russia can only be attacked during one- 
third or one-fourth of the year ; while she can, throughout the whole twelve 
months, maintain attacks upon us. 

" Who can avoid shuddering at the thought of such a vast mass, unassaila- 
ble either on the flanks or in the rear, descending upon us with impunity? — 
if triumphant, overwhelming every thing in its course; or, if defeated, retiring 
amidst the cold and desolation that may be called its forces of reserve, and 
possessing every facility of issuing forth again at a future opportunity. 

"Should there arise an emperor of Russia, valiant, impetuous, and intelli- 
gent, — in a word, a czar with a beard upon his chin, — Europe is his own. 
He may commence his operations upon the German territory at one hundred 
leagues from the two cajjitals, Berlin and Vienna, whose sovereigns are his 
only obstacles. He secures the alliance of one by force, and, with his aid, 
subdues the other with a single stroke. He then finds himself in the heart 
of Germany, amidst the princes of tlie second rank, most of whom are either 
bis relations or dependants. He may then march triumphantly to Paris to 
proclaim himself the new liberator." 

Napoleon then added, after measuring with a pair of compasses the dis- 
tances on the map, " Constantinople is from its situation calculated to be the 
centre and seat of uuivei'sal dominion."! 

Dr. O'Meara records, that in an interview with the emperor at St. Helena, on 
the 14tli of February, 1817, O'Meara asked if it were true that Alexander 
of Russia had intended to seize Constantinople. Napoleon replied, — 

"All his thoughts are directed to the conquest of Turkey. We have had 
many discussions about it. At first, I was pleased with his proposals, because 
I thought that it would enlighten the world to drive those brutes, the Turks, 
out of Europe ; but when I reflected upon the consequences, and saw what 
a tremendous weight of power it would give to Russia, on account of the 

* Meneval, Vic privee de Napoleon. 
t Napoleon at St. Helena, John S. C. Abbott, p. 451. 



THE EASTERN QUESTION, 531 

number of Greeks in the Turkish dominions who would naturally join the 
Russians, I refused to consent to it, especially as Alexander wanted to get 
Constantinople, which I would not allow, as it would destroy the equilibrium 
of power in Europe." * 

Again, on the 27th of May, the conversation turned upon Russia and the 
East. " In the course of a few years," said the emperor to O'Meara, "Russia 
will have Constantinople, the gi'catest part of Turkey, and all Greece. This 
I hold to be as certain as if it had already taken place. Almost all the 
cajoling and flattery which Alexander practised towards me was to gain my 
consent to effect this object. In the natural course of things, in a few years, 
Turkey must fall to Russia. The powers it would injure, and who could 
oppose it, are England, France, Prussia, and Austria. Now, as to Austria, 
it will be very easy for Russia to engage her assistance by giving her Servia 
and other provinces bordering upon the Austrian dominions. The only 
hypothesis that France and England may ever be allied with sincerity will 
be in order to prevent this. But even this alliance would not avail. France, 
England, and Prussia, united, cannot prevent it : Russia and Austria can at 
any time effect it. 

" Once mistress of Constantinople, Russia gets all the commerce of the 
Mediterranean, becomes a great naval power, marches off to India an army 
of seventy thousand good soldiers; and God knows what may happen. All 
this I foresaw. I see into futurity farther than others; and I wanted to estab- 
lish a barrier against those barbarians by re-establishing the kingdom of Po- 
land, and putting Poniatowski at the head of it as king ; but your imbecilles 
of ministers would not consent. A hundred years hence I shall be praised 
(encense) ; and Europe, especially England, will lament that I did not 
succeed." f 

" I do not desire Constantinople," said the Czar Nicholas. " My empire is 
already too large. But I know that I or my successors must have it. You 
might as well arrest a stream in its descent from a mountain, as the Russians 
in their advance to the Hellespont." J 

* Napoleon at St. Helena, Abbott, p. 534. 

We have the authority of the Emperor Alexander, that Napoleon said to him at Tilsit 
" I lay no stress upon the evacuation of Wallachia and Moldavia by your troops : you may 
protract it if you desire. It is impossible any longer to endure the presence of the Turks in 
Europe. You are at liberty to chase them into Asia. But observe only, I rely upon it that 
Constantinople is not to fall into the hands of any European power." — Memoires i"tm Homme 
d'Etut (Prince Hardcnhurg), t. ix. p. 432. 

t The solicitude with which Napoleon regarded the encroachments of Eussia upon Turkey 
may be inferred from the following instructions given to General Marmont in a letter written 
from Tilsit on the 8th of July, 1807: "Set to work as vigorously as possible to obtain, by 
ofHccrs whom you shall send forward with that view, or in any other way, and address directly 
to the emperor, in order that he may know by confidential officers, both geographically and 
civilly, all the information you can acquire regarding Bosnia, Macedonia, Thrace, Albania, &c., 
— what is the amount of the Greek population ; what are the resources in clothing, provisions, 
or money, those provinces would furnish to any European power which might possess them; 
in fine, what revenue could be drawn from them at the moment of their occupation ; for t^a 
principles of their occupation are at present without any foundation." 

} Schnitzler, ii. 247. 



532 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

In June, 1844, Nicholas, the Emperor of Russia, made a visit to the court 
of Queen Victoria. He came in all the pomp of an Oriental monarch. The 
queen received him with a magnificent series of entertainments in Windsor 
Castle. The czar gracefully distributed twenty-five thousand dollars' worth 
of jewelry among the ladies of the British court. The presence of this sover- 
eign, who was said to be the handsomest man in the world, his majestic 
stature, his classical features, the grace and dignity of his bearing, and the 
cliarm of his address, combined with the recognition that he was the absolute 
monarch of eiglity millions of people, shed lustre even over the stately halls 
of Windsor Castle. 

In the midst of this blaze of magnificence, the monarch wished to conceal 
from the world the object of his visit. It was afterwards revealed, through 
the memorandum of Count Nesselrode, that his object was to induce England 
and Austria to unite with him in driving the Turks out of Europe, and in 
dividing the magnificent inheritance between them, — truly a princely inherit- 
ance ; for Turkey in Europe is twice as large as the Island of Great Britain, 
and contains a population of fourteen millions, only three millions of whom 
are Mohammedans. 

Russia was to incorporate with her dominions the three splendid provinces 
of Moldavia, Wallachia, and Bulgaria, which would give her the entire 
command of the mouths of the Danube ; the czar was also to be permitted 
to establish nominally a Greek power in Roumelia, but under Russian pro- 
tection, with Constantinople as its capital. This was, of course, surrendering 
Constantinople to Russia. 

Austria, in consideration of her assent to this arrangement, was to receive 
the fertile and beautiful provinces of Servia and Bothnia, which were adjoin- 
ing to her possessions on the south of the Danube, a territory of great fertility, 
enjoying the lovely clime of Italy. Austria was also to be permitted so to 
extend her southern frontier as to embrace nearly the whole eastern coast of 
the Adriatic Sea. 

England was to have the Island of Cyprus. This gem of the eastern 
Mediterranean is one hundred and forty-six miles long, and sixty-three miles 
broad. From its picturesque beauty of landscape, its fertility of soil, and its 
delicious climate, it has been called an earthly paradise. With this island 
for a naval depot, England was also to have the whole of Egypt. This would 
give her command of the canal which was about to be constructed, connect- 
ing the Mediterranean with the Red Sea. 

France was at this time under the reign of Louis Philippe, and was so little 
regarded by the other powers, that it was not deemed necessary even to 
approach her upon the subject. Keenly France felt the dishonor of her low 
estate. Never was there a more ambitious bribe presented to ambitious 
courts. Why did not England and Austria yield ? Because the arrangement 
would make Russia so vast in territory, population, and all the elements of 
naval and military power, as to .constitute her the undisputed monarch of the 
EastQ-n world.* 

* Alison, voL viii. p. 41. 



THE EASTERN QUESTION. 533 

It is SO essential to the civilization of Russia that she sh.alcl have some 
Bouthern maritime port which will give her access to commerce, that it is not 
easy for Americans, who have no personal interest in the question, to withliold 
their sympathy from her in her endeavor to open a gateway from her vast 
territories through the Dardanelles. When France, England, Sardinia, and 
Turkey combined, in the late Crimean War, to batter down the Russian for- 
tress at Sevastopol, and to burn the Russian fleet, that Russia might be re- 
Btricted to her northern wilds, the popular instinct on this side of the Atlantic 
was probably with the Russian banners. 

What title-deed, Russia asks, can the Turk show to the city of Constan- 
tine? None but the dripping cimeter. Tiie annals of war can tell no sadder 
tale than the rush of the barbarian Turk into Christian Greece. He came, 
a merciless robber with gory hand, plundering and burning, butchering the 
parents, dragging maidens to his harem, and by the thrust of the sword com- 
pelling Christian boys to adopt the Moslem fliitli and fight in the Turkish 
armies. 

But the star of the Moslem has passed its zenith, and is fast sinking. The 
Ottoman Porte is a sick man dying; and the effects of the dead must be 
surrendered to the living. Tliere are fifteen millions of Christians, members 
of the Greek Church in Turkey, subject to the Moslem yoke. Though the 
patriarch at Constantinople is nominally the head of this communion, the 
Czar of Russia is in reality its pope. These Christians have been fearfully 
«)ppressed. The patriarch was compelled to pay one-half of his income to 
the sultan. The Christians were not permitted to build any new churches, 
or even to repair the old, without a special license, which it was exceedingly 
difficult to obtain. They could have neither steeples nor bells to their 
churches ; were prohibited from wearing the Turkish costume, that by their 
dress they might be recognized as belonging to the despised sect of Christians ; 
and they were exposed to such indignities, that they generally found it expedi- 
ent to attend public worship at night.* 

This Christian population gives the czar great moral power in Turkey. He 
claims the right to protect them as brother Christians, members of the church 
of which he is virtually the spiritual head. Notwithstanding the remon- 
strances of diplomacy, the sympathies of Christendom are wnth him in that 
claim. But diplomacy says that Russian ascendency in Turkey must be 
arrested, at whatever cost. Thus we see the unnatural alliance of Christian 
nations endeavoring to uphold Turkey, the worst of all despotisms, and unit- 
ing the Cross with the Crescent to arrest the advances of a Christian power. 
This brief statement of the Eastern Question is important to the full under- 
standing of the Crimean campaign, which will be the subject of the next 
chapter. 

* Encyclopedia Americana, art. " Greek Church." 




CHAPTER XXXI. 



THE CRIMEAN WAR. 

Question of t) e Shrines. — Measures of the French Government. — Arrogance of Russia. — 
The Ultima:um of the Czar. — Its Rejection. — Cordial Co-operation of France and England. 
— Eiforts o." the French Emperor for Peace. — The Vienna Note. — Letter from Napoleon to 
Nicholas. — Embarrassments of Austria and Prussia. — Diplomatic Relations suspended — 
War declared. — Addresses of Napoleon. — Sinope. — Expedition to the Crimea. — Battle of 
Alma. — Despatches of Marshal St. Amaud. — His Death. — Grief of the Emperor. — His 
Letter to the Marchioness. 

T is estimated that a million of men, workmen and soldiers, 
perished in the War of the Crimea.* It is hardly exaggera- 
tion to say that it clothed Europe in mourning. The wealth 
expended was almost beyond calculation. The real cause of 
the war has been explained in the last chapter. The immediate 
occasion of it w^as as follows : — 
For a long time, the members of the Roman-Catholic Church, and the mem- 
bers of the Greek Church in Turkey, had contended for the possession of 
the holy places in Palestine. By a treaty concluded between France and the 
Porte in 1740, certain privileges were guaranteed to the members of the 
Roman-Catholic Church ; but gradually the members of the Greek Church, 
who were far more numerous, and who were supported by the ever-watchful 
care of the czar, had made such encroachments upon the rights of the Latins, 
that, in the year 1850, the Latins found themselves excluded from nine of the 
most venerated sanctuaries. Under these circumstances, the fathers of 
the Latin Church made an earnest appeal to France to enforce the fulfilment 
of the treaty of 1740, which had been so seriously violated.! 

The French Government, then a republic under the presidency of Louis 
Napoleon, thus addressed, sent, in May, 1850, General Aupick, an ambassador 
to the Porte, to remind the sultan of the treaty, and to obtain for the Latins 
the restitution of those sanctuaries which had thus been wrested from them; 
but the eultan, fearing to offend the Emperor of Russia, after the delay of 
several months, at the close of the year, returned an evasive answer. 

In 1851, the Marquis de Lavalette succeeded General Aupick as ambassador 
at the Ottoman Porte. Through hira the French Government suggested 
that a commission should be formed, composed of French and Greeks, to 

* The Invasion of the Crimea, Kinglake, vol. i. p. 26. 
t L'Expcdition de Crime'e, par le Baron de Bazancourt, tom. i. p. 14. 
634 



THE CRIMEAN WAR. 535 

Bettli the question by friendly conference. To this the sultan assented; but 
the Czar Nicholas immediately interposed, and sent an autograph-letter to the 
sultan, so menacing in its tone, that he dissolved the commission after it had 
held several sessions. 

The French ambassador then suggested a commission, to be composed 
exclusively of Turks. To such a magnanimous offer there could be no re- 
fusal. The French claim was so clear, that the most prejudiced could not 
refrain from admitting it. This commission promptly decided that the Latins 
were entitled to the privileges which they demanded. The sultan accordingly 
issued a proclamation restoring to the Latins the rights which had been 
wrested from them. 

This should have settled the question ; but Nicholas, the Emperor of 
Russia, again interposed, and sent a remonstrance so threatening in its aspect, 
that the sultan, intimidated, promptly issued another firman, revoking the 
concessions to which he had just acknowledged that the Latins were entitled, 
and ratifying the encroachments of the Greeks. Of course, France could 
not, without dishonor, submit to such an act of injustice. Still the French 
Government, sympathizing with the sultan in his embarrassment, menaced by 
so strong a foe, adopted a conciliatory policy ; and for some time the question 
remained involved in the mazes of diplomacy. 

The simple question of the shrines was one which did not, probably, deeply 
interest the Turkish Government; for it was merely a conflict between two 
Christian sects within its borders: but, in the view of these contending 
Christians, it was a question of momentous consequence. Russia supported 
the Greeks, France the Latins. The sultan feared to give Russia any occasion, 
or even pretence, for war. But France under Napoleon IIL was not a power 
to be treated, like France under Louis Philippe, with indignity ; and could 
not submit to have its acknowledged rights and treaty obligations wantonly 
tram[)led upon. Thus the Porte, ruled by fear, temporized and vacillated. 

The question now began to attract the attention of England.* The cabinet 
of St. James probably cared but little for the r(?ligious dispute ; but the politi- 
cal aspect of the affiiir interested England intensely. If Russia succeeded in 
provoking a war with the sultan, Turkey, unaided, could present no effectual 
rewstance ; and the fleet of the czar Avould be soon anchored in the Bospho- 
rus, and the Russian troops would be quartered in the palaces and mosques 
of Constantinople. England was also interested in preventing France from 
acquiring too great an influence in Turkey. Should the czar attack the 
Bultan, and France come to the rescue of the Porte, French influence would 
dominate in the Levant. It was, therefore, not safe for England to allow 
France alone to become the protector of Turkey. 

After several unavailing attempts at reconciliation, England suggested to 
France the idea of treating directly with Russia.t It was a wise and an 
ingenuous suggestion, as it liberated the Turkish Government from very 
embarrassing responsibility in a question in which it had but little personal 

* " C'est a cc moment qu'apparait I'Aiigleterre. Elle n'cst pas mediatrisc, elle regarde, elle 
examine." — U Expedition de Crime'e, par le Baron de Bazancourt, torn. i. p. 17. 
t Idem, p. 17. 



536 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

concern. France accejjted the counsel of England, and opened direct commu« 
nications with the court at St. Petersburg. But, in the mean time, Russia, 
imperious and reckless, sent an army corps to invade the Turkish Danubian 
principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia. The czar did not then venture to 
annex those pi'ovinces to his empire, but assumed the right of protecting by- 
military force the Christians there, who composed the greater part of the 
population. 

This act of invasion terminated the religious question ; and the more impor- 
tant political question now arose. France, anxious to avoid war, still perse- 
vered in her course of moderation. It was clear that Russia was impelled 
only by the desire to make new encroachments upon Turkey. 

Following this menace of armed invasion, Nicholas sent, on the 28th of 
February, 1853, Prince MentschikofFon an extraordinary embassy to Constan- 
tinople, — to extort a treaty-engagement from the Porte, by which the Greek 
Church throughout all Turkey, numbering, as we have said, about fifteen 
millions, should be placed under the protection of Russia. The ambassador 
was an exceedingly haughty and overbearing man. In consequence of these 
qualities, he was selected as peculiarly fitted for a mission of menace and 
intimidation. He entei-ed Constantinople with the pomp of a monai'ch, 
accompanied by a numerous retinue, and supported by a fleet. He called 
with his Avhole embassy upon the grand vizier; but contemptuously refused to 
call upon Fuad Effendi, the minister for foreign affairs at the Porte. Accord- 
ing to established etiquette, it was his duty to make the call: the neglect was 
a gross insult, and was intended to be so regarded. The minister resigned. 
The divan was greatly alarmed. Active military preparations were going on 
in Russia; and the independence of Turkey was threatened. 

The sultan aj^pealed to England and France for protection, and entreated 
them to send their fleets for the support of the Turkish Government. Eng- 
land declined. France so far responded to the appeal as to despatch a naval 
force to the Levant. England was deceived by the false protestations of Rus- 
sia, that she was contemplating no hostile movement against Turkey. The 
French emperor was not deceived. Russia had now completed, in Bessara- 
bia, preparations for the passage of one hundred and twenty thousand men 
across the Pruth. Battalions were marching to the south from all directions.* 

Such was the posture of aflairs when Lord Stratford de RedclifFe arrived at 
Constantinople as British ambassador; almost immediately followed by M. de 
Lacour, minister from France. Lord Stratford instantly comprehended the 
situation. The three ambassadors from Russia, France, and England, met in 
conference. Russia made demands through her ambassador for a protector- 
ate over the whole Greek population of Turkey, their clergy, and their 
churches. Both France and England thought Turkey could not, C( nsistently 
with self-respect, grant such exactions, and that the grant would prove fatal 
to the existence of the Turkish Governraent.f The sultan rejected the pro- 

* The Invasion of the Crimea, Kinglabc, vol. i. p. 87. 

t " It was plain, that for the sultan to yield thns much would be to make the czar a partaker 
of his sovereignty. This seemed clear to men of all nations except the Russians themselves." — 
Kinglake, vol. i. p. 109. 



THE CRIMEAN WAR. 537 

posals ; and Mentscliikoff demanded his passports, and withdrew. This was 
the latter part of May, 1853. 

The ultimatum of Nicholas was, that the Porte should not only surrender to 
Russia the administration of the religious interests of the Greeks, but that 
Kussia should hold Moldavia and Wallachia, two of the provinces of Tarkey, 
as a pledge that the treaty, or contract, should be faithfully observed,* Russia, 
possessing these principalities, and already absolute sovereign of the Black 
Sea, would then have but to reach forth her hand, and seize the Dardanelles, 
whenever she should see fit to do so. The claim of the czar to a protectorate 
over the Christians in Turkey was equivalent to a claim on the part of the 
pope to a protectorate over the Catholics in the United States. The refusal 
of the Porte to accede to the humiliating terms Russia wished to exact was 
sustained by both France and England. 

The question with regard to the holy places had now entirely disappeared. 
The departure of MentschikofF was regarded as the sure prelude to a declara- 
tion of war. Austria and Prussia associated themselves in diplomatic sympa- 
thy with France and England. These four powers united in the endeavor to 
prevent a war which seemed inevitable. The squadrons of France and Eng- 
land were now riding at anchor near the mouth of the Dardanelles, i)repared 
for any emergency. France proposed to the four powers that they should 
meet in conference. They met by their ambassadors at "Vienna, at the resi- 
dence of the Austrian minister. Count Buol.f 

The ultimatum presented to the Porte by Russia was discussed and 
rejected. Many other plans were brought forward, examined, and laid aside. 
Proposals were made to Russia, and counter-propositions were retui-ned; but 
no satisfactory basis of settlement could be found. Lord Stratford, according 
to Mr. Kinglake, urged, on his own responsibility, the following terms of 
concession upon the Porte : — 

"Taking the complaints of Russia according to their avowed meaning, the 
English ambassador faithfully strove to remove every trace of the foundation 
on which they rested ; and, having caused the Porte to issue firmans 2^€rpetu- 
ating all the accustomed 2)rimleges of the Greeh Church, he proposed that 
copies of these firmans should be sent to the court of St. Petersburg, together 
with a courteous note from the Porte to Count Nesselrode (the Russian 
minister), distinctly assuring the chancellor that the firmans confirmed the 
privileges of the Greek Church in 2^Grpetuity, and virtually, therefore, enga- 
ging that the grants should ?iever be revoked^l 

Since the Turkish Government admitted that it was bound by treaty obli- 
gations with France to protect the Latins in privileges which the Greeks had 
wrested from them, these terms, it would seem, could be regarded in no other 
light than as an insult to France ; but should Turkey, Russia, and England 
unite in enforcing a settlement upon this basis, France would be placed 
in a very embarrassing position. It is, indeed, possible that this might have 

* L'Expcdition dc Crimec, par le Baron de Bazancourt, vol. i. p. 26. 
t Idem, p. 26. 

} The Invasion of the Crimea, by A. W. Kinglake, vol. i. p. 226. 
68 



538 LIFE OF NAPOLEON Ul. 

been the object at which Lord Stratford aimed. His extraordinary propo- 
sition was submitted to the congreiis of the four i)owers assembled in Vienna, 
and by them was rejected. 

A plan was drawn up soon after in Paris, attributed, without contradiction, 
to the pen of the Empei'or Napoleon III. This proposal attained much 
celebrity under the title of the " Vienna Note." It assumed the form of a 
proposition, which Austria, as mediator, suggested should be presented by 
the Porte to the Emperor of Russia. The intelligent reader can judge 
whether it suggested a conciliatory and honorable settlement of the difficulty. 
The essentials of the plan were as follows : — 

"If, at every epoch, the emperors of Russia have testified their active 
•olicitude for the maintenance of the immunities and privileges of the Greek 
Church in the Ottoman Empire, the sultans have never refused to consecrate 
them anew by solemn acts which attest their ancient and constant interest in 
the welfai-e of their Christian subjects. 

"His Majesty the Sultan Abdul-Medjid, now reigning, animated by the 
same disposition, and wishing to give to his Majesty the Emperor of Russia 
a personal testimony of his sincere friendship, and cherishing entire confi- 
dence in the eminent qualities of his august friend and ally, has taken into 
serious consideration the representations which his Highness the Prince 
Mentschikoff has presented to the Sublime Porte. 

" The undersigned has received, in consequence, the order to declare that 
the government of his Majesty the Sultan will remain faithful to the letter 
and the spirit of the treaties of Kainardji and of Adrianople^ relative to the 
protection of Christian worship ; and that his Majesty regards it as a 2)oint 
of hotior, ever to maintain and to protect from all harm, now and in the 
future, the enjoyment of the spiritual j^rivileyes lohich have been accorded by 
the august ancestors of his Majesty to the Orthodox Church in the East, and 
which have been maintained and confirmed by him ; and also that he will 
grant to the Greek worship all the advantages conceded to other Christian 
sects by convention or by special agreement!''' * 

It will be seen by the above, that the substance of the emperor's proposi- 
tion was, that the sultan should faithfully observe the treaties into which he 
had entered, and that he would impartially protect all Christians within his 
realms, of whatever denomination.f 

It would seem that this note met with the approval of the cabinet of 
Queen Victoria. It was accepted and adopted by the ambassadors of the 
four powers in session at Vienna. The Emperor Nicholas was consulted; and 

* L'Expedition de Crimee, Causes de la Guerre d'Orient, par le Baron de Bazancourt, 
torn. i. p. 29. 

t Kinglake says, in that peculiar spirit of misrepresentation and prejudice which seems to 
pervade almost every page of his narrative, " And here it ought to be marked, that, at this 
moment, the French emperor did nothing to thwart the restoration of tranquillity. He perhaps 
believed, that if a note, which had originated in Paris, were to become the basis of a settlement, 
he migiit found on this circumstance a claim to the glory of having pacified Europe, and, in that 
wholesome way, might achieve that sort of conspicuousness which he loved and needed." — Th« 
Invasion of the C 'mea, vol. i. p. 228. 



THE CRIMEAN WAR. 539 

he declared the terras acceptable to Russia. It was then presented to the 
sultan, and the acceptance was pressed " with all the moral weight which the 
four powers could give to their unanimous award." * The sultan certainly 
would have adopted the note but for the opposition of Lord Stratford, the 
British minister at Constantinople. We cannot but infer, from the narrative 
of Mr. Kinglake, that Lord Stratford's opposition was founded on pique in 
not having been consulted. 

"The governments of the four powers," writes Mr. Kinglake, "and their 
representatives assembled at Vienna, fondly imagined that they could settle 
the dispute, and restore tranquillity to Europe, without consulting Lord Strat- 
ford de Redcliffe. They framed and despatched the note without learning 
what his opinion of it was. . . . The one man who was judge of what 
ought or ought not to be conceded by the Turks was Lord Stratford ; and it 
is plain that any statesmen who forgot him in their reckoning must have 
been imperfect in their notion of political dynamics."! 

Thus it would seem, that, but for this pique of a single individual, — that 
of "this strong-willed Englishman,"! — the conciliatory and reasonable terms 
presented by the Emperor of the French would have been accepted by the 
sultan. Thus all the immeasurable woes of the Crimean War, with its sacrifice 
of a million of lives and hundreds of millions of wealth, would have been 
averted. Upon apparently such trivial influences are the most momentous 
issues of earth suspended. 

Lord Stratford, in his despatches to the British Government, professed that 
"he scrupulously abstained from expressing any private opinion of his on the 
note while it was under consideration at the Porte." But Mr. Kinglake says, 
"It cannot be doubted that Lord Stratford's opinion was opposed to that of 
his government. It is not to be believed, that, even if he strove to do so, 
Lord Stratford could hide his real thoughts from the Turkish ministers. 
There was that in his very presence which disclosed his volition. For if the 
thin, disciplined lips moved in obedience to constituted authorities, men 
who knew how to read the meaning of his brow, and the light which kindled 
beneath, would gather that the ambassador's thought concerning the home 
governments of the five great powers of Europe was little else than an angry 
' quos ego.' " § 

Thus influenced, the Porte, on the 19th of August, declined to accept the 
note, unless certain alterations were made. The Emperor of Russia refused 
to accept the note with the alterations. Thus the Emperor of France was 
disappointed in his efforts to avert the horrors of war. In urging the adop- 
tion of the note, "Europe," writes Kinglake, "was in the wrong, and Lord 
Stratford and the Turks were in the right." It is not probable that history 
will ratify this verdict.|| 

* Kinglake, vol, i. p. 227. t Idem, p. 228. J Idem, p. 229. § Idem, p. 230. 

II " Welcome or unwelcome, the truth must be told. A huge obstacle to the maintenance of 
peace in Europe was raised up by the temper of the English people. The English desired war ; 
and perhaps it ought to be acknowledged that there were many to whom war, for the sake of 
war, was no longer a hateful tho ght." — The Invasion of the Crimea, by A. W. Kinglake, toI. L 
p. 262. 



540 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

The alterations demanded by the sultan seemed so trivial or unreasonal le, 
that the ambassadors of the four powers were disjiosed to insist that the Porte 
should accept the note without the proposed modifications. In the mean 
time, however, the Turkish Government had informed Russia of its rejection 
of the note unless amended. This gave Russia a new advantage. The four 
powers had presented terms of settlement which they declared to be just. 
The czar had accepted them; the sultan had rejected them. 

On the 7th of September, the ambassadors in session at Vienna, who were 
about to insist upon the acceptance of the note by the sultan, encountered a 
new embarrassment. The Emperor Nicholas, emboldened by this action of 
the sultan in rejecting the terms which had been proposed, sent in response a 
despatch to Vienna, containing such comments upon his interpretation of the 
significance of the note, that the powers could no longer insist that the Porte 
should present it with such an interpretation.* 

Nicholas was still reluctant to enter upon a war which threatened to assume 
such gigantic proportions. In all Europe, he could not find an ally. Every 
government was against him. He therefore issued a circular to all the ambas- 
sadors of foreign courts at St. Petersburg, stating that Russia would not take 
the ofiensive, but would content herself with retaining the principalities 
which she had seized until Turkey should give her satisfaction. 

Russia, therefore, still held military possession of the Turkish principalities. 
Turkey, regarding this as a hostile act, issued a declaration, that, if the Russian 
troops were not withdrawn within fifteen days, war would be understood as 
declared. The troops were not withdrawn ; and on the 2.3d of October, the 
fifteen days having expired, Russia and Turkey were in a state of war. 

It now became necessary that there should be some decisive action on the 
part of France and England. They must either withdraw entirely from 
the field, or advance with fleet and army to the support of the sultan. No co- 
operative measures were as yet agreed upon by these two powers, except 
that the English and French fleets ascended to Constantinople. 

The czar was now thoroughly roused. The Russian fleet was at Sevastopol, 
on the northern shore of the Euxine. On the southern shore, at the distance 
of nearly three liundred miles, the Turkish fleet was at anchor in the Bay of 
Sinope. On the 30th of November, the Russian fleet, consisting of six sail of 
the line, entered the bay. The Turks opened fire. The battle was brief, ter- 
rific, and awfully destructive of life. Every Turkish vessel but one was sunk 
by the vastly superior force of the Russians; and four thousand of theii crew 
perished. Less than four hundred escaped, and nearly all of these were 
wounded.f 

The Emperor of France was greatly chagrined that such a disaster shouU 
have taken place almost within sound of the guns of the French and 
British squadrons. In England, the popular indignation was even more in- 
tense than in France; but still the French Emperor was anxious, if possible, to 
arrest the progress of the war. Instead of urging measures of fierce retaliation, 

* Kinglake, vol. i. p. 231. Also le Baron de Bazaucourt, torn. i. p. 29. 
t Eastern Papers, part ii. p. 305. 



THE CKIMEAN WAR. 541 

he proposed to give notice to Russia, "that France and England were resolved 
to prevent the repetition of the affair at Sinope ; and that every Kussian ship 
thenct forward met in the Euxine would be requested, and if necessary con- 
strained, to return to Sevastopol ; and that any act of aggression afterwards 
attemj-.ted against the Ottoman territory or flag would be repelled by force." * 
The English cabinet concurred in this measure. On the 12th of January, 
1854, the fleets of France and England entered the Euxine. The ambassadors 
of the four powers drew up another note, to which the Ottoman Porte was 
constrained to give its assent ; and now all the authority of the four powers 
was to be called into requisition to press its acceptance upon the czar. But 
Nicholas was inexorable. His passions were so roused, that he refused to lis- 
ten to any measures of conciliation. All hope of a peaceful termination of the 
difiiculties seemed to have vanished. Still, the Emperor of France, at this late 
hour, made yet another efibrt to save Europe from the awful conflict. In the 
following autograph-letter directed to the czar, he earnestly appealed to his 
sense of justice and humanity to avert the threatened strife : — 

"Palace of the Tuileries, Jan. 29, 1854. 

"SiEE, — The difference which has arisen between your Majesty and the 
Ottoman Porte has reached a point so serious, that I deem it a duty myself 
to explain directly to your Majesty the part which France has taken in this 
question, and the means by which, it seems to me, the dangers which menace 
Europe may be averted. 

"The note which your Majesty has recently delivered to our government 
and to that of Queen Victoria assumes that the system of pressure, adopted 
from the beginning by the two maritime powers, has alone envenomed the 
question. It would, on the contrary, it seems to me, have continued a ques- 
tion of the cabinet, if the occupation of the principalities had not suddenly 
transferred it from the domain of discussion into that of facts. Neverthe- 
les.s, the troops of your Majesty having once entered Wallachia, we still en- 
deavored to induce the Porte not to regard the occupation as a cause of war ; 
thus manifesting our extreme desire for conciliation. 

"After being myself in concert with England, Austria, and Prussia, I trans- 
mitted to your Majesty a note designed to give common satisfaction. Your 
Majesty accepted it.f But scarcely were we informed of this good news, when 
your Majesty's minister, by explanatory commentaries, destroyed the conciliat- 
ing effect of the note, and thus prevented us from insisting at Constantinople 
upon its adoption pure and simple. 

" The Porte, on its side, had also proposed to the project of the note modi 
fications which the four powers represented at Vienna did not find unaccept- 
able. They did not receive the assent of your Majesty. Then the Porte, 
wounded in its dignity, menaced in its independence, involved in debt by the 
efforts already made to oppose an army to the forces of your Majesty, chose 
rather to declare war than to remain in that state of uncertainty and abase- 
ment. 

* Eastern Papers, part ii. p. 307. 

t This was " the Vienna Note " referred to above, which was", adopted by the four powers, and 
sent U. Nichilas, but which the sultan, by the advice of Lord Stratford, rejected. 



542 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

" The Porte implored our aid : its cause appeared to us just. The English 
and French squadrons received orders to cast anchor in the Bosphorus. 

" Our attitude in respect to Turkey was protective, but passive. We did 
not incite to war. We endeavored incessantly to proclaim, in the ears of the 
sultan, counsels of peace and of moderation, persuaded that these were the 
means by which to arrive at agreement ; and the four powers again undertook 
to submit to your Majesty new propositions. 

"Your Majesty, on your part, exhibiting that calmness which springs from 
the consciousness of strength, limited youi'self to repel on the left banks of 
the Danube, as in Asia, the attacks of the Turks, and, with moderation worthy 
of the chief of a great empire, declared that you would stand upon the defen- 
sive. Until then, we were, I must say, interested spectators, but simple spec- 
tators, of the strife, when the affair of Sinope came to force us to take a 
position more decisive. 

" France and England had not deemed it proper to send troops to dis- 
embark for the aid of Turkey. Their flags were not then engaged in the 
conflicts which had taken place on the land ; but upon the sea it was very 
different. They had at the entrance of the Bosphorus three thousand pieces 
of cannon, whose presence proclaimed sufficiently loud to Turkey that the 
two first maritime powers would not permit the Porte to be attacked upon 
the sea. The affair at Sinope was for us as wounding as it was unexpected ; 
for it was of little importance whether the Turks had wished or not to pass 
munitions of war over the Russian territory. In point of fact, Russian ships 
had attacked Turkish vessels in the waters of Turkey, and while tranquilly at 
anchor in a Turkish port. They have destroyed this Turkish fleet, notwith- 
standing the assurance given not to wage an aggressive war, and notwithstand- 
ing the neighborhood of our squadrons. It was no longer our policy which 
received a check : it was our military honor. These cannon-shots of Sinoj^e 
have re-echoed grievously in the hearts of all those in England and in France 
who cherish a lively sentiment of national dignity. They have exclaimed 
with common accord, ' Wherever our cannon can be heard, our allies ought 
to be respected.' 

" Hence the order was given to our squadrons to enter the Black Sea, and 
to prevent, by force if necessary, the recurrence of a similar event ; hence the 
united notification sent to the cabinet of St. Petersburg, to announce to it, 
that, if we would prevent the Turks from waging an aggressive war upon 
territory belonging to Russia, we must also protect Turkish territoiy from the 
ravages of Russian troops. As to the Russian fleet, in interdicting it the 
navigation of the Black Sea, we place it under different conditions; for it is 
necessary, during the continuance of the war, to preserve a pledge which may 
be an equivalent for that portion of the Turkish territory which Russia has 
occupied, and which pledge may thus facilitate the conclusion of peace by 
becoming the title for an equitable exchange. 

" Behold, sire, the true succession and train of events ! It is clear that they 
have reached a point which must lead promptly to a definite agreement or to 
a decided rupture. Your Majesty has given so many proofs of yo.ir solicitude 
for the repose of Europe, you have contributed so powerfully by your benefi- 



THE CRIMEAN WAR. 543 

cent influence ngainst the spirit of disorder, that I cannot doubt of your decision 
in the alternative which presents itself to your choice. If your Majesty desires 
as much as I do a pacific conclusion, what can be more simple than to declare 
that an armistice will be signed immediately, that affiiirs will resume their 
diplomatic course, that all hostility will cease, and that all the belligerent 
forces will retire from the places which they have occupied through motives 
of war ? 

"Thus the Russian troops will abandon the principalities, and our squad- 
rons will leave the Black Sea. Your Majesty, preferring to treat directly 
w^ith Turkey, will name an ambassador whjp will negotiate with a plenipoten- 
tiary of the sultan, — an agreement which will be submitted to a conference 
of the four powers. Let your Majesty adopt this plan, upon which the Queen 
of England is in perfect accord with me, and tranquillity is re-established, 
and everybody satisfied. There is truly nothing in this plan which is not 
worthy of your Majesty, nothing which can wound your honor. But if, through 
a motive difficult to comprehend, your Majesty opposes a refusal, then France, 
and also England, will be obliged to submit to the fortune of arms and to 
the hazards of war that which could now be decided by reason and justice. 

" Let not your Majesty think that the least animosity enters into my heart. 
It experiences no other sentiments than those expressed by yo ^r Majesty 
yourself, in your letter of the 17th of January, 1853, when you wrote to me, 
' Our relations ought to be sincerely friendly, to repose upon the same inten- 
tions, — the maintenance of order, the love of peace, respect for treaties, and 
reciprocal good will.' This programme is worthy of the sovereign who has 
traced it; and I do not hesitate to affirm that I shall remain faithful to it. 

" I pray your Majesty to believe in the sincerity of my regard ; and it is 
with these sentiments that I am, sire, 

" Of your Majesty the good friend, 

" Napoleon." * 

The Russian czar turned a deaf ear to this appeal, and soon, in token of 
his severe displeasure, withdrew his ambassadors from Paris and from London. 
France and England followed his example, and i-ecalled their ministers from 
St. Petersburg. Thus, on the 21st of February, 1854, though w^ar was not 
declared, diplomatic relations between Russia and the Western powers ceased. 
Still all parties were slow in engaging in active hostilities ; and yet all were 
active in preparation for the great struggle. Austria, assuming rather the 
position of mediator, proposed that France and England should summon 
Russia to withdraw from the principalities ; and, if she refused to comply, 
they should declare war. Austria promised to support this summons, as also 
did Prussia.f Thus affiurs lingered. Each party seemed to hesitate in pre- 
cipitating the strife. 

* (Euvres de Napoleon III., torn, troisicme, pp. 373-376. 

t The following was the form of Austria's proposition of the 22(1 of February, conveyed to 
both France and England : " If England and France will fix a term for the evacuation of the 
principalities, the expiration of which shall be the signal for hostilities, the cabinet of Vienna 
will support the summons." — Eastern Papers, part vii. p. 53. 



544 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

About a month after Napoleon had written his friendly letter to the Czar 
Nicholas, the French legislative session was opened on the 2d of March, 
1854. The emperor, in his message to the united senators and deputies on 
that occasion, said, — 

" Last year, in my opening discourse, I promised to make every effort in 
my power to maintain peace, and to tranquillize Europe. I have kept my 
word. In order to avoid a conflict, I have gone as far as honor would permit 
me to go. Europe now knows beyond all doubt, that, if France draw the 
sword, it is because she is compelled to do so. She knows that France has 
no idea of aggrandizement : she wishes only to resist dangerous encroach- 
ments. Also I love to proclaim loudly that the time for conquests is passed 
beyond return : for it is no longer in extending territorial limits that a 
nation can hereafter be honored and powerful ; it is in placing itself at the 
head of generous ideas, and in causing the principles of law and justice every- 
where to prevail. 

" Thus you see the results of a policy without selfishness and Avithout 
reserve. Behold England, that ancient rival, who binds with us the bonds 
of an alliance daily more intimate, because the ideas which we advocate are 
at the same time those cherished by the English people ! Germany, whom 
the remembrance of ancient wars rendered still more defiant, and who on 
that account has given, for the last forty years, perhaps too many proofs of 
deference to the policy of the cabinet of St. Petersburg, has already recovered 
independence in her conduct, and looks freely to see on which side her true 
interests may be found. Austria in particular, which cannot regard with 
indifference the events which are approaching, enters into our alliance, and 
comes thus to confirm the character of morality, and the justice of the war 
we are about to undertake. 

"Behold the true state of the question in which we are now engaged! 
Europe, engrossed by domestic troubles for forty years, and, moreover, assured 
by the moderation of the Emperor Alexander in 1815, as by that of his 
successor until this day, seemed unconscious of the danger with which it was 
menaced by that colossal power, which, by its successive encroachments, 
embraced the north and the south, and which possesses almost exclusively 
two inland seas, from which it is easy for its armies and its fleets to launch 
forth upon our civilization. It required only the claim, without foundation, 
for Constantinople, to awake slumbering Europe. 

" We have seen in effect, in the East, in the midst of profound peace, a 
sovereign suddenly demanding of his more feeble neighbor new privileges; 
and, because he did not obtain them, he invades two of his provinces. That 
fict alone should place arras in the hands of those who revolt at iniquity. 
But we have also other reasons for supporting Turkey. France has as much 
interest as, and perhaps niore than, England, that the influence of Russia should 
not extend indefinitely upon Constantinople : for to reign at Constantinople 
is to reign over the Mediterranean ; and none of you gentlemen, I think, will 
say that England alone has grand interests in that sea, which washes three 
hundred leagues of our coasts. Moreover, this policy does not date from 



THE CEIMEAN WAR. 545 

yesterday : for many ages, every national government in France has sustained 
it. I shall not abandon it. 

" Let no one, then, any longer say to us, ' What do you intend to do at 
Constantinople?' We go there, with England, to defend the cause of the 
sultan, and also to protect the rights of Christians;- we go there to defend the 
freedom of the seas and our just influence in the Mediterranean ; we go there, 
with Germany, to aid to preserve the rank from which some wish to cause her 
to descend, to assure her frontiers against the preponderance of a neighbor too 
powerful ; we go there, in fine, with all those who wish for the triumph of 
law, of justice, and of civilization. 

" Under these solemn circumstances, gentlemen, as in all those in which I 
shall be obliged to make an appeal to the country, I am sure of your support; 
for I have always found in you the generous sentiments which animate the 
nation. Thus strong in that support, in the nobleness of the cause, in the sin- 
cerity of our alliances, and relying especially upon the protection of God, I 
hope to arrive soon at a peace which it will not be in the power of any one 
person to disturb with impunity." * 

France and England, in accordance with the suggestion of Austria to 
which we have referred, each sent a summons to Russia, declaring, that if the 
czar did not, within six days after receiving the summons, send an answer 
engaging to withdraw his troops from the principalities before the 30th of 
April, the refusal would be regarded as a declaration of war. Prussia, in a 
very earnest appeal to the czar, " urged the Russian Government to consider 
the dangers to which the peace of the world would be exposed by a refusal, 
and declared that the responsibility of the war which might be the conse- 
quence of that refusal would rest with the czar." f 

The Russian minister, Count Nesselrode, informed the consuls of France 
and England — for it will be remembered that their ambassadors had been 
withdrawn — that the emperor did not think fit to send any answer to their 
notes. This refusal was given on the 19th of March, 1854. On the 27th of 
March, the Emperor Napoleon announced to the Senate and Legislative 
Corps that the decision of the cabinet of St. Petersburg had placed France 
and Russia in a state of war. On the same day, the Queen of England made 
a similar announcement to the British Parliament. The queen assigned as 
the cause of the war, her obligations to protect an ally whose integrity and 
independence were essential to the peace of Europe, the sympathies of her 
people for the cause of right against injustice, and the desire to save Europe 
from the preponderance of a power which had violated the faith of trea- 
ties.} 

It was not until the 11th of April that the Emperor of Russia issued his 
declaration of war. He stated that tlie summons Avhich he had received from 
France and England rendered it no longer possible for him to yield with 
honor. In his manifesto to the Russian people, he said, — 

* CEuvres de Napoleon III., torn. iii. pp. 284-286. f Eastern Papers, part vii. p. 72. 

} Kinglake, vol. i. p. 297. 
69 



546 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

" Russia fights not for the things of this world, but for the faith. England 
and France have ranged themselves by the side of the enemies of Christi- 
anity, against Russia fighting for the Orthodox faith : but Russia will not 
alter her divine mission ; and, if enemies invade her frontiers, ^ve are ready 
to meet them with the firmness which our ancestors have bequeathed to us. 
Are we not now the same Russian nation of whose deeds of valor the memo- 
rable events of 1812 bear witness? May the Almighty assist us to prove 
this by deeds! add in this trust, taking up arms for our persecuted brethren 
professing the Christian faith, we will exclaim with the whole of Russia, with 
one heart, ' O Lord our Saviour! whom have we to fear? May God arise, 
and may 'his enemies be scattered ! ' " 

On the 24th of March, four days after the czar had rejected the summons 
of France and England, the Russian troops crossed the Danube at three 
points, and commenced the invasion of Turkey. It was not until the 10th of 
April that France and England entered into a formal alliance for the prose- 
cution of the war.* Neither Austria nor Prussia joined the confederacy. 
Francis Joseph of Austria and the Emperor Nicholas were warm personal 
friends. They had held several private interviews during the negotiations ; 
and it is not improbable that the youthful king, vanquished by the personal 
ascendency of Nicholas, had promised not to draw the sword against him. 
The lung of Prussia, and Nicholas, were brothers-in-law. This consideration 
was sufiicient to make the King of Prussia reluctant to send his armies 
against the czar. Besides, the main conflict was evidently to be waged far 
away on the solitary shores of the Euxine Sea. Troops and all the materiel 
of war could be conveyed there only by water. Neither Austria nor Prussia 
was a maritime power. This consideration, perhaps, gave some plausibility 
to their excuse for standing aloof when actual hostilities commenced. 

It is not our design to give even an abstract of the varying incidents of 
the Crimean War, but only to record those events which reflect light upon the 
conduct and character of the Emperor of the French. Early in July, the 
allies sent a naval and a land force to the Baltic. The emperor, in the follow- 

* In the following terms, the alliance was concluded between France and England : — 

"Article 1. — The high contracting parties engage to do what they can to secure the re-estab- 
lishment of peace between Russia and the Sublime Porte on solid and durable bases, and to 
guarantee Europe against the return of those deplorable complications which now threaten the 
general peace. 

"Art. 2. — The integrity of the Ottoman Empire being violated by the occupation of the 
provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia, and by other movements of the Russian troops, their 
Majesties the Emperor of the French and the Queen of the united realm of Great Britain and 
of Ireland have agreed upon the most appropriate measures to liberate the territory of the sul- 
tan from foreign invasion, and to obtain the object specified in Art. 1. 

" Art. 3. — Whatever events may happen in consequence of the execution of the present con- 
vention, the high contracting parties bind themselves not to accept of any overture or any 
proposition tending to a cessation of hostilities, and not to enter into any arrangement with the 
imperial court of Russia, without having previously deliberated together in common. 

"Art. 4. — Animated by the desire to maintain the European equilibrium, and not pursuing 
any interested end, the high contracting powers agree not to draw any private advantage from the 
events which may occur (aucun avantafje particulier des €u€nements qui pourront se produire)." — 
L' Expedition de Cnm€e, par le Baron de Bazancourt, t. i. p. 4. 



THE CKIMEAN WAR. 547 

ing terms, on the 12th of July, addressed the French troops as they embarked 
at Boulogne : — 

"SoLDiERg, — Russia having compelled us to war, France has armed five 
hundred thousand of her children. England has placed on foot considerable 
forces. To-day, our fleets and our armies, united in the same cause, are about 
to dominate in the Baltic as in the Black Sea. I have chosen you to bear 
our eagles into the regions of the North. English vessels are to transport 
you (fact unique in history) ; which proves the intimate alliance of two great 
people, and the firm resolution of the two governments not to recoil before 
any sacrifice in order to defend the feeble, the liberties of Europe, and 
national honor. 

" Go, my children ! Europe, attentive, will offer, openly or in secret, her 
prayers for your triumph. The country, proud of a conflict in which she 
menaces only the aggressor, will accompany you with her fervent prayers. 
And I, detained by imperious duties far from the scene of conflict, — I shall 
have my eyes upon you ; and soon, in seeing you return, I shall be able to 
say, ' They are the worthy sons of the conquerors of Austerlitz, of Eylau, 
of Friedland, of Moscow.' Go! May God protect you!" 

On the 1st of August, the emperor addressed the following letter to his 
minister of war. It shows the solicitude with which he watched over the 
welfare of the French troops. 

"MoKSiEUR LE Marechal, — I Call youv attention to the sad accidents 
which are yearly renewed at the same period, when obliged to effect the move- 
ment of troops during the season of excessive heat. If they had occurred 
notwithstanding all pi-ecautions had been taken, no one could be blamed ; 
but if through excess of zeal, and in order to execute to the letter a general 
order given from a distance, the health, and even the life, of the soldiers, are 
imperilled, I wish that the chiefs should be severely censured. I will not 
cite examples; but, in many military divisions, the generals have not, per- 
haps, as they should have done, taken upon themselves to execute with 
prudence and circumspection the orders emanating from the minister of 
war. 

" In time of war, when the chief of a corps arrives at the appointed hour 
upon a designated spot, he should be warmly praised, even though he have lost 
one-half of his command upon the I'oute; for then the military interest domi- 
nates over all things else. But, in time of peace, the first duty of a com- 
mander is to take care of his soldiers, and scrupulously to avoid every thing 
which can needlessly endanger their lives. I pray you, therefore, to address 
to the commanders of the military divisions a circular which will remind 
them of the precautions which should be taken to prevent, so far as possible, 
the recurrence of similar disasters ; and may God, Monsieur le Marechal, have 
you in his holy keeping! « Napoleon." 

''Written at Biakeitz the Ist of August, 1854." 



548 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

Soon after this, the emperor issued the following proclamation to the Army 
of the East, which was soon read to them in the midst of enthusiastic shouts 
of " Vive I'Empereur ! " — 

"Palace of the Tui:.eries, Aug. 20, 1854. 

"Soldiers and Sailors of the Army of the East, — You have not 
yet fought, and yet you have obtained brilliant success. Your presence and 
that of the English troops has been sufficient to compel the enemy to repass 
the Danube, and the Russian ships remain ignobly in their ports. You have 
not yet fought; and yet already have you struggled courageously against 
death. A pestilence, fearful though transient, has not been able to repi-ess 
your ardor. France, and the sovereign she has chosen, cannot witness such 
energy and such self-denial without profound emotion, and without rousing 
every effort to come to your aid. 

"The first consul said in 1799, in a proclamation to his army, 'The first 
quality of a soldier is firmness in enduring fatigues and privations : courage 
is but the second.' The first you have already shown. Who will dispute 
your claim to the second ? Also our enemies, extending from Finland to the 
Caucasus, seek with anxiety to learn upon what point France and England 
will direct their blows, which they foresee must be decisive ; for right, justice, 
military inspiration, are on our side. 

" Already Bomarsund and two thousand prisoners have fallen into our 
hands. Soldiers, you will follow the example of the Army of Egypt. The 
conquerors of the Pyramids and of Mount Tabor had, like you, to combat 
disciplined soldiers and pestilence ; but, notwithstanding the plague and the 
effijrts of three armies, they returned in honor to their country. 

" Soldiers, have confidence in your commander-in-chief and in me. I watch 
over you ; and I hope, with the aid of God, soon to see your sufferings dimin- 
ished and your glory augmented. Soldiers, till we meet again, au revoir ! 

" NAPOLEOiSr." 

A large army of reserve, or rather of recruits, was assembled at Boulogne 
and its vicinity, from which detachments were sent to the seat of war as 
needed. The emperor himself took the temporary command of these troops, 
and, in doing so, issued the following characteristic address : — 

"Boulogne, Sept. 2, 1854. 

"Soldiers, — In assuming the command of this Army of the North, one 
division of which has recently obtained renown in the Baltic, I ought even 
now to address you in terras of commendation ; for during two months you 
have supported cheerfully the fatigues and the privations inseparable from 
such an agglomeration of troops. 

"The formation of camps is the best apprenticeship of war ; for it is the 
faithful image of it : but it will be of no profit unless there is explained to the 
comj^rehension of all the reason of the movements to be executed. A numei*- 
ous army is compelled to scatter itself in order to live, that it may not exhaust 
the resources of a country ; and, nevertheless, it must be able to rally itself 



THE CRIMEAN WAR. 549 

promptly upon nny field of battle. Here is found one of the first difficulties 
in a great gathering of troops. 

"'Every army,' said the emperor, 'whose difierent divisions cannot be 
united in twenty-four hours upon any given point, is badly placed.' 

" Ours occupies a triangle, of which St. Omer is the summit, and the base 
of which extends from Ambleteuse to Montreuil. The triangle has a bnse of 
eight leagues, and a height of tweh'e; and all the troops can be concentrated 
in twenty-four hours upon any point of the triangle. These movements can 
be accomplished with facility if the soldier is habituated to marching; if he 
carries easily his provisions and his ammunition ; if each corps commander 
maintains severe discipline on the route ; if the different columns which con- 
verge by various roads have well reconnoitred the ground, and never fail to 
be within supporting distance of each other ; in fine, if any part of the army 
does not impede the march of another part, notwithstanding the immense 
embarrassment of so vast a number of horses and wagons. When the troops 
arrive at the indicated place, it is necessary that they should understand their 
positions, fortify themselves militarily, and bivouac. 

" You see, then, what you are now called to put into practice. Without, 
then, speaking of combats, or of manoeuvres of tactics, you see how every 
thing is linked together in the art of war, and how the most simj^le detail 
may contribute to the general success. 

" Soldiers, the experienced chiefs whom I have placed at your head, and 
the devotion which animates you, will render the command of the Army of 
the North easy to me. You will be worthy of my confidence; and, should 
circumstances require it, you will be ready to respond to the appeal of the 
country. " Napoleon." 

At the end of four weeks, the emperor left these troops for a season, and 
thus addressed them on his departui-e : — 

"Boulogne, Sept. 30, 1854. 

" Soldiers, — I leave you, but soon again to return to judge for myself 
of your progress and of your perseverance. 

"The creation of the Camp of the North, you know, has had for its object 
to bring our troops near the shore, that they may more easily be united 
with those of England, so as to be transported wherever the honor of the 
two countries may require. It has been created to show to Europe, that, 
without stripping any point in the interior, we can easily assemble nearly a 
hundred thousand men from Cherbourg to St. Omer. It has been created to 
accustom you to military exercises, to marches, to fatigue; and believe me, 
that nothing can equal for the soldier this life in common and in the open 
air, which teaches you to know each other, and how to resist the intemper- 
ance of the seasons. 

" Undoubtedly, the sojourn in camp will be rigorous during the winter; but 
I rely upon the eflbrts of each one to render it profitable to all. The country, 
moreover, claims from each of us active co-operation. Some protect Greece 
against the deadly influence of Russia ; others maintain at Rome the inde- 



550 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

pendence of the holy father; others strengthen and extend our dominion in 
Africa ; others, in fine, plant, perhaps this very day, our eagles upon the walls 
of Sevastopol. Now, you who are animated by such noble examples, and 
whose comrades have just rendered themselves illustrious by the capture of 
Bomarsund, — you will be so much the more capable of contributing your part 
in the common enterprise, since you will have obtained experience in the 
works of war. 

" The classic soil which you tread beneath your feet has already formed its 
heroes. This column, erected by our fathers, recalls glorious remembrances; 
and the statue which surmounts it seems, as by a providential design, to 
indicate the route to be pursued. Behold that statue of the emperor! It 
supports itself upon the west, and menaces the east. There lies the danger 
to modern civilization. On our side is the rampart to defend it. Soldiers, 
you will be worthy of our noble mission." 

Early in September, the allies landed about sixty thousand men upon the 
peninsula of the Crimea for an attack upon the immense arsenal and naval 
depot of Russia at Sevastopol. The French army consisted of 1,446 officers, 
28,058 soldiers, 2,904 horses or mules, and 133 pieces of cannon. 172 vessels 
of all kinds — ships of the line, frigates, corvettes, and steamboats — had trans- 
ported this immense force, with an ample supply of provisions, and munitions 
of war. The English army consisted of 27,000 combatants. Of these, 
22,600 were infantry, 3,100 artillery and engineers, and 1,100 cavalry. There 
was also a Turkish division of 7,000 men.* 

After the landing, the spectacle was magnificent. The fleet majestically 
swept along the shores ; while the troops, in all the pomp and pageantry of 
war, marched near the water, under the protection of the guns of the fleet. 
The weather was perfect, with an unclouded sky, a balmy breeze ; while 
around there were spread all the richest beauties of a serene, autumnal land- 
scape. A short march brought them to the River Alma. Upon heights 
strongly fortified, on the opj^osite banks, the Russian general, Mentschikoff^, 
had posted forty thousand men with well-appointed batteries. The position 
was so strong, that MentschikofF seems not to have entertained a doubt that 
he should then and there utterly destroy the allied force. 

The works were stormed in a terrible battle of four hours' duration. The 
French rushed upon the ramparts of the foe with their characteristic impetu- 
osity and abandon, shouting, " Vive I'Empereur ! " The British troops pressed 
forward with the calm and resistless momentum of a lava flood. No military 
combination can be created more formidable than the union of French ardor 
with British invincibility. It was a bloody day, — a day to give joy to the 
heart of the demon of wai'. The rank and file of each of the armies, French, 
English, Turkish, and Russian, were composed mainly of boys and young 
men of from eighteen to twenty-five years of age. These unlettered peasants, 
thus brought together to slaughter each other, had but little conception of 
the merits of the question, which could now only be settled by their blood. 

* L'Expedition de Crimee, par le Baroa de Bazancourt, vol. i. p. 193. 



THE CRIMEAN WAR. 551 

For four hours, the horrid tempest of battle raged, with its tumult, its 
carnage, its woe. The Russians were then seen in full retreat ; but 4,628 
of the poor Russian boys had been struck down, nearly 2,000 of them dead, 
and the remainder torn and bleeding, — many in lingering agony to die.* 
Nothing can more clearly show the desperate valor of the assault than that 
the Russians should have lost so severely when fighting behind their ram- 
parts. 

As the French commander-in-chief. Marshal St. Arnaud, beheld from an 
adjacent eminence the impetuosity with which the French troops rushed 
forward, sweeping like ocean-tides over and around bulwarks and ramparts, 
he rubbed his hands with delight, exclaiming, — 

" O the brave soldiers ! O the worthy sons of Austerlitz and of Fried- 
land!"! 

The allies did not gain a bloodless victory. Their loss in killed and 
wounded amounted to 3,334. Of these, 1,351 belonged to the French army, 
and 1,983 to the British. As the Russians sullenly retired, the allied troops 
remained for a short time to bury the dead, to care for the wounded, and to 
gather materials for the continuation of tlieir march. J 

In the night immediately after the battle, the French marshal, St. Arnaud, 
sent the following despatch to the emperor : — 

"The cannon of your Majesty has spoken. We have gained a complete vic- 
tory. It is a grand day, sire, to add to the military annals of France ; and 
your Majesty will have still another name to add to the victories which adorn 
the flag of the French army." 

In a brief address to the army, the mai'shal wrote, " Soldiers, France and 
the emperor will be satisfied with you. At Alma, you have proved to the 
Russians that you were the worthy sons of the conquerors of Eylau and of 
Moscow." 

To his wife the marchioness he wrote, " Victory, victory, my dearly- 
beloved Louisa! Yesterday, the 20th, I completely beat the Russians. I have 
captured the most formidable positions, defended by more than forty thousand 
men, who are thoroughly vanquished. But nothing can resist French impet- 
uosity and English order and solidity. Adieu, my Louisa! May God protect 
us!" 

It would seem that the French marshal was eager to press forward in pur- 
suit of the routed foe with rapidity ; which Lord Raglan (in command of the 
British troops) did not approve of, or for wliich he was not prepared. Perhaps 
a more fiery and impetuous soul never dwelt in a human frame than that wdiich 

* Russian report, published in I'Invalide Russe. t L'Expedition do Criraee, vol. i. p. 223. 

X The emperor chanced to sec a letter from De Barbe's, who was imprisoned at Belle Isle, in 
which letter Barbcs expressed great joy at the success which was accompanying the French arms. 
The emperor sent the document to the minister of the interior, with the following note : — 

" St. Cloud, Oct. 3, 1854. 
" Monsieur le Ministre, — The following extract of a letter from Barbcs has been ccmmunicntefl to 
me. A prisoner who preserves, notwitlistanflinj,' long suireririgi, such patriotic sentiments cannot, under 
my reigu, remain in prison. Cause him, then, immediately to be set at liberty, and witho;t conditions. 

' Nafoleon." 

CEuvres de Napoleon III., t. iii. p. 399, 



552 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

occupied the body of St. Arnaud. After the delay of a day, he wrote to his 
brother on the 22d, "The Enghsh are not yet ready; and I am detained here 
as at Baltchick, as at Old Fort. It is true, however, that they have more 
wounded than I have, and that they are farther from the sea." 

In his journal, we read, under the same date, the impatient words, " What 
slowness in our movements ! One cannot successfully wage war in this style. 
The weather is admirable ; and I cannot profit by it. I am enraged."* 

Soon after this, the fiery marshal, who was already a very sick man, and 
much exhausted by the campaign, was seized with the cholera, and died. The 
emperor, in anticipation of the event, had sent a despatch to General Canro- 
bert, investing him with the command, should the health of the marshal render 
it necessary for him to abandon it. We have not space here to enter into the 
details of the death of this eminent man. Upon his dying bed, he surrendered 
the command to General Canrobert, saying to him, "From to-day, you will 
take the command. I abandon it with the less regret, since I can place it in 
your hands." 

He then dictated a few words of adieu to his soldiers, saying, — 

"Your general-iu-chief, conquered by a cruel malady, against which he has 
vainly contended, sees with profound grief that circumstances impose upon 
him the imperious duty of resigning the command, since his health no longer 
affords him strength to bear the burden. Soldiers, you will sympathize with 
me; for the misfortune which has struck me is immense, irreparable, and 
perhaps without example." 

His last words were, " O the emperor ! O my poor Louisa ! " The em- 
peror, as he inquired into all the minutest details of his death, could not 
restrain the tears which frequently flooded his eyes. " I have, indeed," said 
he to General Yusuf, " lost a devoted friend." To the bereaved marchioness 
he wrote the following letter of condolence : — 

"Saint Cloud, Oct. 16, 1854. 

"Madame the Maechioxess, — No one, you know, can share more deeply 
than I do the grief which oppresses you. The marshal had associated himself 
with my cause from the day in which, leaving Africa to take the portfolio of 
the minister of war, he co-operated to establish order and authority in the 
country. He had associated his name with the military glories of France 
from the day in which, deciding to land upon the Crimea, notwithstanding 
timid advice, he gained (with Lord Raglan) the battle of Alma, and opened to 
our army the road to Sevastopol. 

"I have, then, lost in him a friend devoted in the most painful trials, as 
France has lost in him a soldier always ready to serve her in the moment of 
danger. Undoubtedly, so many titles to the public gratitude and to my own 
are powerless to solace such grief as yours ; and I limit myself to assuring you 
that I cherish for you and for the family of the marshal the sentiments with 
which he has inspired me. Receive, madame the marchioness, the sincere 
expression of it. " Napoleon." 

* L'Expedition de Crimce jusqu'd \a Prise de Sevastopol, par le Baron de Bazancourt, 
Charge de Mission en Crimee, torn. i. p. 261. 



THE CRIMEAN WAR. 553 

By the direction of the emperor, the Council of State immediately presented 
the project of law by which an annuity of twenty thousand francs was voted 
as a national recompense to Madame the Marchioness of St, Arnaud. 

The allied troops now advanced rapidly towards Sevastopol, and commenced 
the world-renowned siege of that series of fortresses which had been pro- 
nounced impregnable. All that modern art, and military skill, and reckless 
courage, could confer, were enlisted alike in the attack and in tlie defence. 
"When we consider the destructive power of the modern enginery of war, tlie 
military scientific ability of the contending parties, and the grandeur of the 
powers engaged in the strife, it must be admitted that such a conflict earth 
had never witnessed before. The sea was covered with the contending fleets : 
the land was crowded with the struggling armies. On both sides, the bullet, 
the sword, and the cholera were busy. As thousands of the dead were placed 
beneath the sod, other thousands were sent forward to take their places. For 
more than a year, this tempest of war raged and I'oared incessantly around 
the crags and massive bastions of Sevastopol. 
TO 




CHAPTER XXXII. 



A CONQUERED PEACE. 

Battle of Inkerman. — Co-operation of the Allies. — The Emperor's Address to the Legislative 
Corps. — The Imperial Visit to England. — Views expressed by " The London Times." — 
The Return to France. — Attempt at Assassination. — The Visit of Victoria to France. 
— Address to the Legislative Corps. — Last Scenes at Sevastopol. — Rejoicings in Paris. — 
Birth of the Prince Imperial. — Congratulations and Responses. — The Treaty of Peace. — 
Genius of Napoleon III. — The Conspiracy of Orsini. — Opening the Boulevard of Sevas- 
topol. — Inauguration of the Works at Cherbourg. — Speech at Rennes. 

HE night of the 4th of ISTovember, 1854, was, in the Crimea, 
clouded and dark. A heavy fog buried in its gloom the armies 
struggling around Sevastopol. Early in the morning of the 
5th, before the dawn of day, the Russians, in immense force, 
issued from their works, and fell upon the English division of 
the allied troops encamped upon the Plateau of Inkerman. To 
distract attention, feigned attacks were also made in the darkness upon other 
points; but the great weight of the sortie was to fall with crushing and 
annihilating force upon the English troops. 

Suddenly, immense columns of Russians plunged into the British camp, 
where the soldiers were quietly sleeping in their tents. The dense masses of 
the enemy rushed on from several directions, discharging volleys of musketry, 
and sweeping the encampment with grape and canister. The outposts were 
driven in so hurriedly, that they had scarcely opportunity to fire a gun. The 
English officers and soldiers sprang to arms, and with the courage and cool- 
ness characteristic of British troops, half dressed, in the darkness, and the 
fog, and the pouring rain, speedily formed in battle array, and, almost as 
immovable as the granite cliiFs around, received the onset of the foe. 

An indescribable scene of confusion ensued. In the darkness, vast masses 
of men were hurling themselves upon each other ; and, as the attack was 
made at several points, no one could tell where the weight of the assault 
would fall. The shoutings of the officers, the rushings to and fro of the 
bewildered soldiers, the deafening roar of cannon, and the rattle of musketry, 
while the missiles of war were strewing the ground with the mutilated and the 
dead, all together presented a scene of tumult and of terror such as even 
veteran soldiers have rarely witnessed. 

The second division of the French army, under General Bosquet, occupied 
a position next adjoining that of the English lines, which were attacked at 

654 



A CONQUERED PEACE, 555 

three different points. General Bosquet, hearing the uproar, sprang upon liis 
horse, and ordered the alarm to be beat. The French troops were instantly 
under arms. General Canrobert also, the French commander-in-chief, being 
informed of the attack, immediately despatched officers of his staff to all the 
different positions of his army, to have the troops ready for instant action. 
But these officers found that tlie orders had everywhere been anticipated by 
the vigilant local commanders. In the mean time. General Canrobert rode 
forward to ascertain in person the nature of the attack. 

General Bosquet, by a certain military instinct which he seemed to possess, 
judging that the main attack would be made upon the Plateau of Inkerman, 
set off cautiously through the dense fog, with two battalions, four companies 
of chasseurs depied, and two batteries, to the aid of his English friends. 

He soon met two English generals, — Brown and Cathcart, — and, riding up 
to them, informed them of his apprehension that a concentrated attack was 
being made by the enemy on the Plateau of Inkerman, and offered them the 
aid of the troops he had with him, stating also that he was ready to bring up 
additional re-enforcements. These officers did not seem to apprehend any 
danger. They courteously thanked the general for his zeal, but said, — 

" Our own reserves are sufficient to meet all emergencies. However, we 
will thank you if you will strengthen a little our right in the rear of the 
English redoubt." * 

General Bosquet promptly posted two of his battalions as requested, and, 
still feeling disquieted, rode forward on a personal reconnoissance. The fog 
now hfted a little ; and the dawning day exposed a large body of the enemy 
near at hand, who immediately opened fire from their batteries, which was 
vigorously returned. Still General Bosquet was of the opinion that this was 
merely a feint; and he said to Colonel Steel, an English officer whom he soon 
encountered, " Go to Inkerman : it is at Inkerman that the great conflict is 
to take place." • 

Soon after this, a group of English officers were seen coming at their 
utmost speed from the Plain of Inkerman. Colonel Steel, who had set off 
in that direction, was returning with them, his horse covered with foam. 
While the other officers pressed forward towards the headquarters of General 
Raglan, Colonel Steel rode up to General Bosquet, and said to him, — 

" The great attack is at Inkerman. The English are crushed by the ever- 
increasing masses of the enemy. On every side, the Russian troops appear; 
fresh columns replacing those which are repelled, and filling the plateau with 
their compact masses. The Duke of Cambridge and his valiant guards are 
fighting in despair. There is not a moment to be lost." 

" I know it!" exclaimed General Bosquet. "Go, say to our allies that the 
French will arrive on the full run." 

Immediately General Bosquet ordered the chief of his staff. Colonel de 
Cissey, to go as quickly as possible, and direct General Bourbaki to throw the 
whole of his command, with fixed bayonets, upon the left flank of the Rus- 
sians; but already General Bourbaki had ascertained the gravity of the 

* Le Baron de Bazancourt, vol. i. p. 58. 



556 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

situation, and the imperious necessity of arresting by an audacious attack the 
advance of the enemy. Colonel de Cisscy found the battalions of Bourbaki 
already in movement, rushing down the declivity towards the plateau. The 
French troops were now arriving in large numbers, and with great enthusiasm, 
to the support of their allies. 

The English fought against the overpowering throng of their assailants 
with heroic and indomitable courage. It was about eight o'clock when the 
troops, commanded by General Bourbaki, precipitated themselves upon the 
field of conflict, and when the French batteries opened their fire. The 
ground over which these French troops rushed was covered with the dead 
bodies of the English and the Russians, showing how terrible had been the 
struggle. On every side were seen tents overturned and torn into shreds by 
shot and shell ; fragments of uniform, muskets, and arms of all kinds, trampled 
into the blood-stained mire. Even the wounded had been forgotten in the 
terribleness of the conflict ; and they lay upon the field in the midst of the 
dying and the dead. 

As General Bourbaki's division, in strong battle array, led by their heroic 
commander, rushed upon the plain to the aid of their English friends with 
the ela7i ever characteristic of French troops, the sight was so sublime and so 
inspiring, that the whole English army for a moment ceased to fight, and, 
swinging their arms in the air, greeted their allies with a hurrah which rose 
above the din of the battle. The French responded with reiterated cries of 
"Vive I'Empereur!" as they pressed on to the charge. But there was equal 
valor, equal military skill, equal desperation, upon all sides. It is in vain to 
attempt to describe the strife, as, hour after hour in the surging billows of 
battle, the harvest of death was reaped. Twice the French were driven 
back by overpowering numbers. Twice they renewed the charge, trampling 
the Russians, retiring before them, beneath their feet. The French troops, 
who were greatly outnqjnbered, were near being crushed, when General 
Bosquet brought re-enforcements to their aid. General Canrobert also led 
forward all his reserves, and, in consultation with General Raglan, sent them 
where most needed. 

Still the Russians came pouring on, column after column, as though the 
whole Russian army was concentrating upon that one point. Many of the 
English troops had expended all their ammunition, and were sullenly retiring. 
Lord Raglan, as he contemplated the field, shook his bead, and said sadly, but 
with calmness which never left him, — 

" I think that we are very sick." * 

« Not very, my lord, let us hope," said General Canrobert. 

In fact, the Russians had obtained possession of the English works on the 
left, and had entered into their batteries. But just then General Forey came 
up with a body of French troops, and by a vigorous assault compelled the 
foe to retire. General Canrobert stood upon an eminence, watching the fluc- 
tuations of the battle. A shell burst over his head, and at the same time a 
bullet struck him in the side. He had his wound dressed upon the spot, and 
still remained at his post of observation. 

* Le Baron de Bazancourt, vol. i. p. 75. 



A CONQUERED PEACE. 557 

The assault of the Russians was terrible, repeated, endless, like the surf 
dashing upon the shore, retiring, and ever returning. The plateau upon which 
the battle was fought was naiTOW, confined, unequal, surrounded by hills 
which revealed continually the approach of new masses of the enemy. The 
conflict, in its inextricable maze, raged for seven hours. There were innumer- 
able acts of heroism, personal hand-to-hand conflicts, retreats and rallyings, 
bloody repulses, followed by onsets of renewed desperation. The African 
Zouaves signalized themselves on this day. General Bosquet galloped along 
their ranks, reminding them of their past achievements ; and as he shouted, 
" Come on, my brave Zouaves, show yourselves the children of fire!" they leaped 
forward with the ferocity, the strength, and almost the agility, of the tigers in 
their native jungles. At length, the Russians, being crowded into a narrow 
space by the gathering forces of the allies, and with their ranks ploughed 
through and through by ever-accumulating batteries, were thrown into 
disorder. The allies charged them with desperation. There was a brief 
scene of awful slaughter, when the Russians retired with their thinned and 
bleeding ranks, and the battle of Inkerman was ended. It was a memorable 
victory for the allies, but a victory which sent anguish to thousands of homes 
in England and in France, as well as in Russia. 

The English army, which on the Plateau of Inkerman counted sixteen 
thousand five hundred bayonets, lost in killed and wounded two thousand 
five hundred and eighty men. Forty-one of these were officers, including three 
general oflScers. Lord Raglan, immediately after the termination of the battle, 
met General Bosquet. Riding up to him, he took his hand, and said, "In tlio 
name of England, I thank you." The Duke of Cambridge soon arrived. His 
countenance was impressed with the deepest sadness. He had fought like a 
common soldier at the head of his guards. The generals complimented him 
upon his bravery. " All my friends," said he bitterly, " are dead, all my 
brothers in arms, all those with whom I lived ; and it is not ray fault that I 
have not died with them." Saying this, he showed his garments pierced by 
bullets.* 

The Queen of England sent a graceful message of thanks to the French 
army. General Canrobert presented this gratifying testimonial to his troops. 
The emperor, in a letter of congratulation to General Canrobert, dated Palace 
of St. Cloud, Nov. 24, 1854, said, — 

"Express in my name to the army all my satisfaction for the courage 
which it has exhibited, for its energy in supporting fatigues and privations, 
and for its ardent cordiality towards our allies. Thank the generals, the 
officers, the soldiers, for their valiant conduct. Say to them that I sympa- 
thize with them intensely in their trials, the cruel losses which they have 
experienced ; and that it will be my most constant endeavor to alleviate the 
bitterness of these sorrows." 

A few weeks after this, on the 26th of December, the legislative session 
was opened. The emperor, in his address, congratulated the nation upon the 
unanimity with which France was prosecuting the war, upon the readiness 

• Le Baron de Bazancourt, vol. i. p. 110. 



558 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

with which even more than the necessary funds were voted, and upon tlio 
constantly-increasing sympathy of the other powers of Europe with the allies. 

" War," said the emperor, " involves cruel sacrifices. Nevertheless, all con- 
siderations urge me to push it with vigor; and, in that view, I rely upon your 
concurrence. The array, to-day, consists of five hundred and eighty-one 
thousand soldiers, and one hundred and thirteen thousand horses. The 
marine has sixty-two thousand sailors embarked. It is indispensable to 
maintain this effective foi'ce. But, in order to fill the vacancies occasioned by 
the annual discharges and the war, I shall ask of you, as in the last year, for 
a levy of one hundred and forty thousand men. 

" You will see with pleasure that our revenues have not diminished. In- 
dustrial activity sustains itself All the great works of public utility are 
continued. The war which is in progress, circumscribed by moderation and 
justice, while causing all hearts to palpitate, so little disturbs general inter- 
ests, that soon, from the different parts of the globe, there will be collected 
here all the products of peace. Strangers cannot fail to be impressed in 
witnessing the spectacle of a country, which, relying upon divine protection, 
sustains with energy a war at six hundred leagues from its frontiers, and 
which develops with the same ardor its interior riches, — a country in which 
war does not prevent agriculture and manufactures from prospering, the arts 
from flourishing, and in which the genius of the nation reveals itself in every 
thing which can contribute to the glory of France." * 

With the utmost cordiality, the Legislature responded to the views of the 
emperor, and, with scarcely a dissenting voice, voted the supplies. A large 
committee communicated to the emperor this vote, together with warm 
expressions of the confidence of the Legislative Corps. 

In the month of April, 1855, while the Crimean War was still in progress. 
Napoleon and Eugenie visited Queen Victoria in her own dominions. The 
imperial couple were everywhere received in England with the most cordial 
demonstrations of regard. Not a dissenting voice was heard to disturb the 
enthusiasm with which they were greeted. The palaces of Victoria blazed 
with regal fUes in their honor. The addresses to the emperor were friendly 
and flattering in the extreme. His reception was alike enthusiastic by the 
court and by the jiopulace. In the streets of Dovei', where he landed on 
the 16th of April, and in the castle of Windsor, where the imperial couple 
were received the next day, the welcome was alike spontaneous and hearty. 
One sentence from the speech of the Lord Mayor of Windsor will show the 
character of the whole address: — 

" We'are sensible, sire, that to the wisdom and vigor of your Impei-ial Ma- 
jesty's counsels, and to your unceasing endeavors to promote the true interests 
of the powerful and generous nation which Providence has committed to your 
care, may be attributed that prosperity and happiness which your country 
now enjoys." 

"The London Times" of that date gives the following account of the recep- 
tion which England gave to her distinguished guest : — 

* La Politique Imperiale de TEmpereur Napoleon III., p. 205. 



A CONQUERED PEACE, 559 

" They were the associations connected with Napoleon the Third — the re- 
membrance of his deeds, and the knowledge of his worth — which pressed along 
his progress the millions who this week have given to the world an imperish- 
able testimony of their appreciation, their amply-founded appreciation, of forti- 
tude in troubles, energy in action, courage amidst dangers, and clemency amid 
triumphs. 

" They honored the wisdom and probity which occupied a mighty throne, 
and honored the thousand princely qualities which had won it ; they hon- 
ored the great man who had retrieved the prosperity and the power of France; 
they honored the good sovereign whose chief care is the welfare of his people : 
and in the greeting offered to Napoleon, we may truly add, there was a love 
for the nation which he had restored to its legitimate place amongst the 
powers of the earth at a moment most critical to its destinies, and to which 
he had given back, with the suddenness of enchantment, all its internal pros- 
perity, after convulsions which made the most sanguine despair of its future. 
Given back! — he has opened for it a new career of unjn-ecedented success." 

The addresses from the various corporations and public bodies breathed the 
same generous and friendly spirit. We cannot forgot that it was the heir of 
the exile of St. Helena whom England was thus honoring, — the man who had 
inherited the crown of Napoleon I., who had imbibed his principles, and who 
had re-established the empire upon the same moral and political foundations 
which Napoleon I. had laid. On tlie 17th of April, a banquet was offered to 
their Majesties by the city of London. In the emperor's response to the very 
complimentary address of the loi'd mayor, he said, — 

"As for me, I have preserved on the throne, for the people of England, the 
sentiments of esteem and sympathy which I professed in exile, when I enjoyed 
here the hospitality of the Queen ; and, if I have conformed my conduct to my 
convictions, it is because the interests of the nation which elected me, as well 
as those of general civilization, constrain me to do so." 

Upon the emperor's return to France, he was received, on his route and in 
the metropolis, with ever-increasing homage and affection. On the 28th of 
April, there was a very desperate attempt made for his assassination by a man 
named Pianori, who does not seem to have had any accomplices. The empe- 
ror was riding upon horseback near the Barriere de I'fitoile, the empress accom- 
panying him in the carriage. The assassin approached very near his intended 
victim, and fired twice at him with a revolver. One shot grazed the emperor's 
hat. The assassin was instantly seized, and afterwards executed. The empe- 
ror was the first to ride to the carriage to inform the empress that he was 
unharmed. The Senate, in a body, called upon the emperor with their congrat- 
ulations for his escape. In his reply, the emperor said, — 

"I thank the Senate for the kind wishes it has expressed to me. I do not 
fear the attempt of assassins. There are existences which are the instruments 
of the decrees of Providence. So long as I shall not have accomplished my 
mission, I incur no danger." 

A few months after the excursion of the emperor and empress to England, 
Queen Victoria, and her illustrious consort Piince Albert, returned the visit. 
They were received in the palaces of France, and by the thronging population 



560 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

of Paris, with a splendor of hospitality and an enthusiasm of greeting which 
could not have been surpassed. These friendly visits between the sovereigns 
of nations which had so long been in antagonism constitute one of the memo- 
rable events in the history of ages. 

Paris is admirably adapted for festive occasions. Never before did its majes- 
tic avenues blaze with so much splendor. It was the wise policy of the Empe- 
ror of the French which secured this interchange of friendship and hospitality. 

There was a new session of the Legislative Corps on the 2d of July. The 
emperor, in his opening speech, said, — 

" Unhappily, the conferences of Vienna have been powerless in securing 
peace. Have we failed in moderation in the settlement of the conditions? 
I do not fear to examine the question before you. It is but about a year since 
the war commenced. Already, France and England have saved Turkey, 
gained two battles, forced Russia to evacuate the principalities, and to exhaust 
her resources to defend the Crimea. We have also in our favor the adhesion 
of Austria, and the moi'al approbation of the rest of Europe. 

" The admirable devotion of the army and of the navy will soon, I hope, 
secure a favorable result. It is for you to give me the means to continue the 
struggle. (At that moment the whole Legislative Corps rose, and responded ns 
one man, ' Yes, yes ! ') The country has already shown what were its resources, 
and its confidence in me. It offered me, several months ago, seventeen hun- 
dred million francs (three hundred and forty million dollars) more than I asked 
of it. A part will suffice to sustain its military honor and its rights as a great 
nation. 

"I had resolved to go and place myself in the midst of that vahant army, 
where the presence of the sovereign could not but produce a happy eiFect. 
A witness of the heroic efforts of our soldiers, I should have been proud to be 
able to direct them. But grave questions, agitated abroad, are still remaining 
in suspense ; and the circumstances in which we are placed have demanded 
at home new and important measures. I have therefore with grief aban- 
doned the project." * 

Still the incessant battle around the raimparts of Sevastopol raged week 
after week, month after month. Russia brought all her mightiest energies into 
action. The strength of England, France, Sardinia, and Turkey, combined, was 
tasked to the utmost in the struggle with the colossal power of the North. 

On the night of the 3d of September, 1855, a very solemn council of war 
was held by the officers of the allied army at Sevastopol. The Russians had 
a fort called the Mahikoff, on a very commanding site. All the resources of 
modern military art had been exhausted in strengthening its works. The 
capture of that fort would give the allies command of the city. It was not 
certain that the fort could be carried at all ; and it was certain that its capture 
could only be achieved at the sacrifice of a great loss of life. 



* " If the emperor abandoned with grief the thought of his voyage to the Crimea, it was with 
grief still more profound, with infinite sadness, that the army, which awaited the arrival of 
its sovereign with so much impatience and enthusiasm, learned that it was necessary for him to 
renounce that hope." — L'Expediiion de Crime'e, j.arle Baron ck Bazuncourt, torn. ii. 275. 



A CONQUERED PEACE. 561 

The French troops had worked their way, througli parallels, to pohits witli- 
in thirty yards of the counterscarp, — so near, that their daily loss in the 
trenches was one hundred and fifty men. 

It was unanimously voted to make the attack. The 8th of September was 
fixed upon as the decisive day. Indeed, the attack was in reality to com- 
mence on the 5th ; for then, all along the extended lines, the fire from every 
battery was to be opened with the utmost vigor. This was to be continued, 
by day and by night, until the 8th, that the enemy's works might be shattered, 
his strength exhausted, and that his attention might be so distracted that he 
could not judge at what hour or upon what point the final assault would be 
made. 

Even the attempt to describe the terrible picture of heroism and of death 
which was then unrolled causes the heart to beat quickly with emotion. The 
last hours of Sevastopol were sounded. How sublime was its death ! On 
both sides, the most heroic courage was displayed. Both armies, in ferveut 
prayer, implored divine assistance; and then, hour after hour, these children 
of a common Father, animated by no individual hostility, strewed the sod 
with their slain. Alas for man ! 

At the earliest dawn of the 5th, the terrible drama was opened. Every 
battery of the allies commenced its fire : every gun of the Russians re- 
sponded. Such a tempest of war never burst upon this world before, and 
probably never will again. The military resources of five nations were 
exerted to the utmost upon a spot but a few leagues in circuit. The war- 
cloud speedily enveloped the whole field of conflict, pierced by incessant 
lightning-flashes and an interminable thunder-roar. The arena presented the 
aspect of the crater of a vast volcano in violent eruption. Night and day, 
the bombardment was continued. At midnight of the 5th, the whole scene 
was illumined by the flames of a Russian frigate in the harbor, which had 
been set on fire by an exploding shell. In the report of the Russian general 
GortschakoflT, he says, in allusion to this attack, — 

" This infernal fire, directed against the embrasures and the merlons, indi- 
cated clearly the intention of the enemy to dismount our pieces, to destroy 
our works, and then to assault the place." 

Early on the morning of the 8th, General Bosquet, who was in command 
of the French forces in front of the MalakofF, issued to his troops the follow- 
ing order : — 

" To-day you are to give the finishing stroke, the final blow, with that 
strong hand so well known to the enemy, in wresting from his strong line of 
defence the Malakofi"; while our comrades of the English army and of the 
first corps commence the assault of the Grand Redan and of the central 
bastion. 

" It is a general assault, army against army. It is an immense and memo- 
rable victory which is to crown the young eagles of France. Forward, my 
children! For us Malakofi" and Sevastopol! Viv^e I'Empereur!" 

The troops defiled in silence along their trenches, taking the utmost pre- 
cautions to veil their movements from the enemy. Still the operation could 
not be entirely concealed. Prince GortschakoflT from the Heights of Inker- 
71 



562 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

man, sent word to the officers in command at the Malakoff, that movements 
were in progress in the trenches of the enemy which indicated an attack. 
All the watches of the French generals commanding the divisions were set 
by that of the general-in-chief. Precisely at mid-day, each officer exclaimed 
to his division, impatiently awaiting the signal, — 

" Soldiers, forward ! Vive I'Empereur ! " 

The French battle-cry of "Vive I'Empereur" burst again and again, with 
almost frenzied enthusiasm, from thousands of lips. Soldiers and officers 
were blended in the sudden, impetuous rush. General McMahon's division 
was but thirty yards from the Malakoff. A part of his troops aimed for the 
salient of the redoubt; others struck the left face of the bastion. Another 
division was launched against the grand curtain which connected the bastion 
with the Little Redan ; and still another was thrown upon the Little Redarf 
itself. 

The first rush, so sudden, impetuous, unexpected, — the assailants emerging 
from almost midnight obscurity of dust and smoke, while the thunders of 
battle shook the hills, — was a perfect success. Speedily the Russians re- 
covered from the shock ; and then ensued, for six long hours, as fierce and 
bloody a strife as man can wage with man. 

Night came. The battle was ended. The banners of France floated 
proudly over the Malakoff. Sevastopol could no longer be held by tlie Rus- 
sians. A strange silence ensued. The wind died away, and darkness settled 
down over the exhausted armies. Suddenly the heavens glowed for a 
moment, as if from the most vivid hghtning's flash. A fearful exj^losion 
ensued, and another and another and another. Flames burst forth in all 
directions. The Russians were blowing up their forts and magazines, and 
setting fire to every thing that would burn. It was a fearful night. Tiirough 
all the hours, the work of destruction continued. The dying and the dead 
lay in heaps together. Both parties were fearful of surprise, and in vigilant 
watch occupied their posts with swords drawn and bayonets fixed. The 
allies, in the darkness, could not pursue the Russians; for everywhere ramparts 
frowned before them, and the whole expanse seemed but a series of mines to 
blow them into the air. 

The light of the morning revealed a melancholy spectacle of devastation 
and misery. Nothing remained of Sevastopol but a smouldering pile of 
ruins. The Russian columns had crossed the bay on the bridge and by steam- 
boats, and could be seen in long lines in the distance, winding over the hills. 
A few steamers were still plying in the harbor; but of the majestic Russian 
fleet nothing was visible but the tops of its masts, disappearing far away over 
the rotundity of the sea. Sevastopol was abandoned. 

The cannon of the Invalides announced to the inhabitants of Paris the glad 
tidings of the great victor3% The city blazed that evening with illuminations 
and fireworks and every other demonstration of joy. On the 13th of Se])- 
tember, the Te Deum was performed in the Cathedral of Noti-e Dame. The 
emperor and the whole court attended, and bowed together before the throne 
of God in expression of thanksgiving for the taking of Sevastopol. 

" I come here," said the emperor to the ai'chbishop, who met him with 



A CONQUERED PEACE.. 563 

words of greeting, " to give thanks to Heaven for the success it has accorded 
to our arms. It gives me pleasure to acknowledge, that, notwithstanding the 
skill of the generals and the courage of the soldiers, nothing can succeed 
without the protection of Providence." 

As the Russian troops retreated, with their despoiled, shattered, and bleed- 
ing ranks, into the interior of their vast realms, and the snows of winter 
swept the fields, there was a lull in the storm of war. It was manifest to all 
Europe that Russia could not continue the conflict, and that peace must, ere 
long, be concluded. Austria assumed the office of mediator; and, after a con- 
siderable interchange of diplomatic correspondence, arrangements were made 
for a convention, to be held in Paris, to deliberate upon a treaty of reconcilia- 
tion. 

On the 16th of March, 1856, the empress gave birth to her first and only- 
child. The young prince imperial i-eceived the baptismal name of Napoleon 
Eugene Louis Jean Joseph.* This event gave great joy to France. ' It 
promised to secui-e an undisputed line of succession, and thus to save France 
from insurrection and the conflict of parties. From all parts of the realm, 
congratulations were addressed to the emperor. In the emperor's response to 
the congratulations of the Senate, on the 17th of March, he said, — 

"The Senate has shared my joy in learning that Heaven has given me a 
son ; and you have hailed as a propitious event the birth of a child of France. 
When an heir is born who is destined to perpetuate a national system, that 
child is not only the scion of a fiiraily, but he is also, in truth, the son of the 
whole country; and that name indicates his duties. If this were true under 
the ancient monarchy, how much more is it so now, when the sovereign is 
the elect of the nation, the first citizen of the country, and the representative 
of the interests of all ! " 

In his response to the congratulations of the Legislative Corps, the emperor 
said, " I have been deeply moved by the manifestation of your feelings at the 
birth of the son whom Providence has so kindly granted me. You have 
hailed him as the hope, so eagerly entertained, of the perpetuity of a system 
which is regarded as the surest guaranty of the general interests of the 
country. But the unanimous acclamations which sui'i'ound his cradle do not 
))revent me from reflecting on the destiny of those who have been born in 
the same place and under similar circumstances. If I hope that his lot may 
be more happy, it is, in the first place, because, confiding in Providence, I can- 
not doubt its protection when seeing it raise up, by a concurrence of extraor- 
dinary circumstances, all that which Providence was pleased to cast down 
forty years ago ; as if it had wished to strengthen by martyrdom and by 
suffering a new dynasty springing from the ranks of the people." 

By common accord, Paris had been chosen as the seat of the congress to 
deliberate upon terms of peace. France, Austria, Great Britain, Prussi:i, 
Russia, Sardinia, and Turkey were represented in this important convention. 
The first session was held on the 25th of February ; and the first act of the 
congress was to decree an armistice, which was to continue until the end of 

* Aperfu de I'Histoire dc France,jpar K. Baedeker. 



564 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

March. Thus the thunders of cannon were not to blend their voices with the 
deliberations of peace * 

On the 30th of March, the ardiious labors of the plenipotentiaries were 
terminated, and the articles of peace were signed. These articles secured the 
neutralization of the Black Sea, — the only path for the Russian fleet to Con- 
stantinople. The Russian forts and arsenals on the shores of the Black Sea 
were to be destroyed. The Danubian principalities were to be so organized 
as to present a barrier to the fui-ther encroachments of Russia, Russia 
renounced all pretension to interfere in the internal administration of Turkey. 
The navigation of the Danube was declared free to all nations ; and certain 
immunities and privileges were secured to the Christian subjects of the 
Porte. 

The Empress Eugenie had expressed the desire to preserve the quill with 
which the treaty was signed. An eagle's quill was therefore selected, and 
was elegantly mounted in gold and gems.f To each signature there was 
applied the private seal of the plenipotentiary. This formality occupied 
nearly two hours. 

The moment the last signature was affixed, a telegraphic signal indicated 
the glorious consummation to those who were in waiting at the Invalides. 
Immediately a salute of one hundred and one guns proclaimed, in tones of 
thunder, the glad tidings to exultant and rejoicing Paris. 

Couriers were despatched to all the courts represented, to submit the 
treaty to the ratification of their respective sovereigns. The plenipotentiaries 
then, in a body, repaired to the Palace of the Tuileries, where they were hon- 
ored with a reception by the emperor. 

It was the genius of Napoleon which selected the Crimea as the field for 
this great conflict. While others urged an advance by the way of the B.iltie, 
or a march upon Moscow, his military sagacity chose Sevastopol as the 
decisive point of attack. The two great naval powers could easily convey 
their troops, and munitions of war, to that place by water; and the Turks 
would be, there, almost at home. On the contrary, Russia would be compelled 
to transport her troops and supplies more than a thousand miles from Peters- 
burg or Moscow, over almost a wilderness country, where there were no rail- 
ways, no canals, and no roads even, which an army, with its vast train of 
artillery and baggage-wagons, could easily traverse. 

It is generally admitted that French influence predominated throughout the 
campaign; that the French army struck the heaviest blows during the siege ; 
and that it was the gallantry of the French troops which was mainly illus- 
trated in the final and decisive conflict around the redoubts of the Malakofi". 
We state this historic fact without any disparagement to the British troops : 
braver troops can nowhere be found. We state this without any disparage- 
ment to the British Government : its co-operation was cordial, energetic, and 
magnanimous, from the commencement to the close of the campaign. But 
peculiar circumstances, united with the comprehensive genius and the military 

* Lc Baron de Bazancourt. 

t Public and Private Historj- of Louis Napoleon, by Samuel M. Smucker, LL.D., p. 195. 



A CONQUERED PEACE. 565 

sagacity of the Emperor of the French, gave to France the crowning glory in 
the conflict. 

Louis Philippe was called "the Target King," in consequence of tlio 
incessant attempts made for his assassination. He could never venture out 
but at the peril of his life ; and more than once, on a /e^e-day, it was deemed 
unsafe for him to show himself in the streets, and he was constrained to seek 
refuge in the interior of his palace. Louis Napoleon, on the contrary, seems 
to adopt no precautions whatever against such attempts. He freely moves 
about the streets of Paris; takes his daily ride in an open carriage along the 
magnificent avenue of the Champs Elysees to the Bois de Boulogne; and on 
a winter's day he may be seen mingling with the thousands of skaters upon 
the spacious lake. So great is the reverence for his person, that no one would 
approach indecorously near him, or accost him with unbecoming familiarity. 

Still no man can be in power without having bitter enemies. There are 
those who have sought the life of the emperor ; and a few attempts have been 
made for his assassination. The most memorable of these was the desperate 
and sanguinary endeavor of Orsini, an Italian refugee, who was willing to 
tear in pieces, with his murderous engines, scores of citizens, gentlemen and 
ladies, who were crowding the avenues to the opera, if he could thus reach 
one single life, — and that victim whom he sought, the elected sovereign of a 
nation of forty millions of people. 

Orsini was one of the most desperate of Italian revolutionists. When but 
twenty years of age, he was implicated in a conspiracy, for which he was 
sentenced to imprisonment for life. The general amnesty which was granted 
by Pope Pius IX. restored him to liberty. But again, in 1853, his restless 
spirit involved him in a conspiracy; and he was expelled by the Sardinian 
Government from Italy. Repairing to London, he associated himself with 
Mazzini and other prominent European revolutionists who had taken refuge 
there. 

Considering Louis Napoleon as the great obstacle to the success of the 
insurrectionists in Italy, and to a general revolution throughout Europe, he 
went to Paris under a feigned name, resolved upon the assassination of the 
emperor. Three accomplices were associated with him, — Pieri, Rubio, and 
Gomez. On the evening of the 14th of January, 1858, as the emperor and 
empress were approaching the grand opera in their carriage, a dense crowd 
being around, the conspirators threw beneath the carriage several bombs, or 
hand-grenades, of terrific power, ingeniously constructed so as to burst by the 
concussion of the tail. 

The explosion was deadly in its effects. A lai-ge number were killed, and 
many more wounded. The emperor and empress almost miraculously escaped 
unharmed. The empress manifested, in the midst of the scene of tumult and 
horror, a spirit of calmness and heroism worthy of her exalted position. The 
carriage was shattered ; the dying and the dead were strewed around ; she 
knew not but that her husband was mortally wounded; the street was filled 
with clamor and consternation : but the empress forgot herself in her solici- 
tude for the emperor. And when some one endeavored to open the door of 
the carriage, she, supposing it to be an assassin, threw herself before her 



566 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

husband to shield his life with her own. Orsini and Fieri were beheaded: 
Gomez was sentenced to hard labor for life. Through the intercession of the 
empress, the life of Rubio was spared.* 

Five days after this, on the 19th of January, the emperor attended the 
opening of the legislative session. In his address to the senators and repre- 
sentatives, in brief allusion to this attempt at assassination, he said, — 

" God sometimes permits the death of the just; but he never permits the 
triumph of the cause which has instigated the crime. Thus these attempts 
can neither disturb my security in the present, nor ray trust in the future. If 
I live, the empire lives with me. If I fall, the empire will be strengthened even 
by my death ; for the indignation of the people and of the army would be a 
new support for the throne of my son. Let us contemplate the future, then, 
with confidence ; calmly devoting ourselves without anxiety to our labors 
every day for the promotion of the prosperity and the grandeur of the 
country. May God protect France ! " 

On the 5th of April, 1858, the emperor attended the inauguration of the 
magnificent Boulevard of Sevastopol, which was just then completed in Paris. 
In his remarks upon this occasion, he said, — 

" When succeeding generations shall traverse our grand city, not only will 
they acquire a taste for the beautiful from the spectacle of those works of 
art, but, in reading the names inscribed upon our bridges and our streets, they 
will recall to themselves the glory of our armies from Rivoli to Sevastopol. 
All these grand results I owe to the co-operation of the Legislative Corps, who, 
renouncing all provincial selfishness, have learned that a country like P"'rance 
should have a capital worthy of herself, and have not hesitated to grant the 
sums which the government has solicited. I owe them also to the enlight- 
ened co-operation of the municipal council. But especially do I owe their 
prompt and judicious execution to the intelligent magistrate whom I have 
placed at the head of the department of the Seine ; who, while maintaining 
in the finances of the city an order worthy of all praise, has been able in so 
short a time to complete enterprises so numerous, and that in the midst of 
obstacles incessantly arising from tlie spirit of routine and disparagement." 

In August of this year, the grand military and marine arsenals and naval 
depot at Cherbourg were completed. The inauguration of these works was 
attended with great pomp. Queen Victoria and Prince Albert were present 
as invited guests, and also many of the most illustrious personages in civil 
and military life from all the countries of Europe. A dinner w-as given, in 
honor of the royal guests from England, on board the French ship " La 
Bretagne." The emperor offered the following sentiment : — 

"I drink to the health of her Majesty the Queen of England, to that of 
the prince who shares her throne, and to the royal foinily. In offering this 
toast, in their presence, on board the French flag-ship in the port of Cher- 
bourg, I am happy to express the sentiments which animate us towards- them. 
Indeed, facts speak for themselves; and they prove that hostile passions, 
fostered by certain untoward circumstances, have not been able to disturb 

* Appleton's Encyclopaedia, art. " Orsiui." 



A CONQUEEED PEACE. 567 

either the friendship which exists between the two crowns, or the desire of 
the two peoples to remain in peace. I cherish also the firm hope, that, should 
any one wish to awaken the animosities and the passions of another epocl), 
they would be stranded before the good sense of the public, as the waves 
break to pieces before the dike which at this moment protects from the 
violence of the sea the squadrons of the two empires." 

Returning from Cherbourg, the emperor and empress, on the 20th of 
August, were entertained at a dinner given them by the city of Rennes, and 
by deputations from all parts of ancient Bretagne. In the address of the 
emperor, he said, — 

" If France is not entirely homogeneous in her nature, she is unanimous in 
her sentiments. She wishes for a government sufficiently stable to avert all 
danger of new commotions ; sufficiently enlightened to promote true progi'ess 
and the development of human faculties; sufficiently just to call around it 
all upright men, whatever may have been their political antecedents ; suffi- 
ciently conscientious to declare loudly that it protects the Catholic religion, 
while accepting, in full, liberty of worship ; in fine, a government sufficiently 
strong in its support at home to cause it to be respected as it should be in 
the councils of Europe : and it is because, chosen by the nation, I represent 
these ideas, that I have everywhere seen the people hastening to meet me, 
and to encourage me by their demonstrations." 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 



MAGENTA AND SOLFERINO. 




Eflfect of the French Revolution of 1S4S. — The Uprising in Italy. — The Battle of Novara. — 
Austrian Influence in Italy. — Speech of Napoleon III. to the Legislative Corps. — Sympathy 
between Napoleon III. and Victor Emanuel. — Austrian Invasion of Sardinia. — Prompt 
Action of France. — Proclamations of the Emperor. — His Journey to Sardinia. — Enthusi- 
astic Reception. — The Battles of Magenta and Solfcrino. — Intervention of England and 
Prussia. — Necessity of relinquishing the Liberation of Italy. 

TIE successful revolution in France, in overthrowing the Orleans 
tliroue, and in re-establishing the em|iire based upon universal 
suflrage, roused intensely the revolutionary element all over 
Europe. Every province in Italy was instantly thrown into 
commotion. The desire was universal to escape from Austrian 
domination, and to secure Italian independence. 
Charles Albert, the Iving of Sardinia, was the only ruler upon the Italian 
peninsula who had any semblance of authority uncontrolled by Austria : but 
the court of Vienna kept a watchful eye upon him ; and he could not venture 
to introduce into his government any reforms, which, by their example, miglit 
endanger the absolutism of Austria. But, now that the people were roused 
to the utmost enthusiasm by the successful revolution in France, Charles 
Albert felt emboldened to more decisive action. In his early youth, he ha<l 
fought by the side of the patriots of 1833; and it had long been his desire to 
drive the Austrians out of Italy. Cautiously he commenced introducing 
reforms similar to those which Pius IX. was conferring upon tlie Papal States. 
On the oOth of October, 1848, tlie official "Gazette" of Turin announced that 
henceforth criminal trials were to be public ; that a report of the debates 
W'ould be published ; that the mayors and magistrates would be elected by the 
people ; that there would be the annual convocation of a sort of congress 
called extraordinary councillors; . and that the rigorous censorship of the 
press would be greatly mitigated. Schools also were establislied, and addi- 
tional freedom of worship granted. These concessions, which the Liberal 
party had long desired, created unbounded joy. Charles Albert was greeted 
wherever he appeared with shouts of applause. For several nights, Turin 
blazed with illuminations. The King of Sardinia was acting in harmony with 
Pius IX., and from time to time communicated to the French Government 
his resolve to march to the assistance of the pope, should it be necessary to 
defend him from the Austrians.* 

* D'Haussonville. Histoire Diplomatique de la France, 1830-1848, t. ii. pp. 251, 252. 



MAGENTA AND SOLFEEINO. 569 

Everywhere throughout Italy this revolutionary movement was active, and 
for a time very successful in Sicily, at Naples, in Lombardy, in all the Venetian 
States, and in every duchy of the Peninsula. But soon Austria marshalled 
her armies, and in a series of terrible battles swei)t all Itnly with billows of 
fire and blood. One dying wail floated away upon the breeze, and Italy was 
again in apparently hopeless servitude. Charles Albert, as he fled from the 
disastrous field of Novara on the 22d of March, 1849, said to General Da- 
rando, — 

"This is my last day. I liave sacrificed myself to the Italian cause. For 
it I have exposed my life, that of my children, and my throne. I have failed 
in my object. Since I in vain sought death, I will give myself up as a hist 
sacrifice to my country. I lay down my crown, and abdicate in fiivor of 
Victor Emanuel." 

The noble old king soon died of a broken heart. His son inherited his 
father's principles as well as his crown. lie was, however, comjielled, before 
he was permitted to ascend the throne, to yield to all the terms which Austria 
imposed.* 

There was no nation in Europe, excepting the ncw-boi-n republic in France, 
in sympathy with these peoples struggling against the dynasties; but the 
infant French Republic, which had just burst from its chrysalis mausoleum, 
had no strength of wing for a foreign flight. The British Government gave 
all its moral support to Austria. The symj)athies of the Jjv'iihh peo2)le were 
strongly in favor of the Italian Liberals; but the British Gooernment, though 
in favor of reform, was decidedly opposed to the revolutionary movement. 
A Avriter in " The Edinburgh Review" says, in reference to this struggle, — 

"It is utterly repugnant to the first principles of British policy, and to 
every page of our history, to lend encouragement to the separation of nation- 
alities from other empires, which we fiercely resist when it threatens to dis- 
member our own." f 

The tenacity with which Austria clung to her Italian provinces may be 
inferred from the fact, that in addition to these kingdoms and duchies, affoi-d- 
ing such brilliant estates to the members of the royal family, the crown of 
Austria derived a direct annual revenue from those provinces of about twenty 
million dollars. This was not only exclusive of the voluptuous extravagance 
of the vice-regal courts, which they were compelled to support, but also of the 
enormous expense of the Austrian troops garrisoned in these provinces to 
hold them in subjection. 

Count Cavour, in a memorandum sent to the British Government in 1859, 
says, — 

* " After the necessary formalities at Turin in confirmation of his resolution, the king, bent 
with premature age, sorrow, despair, perhaps remorse, retired to Oporto, where he died ol wliat 
is called a broken heart; his mind having preyed on his constitution, and brought on early 
death." — Italy and the War of 1859, p. 28. 

t Alison asserts, that the British cabinet, anxious " to leave no pretext for French interference, 
interposed covertly, but most efficiently, in support of the insurgents." Though the conduct of 
the British cabinet was vacillating, we do not think facts sustain this assertion. — See Alison, 
vol. viii. p. 402, 

72 



570 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

"The true cnuse of the deep discontent of the Lombardo-Venetians is the 
being ruled and domineered over by foreigners, — by a nation with which they 
have no analogy of race, of habits, of tastes, of language. The humblest 
citizen finds himrelf brought into contact, for the slightest reasons, with pub- 
lic functionaries whom he neither likes nor respects ; and the feelings of 
repugnance and antipathy toward the government have become universal. 

"Austria is an 'old man of the mountain,' seated upon the shoulders of Italy 
day and night, — an incubus, a terror, an intolerable burden. Italy, gagged 
and blinded, totters along with this terrible old man astride her neck, goading 
her to desperation, yet guiding all her movements." 

Austria reigns in pure absolutism. There is nothing which the emperor so 
much dreads as the clamor for constitutional rights, which often assails the 
throne from some of the nations which compose his conglomerated realm. 
The attempt at revolution in 1849 was thoroughly crushed throughout all 
Italy. In the one kingdom of Sardinia alone did there remain the semblance 
of independence. Austria demanded of Sardinia two hundred million francs 
as an indemnity for the expenses of the war, the occupation of the fortress of 
Alessandria by a joint force of Austrian and Sardinian troops, the occupation 
of the country between the Sesia and the Ticino by twenty thousand Austrian 
troops, and the disbanding of a large part of the Sardinian forces.* 

The French Empire under Napoleon III. was becoming consolidated. 
That empire, founded by universal suffrage, was in sympathy with popular 
rights everywhere, and in antagonism to dynastic despotism. England fore- 
saw, that, should there be another Italian outbreak, not only the sympathies 
of France, but the armies of France, would be enlisted in behalf of the Italians. 
This was a political necessity for France ; for the restored empire, based upon 
the principle of popular rights (which had given the first empire its vigor), 
stood alone in Europe, frowned upon by all the feudal dynasties which sur- 
rounded it, France could hope for a cordial ally only in regenerated Italy.f 

Should France join the Italian peoples, and thus establish an independent 
kingdom in Italy, the two monarchies would be, in closeness of alliance, as one 
power. This would be equivalent to the addition of twenty-six millions to 
the population of France, and would give her an allied army which could bid 
defiance to all Europe. England, thei'efore, proposed to Austria, as the means 
of avoiding this calamity, that she should surrender Lombardo-Venetia to inde- 
pendence, allowing her to choose her own sovereign ; and, in consideration of 
this surrender, the kingdom should pay Austria an annual tribute of five mil- 
lion dollars. The reply of Austria virtually was, "When England surrenders 
Ireland, Austria will surrender Venetia." 

Under these circumstances, Europe listened anxiously to eveiy word which 
came from the lips of the Emperor of the French. It was manifest that there 

* Ann. Reg., 1849, p. 284. 

t " So jealous was England of the power of France, that the Prince Regent (afterwards George 
IV.), at the conclusion of the treaty of 1815, insisted upon Austria keeping the Lombardo-Vene- 
tian provinces, in order that the Alpine gates of Italy might be shut against the French by iha 
interjection of a first-rate European power between them and Middle and Southern Italy." — 
Italxj and the War of 1859, p. 58. 



MAGENTA AND SOLFERINO. 571 

must be a strong bond of union between Sardinia and France. Sardinia was 
the only constitutional kingdom in Italy. The troops of the two nations had 
been very cordially united in the terrible struggle beneath the walls of Sevas- 
topol. The emperor's cousin, Prince Napoleon (son of Jerome), had recently 
married the Princess Clotilde, eldest daughter of Victor Emanuel. Influenced 
by such considerations, the emperor was not disposed to allow Austria to 
crush the only government in Italy which was in sympathy with France. In 
the emperor's address at the oj^ening of the legislative session in 1859, he 
said, — 

"France, as you know, has, during the last six years, seen her welfare pro- 
moted, her riches increased, her internal dissensions diminished, her prestige re- 
established ; and yet there rises at intervals, in the midst of this general calm- 
ness and prosperity, a vague inquietude, an under-current of agitation, which, 
without any definite cause, seizes upon certain minds, and disturbs public 
confidence. 

"To-day, it is ray duty to explain anew that which seems to have been for- 
gotten. What has been constantly my policy ? To re-assure Europe ; to restore 
France to her true rank ; to cement closely our alliance with England ; to regu- 
late, with the Continental powers of Europe, the degree of my intimacy, in con- 
formity with our views and the nature of their procedures in regard to France. 

"It is thus, that, upon the eve' of my third election, I made at Bordeaux 
this declaration, 'The empire is peace' (remjnre, c'est la paix); wishing 
thus to prove, that, if the heir of the Emperor Napoleon ascended the throne, 
he would not commence an era of conquests, but would inaugurate a system 
of peace, which could only be disturbed for the promotion of grand national 
interests. 

"As to the alliance of France and England, I have used all my endeavors 
to consolidate it; and I have found upon the other side of the Channel a happy 
reciprocity of sentiments on the part of the Queen of Great Britain, as on the 
part of statesmen of all opinions. 

" Since the conclusion of peace, my relations with the Emperor of Russia 
have assumed the character of the most sincere cordiality, because we have 
been in accord upon all the points in litigation. 

"I have equally to congratulate myself upon my relations with Prussia, 
which have not ceased to be animated by mutual kindliness. 

" The cabinet of Vienna and mine, on the contrary, — I say it with regret, 
— find themselves frequently in disagreement upon fundamental questions; 
and a strong spirit of conciliation is necessary to attain a solution of them. 
Thus the reconstruction of the Danubian princii3alities has not been achieved 
until after numerous difilculties, which have been prejudicial to the full satis- 
faction of their legitimate desires ; and, if any one asks me what inteiest 
France has in those remote counti-ies which the Danube waters, I reply, that 
the interest of France is everywhere where there is a cause just and civilizing 
to be made to prevail.* 

* " On the fertile plains watered by the Ticino, the Po, and the Mincio, two people faced each 
other. The conquered did not comprehend even the language of their conquerors, and protested 



572 LIFE OF NAPOLEON II L 

" In this state of affairs, it is nothing extraonlinaiy that France sliouhl draw 
closer towards Piedmont, who has been so devoted during tlie war, so faithful 
to our policy during peace. The happy union of my well-beloved cousin, 
Prince Napoleon, with the daughter of King Victor Emanuel, is not, then, one 
of those isolated facts for which it is necessary to seek a recondite meaning, 
but the natural consequence of the community of interests of the two coun- 
tries and the friendship of the two sovereigns." * 

It soon became evident that a good understanding was springing up 
between the new French Empire and Sardinia, or rather between Napoleon 
and Victor Emanuel. Europe was alarmed in anticipation of a war which 
would rouse the revolutionary element in every kingdom. Austria was 
pouring large masses of men into Italy, led by her ablest generals. Five 
thousand laborers were employed to finish, with the utmost rapidity, three 
immense new forts at Venice. Sardinia watched these proceedings with 
an anxious eye. Count Cavour, the illustrious prime minister of Victor 
Emanuel, called for a loan of ten million dollars. In the debate Avhich took 
place upon this question in the Sardinian Chambers, the count said, — 

"Austria has lately assumed a menacing attitude towards us. She has 
increased her military stores at Placentia.t She has collected very large 
forces on our frontiers. Therefore the necessity arises for us to look at the 
means for the defence of the State. The English alliance has been the con- 
stant care of our whole political life. We have always considered England 
as the impregnable asylum of liberty. The cries of suffering coming from 
Bologna and Naj^les reach the banks of the Thames. The tears and groans 
of Milan are intercepted by the Austrians; but the cause of liberty, justice, 
and civilization, will always triumph. As for England, Lord Derby will not 
tarnish his glory in making himself the accomi)lice of those who condemn 
the Italians to perpetual servitude. Our policy is not defiant. We will not 
excite to war ; neither will we lower our voice when Austria arms herself 
and threatens us." } 

Sardinia was disappointed in the course England pursued. No aid or 
sympathy came from that government. Still the British cabinet interposed 
its friendly offices to prevent the contest. Lord Cowley visited Vienna on a 
mission of peace. His mission was undertaken with the cordial approval of 
the Fi-ench Government. 

While these negotiations were in progress, Austria was still gathering her 

bj conspiracies and insurrections against their oppressors. The conquerors joined to all the 
pride of conquest defiance of the future. The one party imposed government : the other sub- 
mitted to it. The Italians were the disinherited of Italy. The intelligent classes protested 
against this contempt of themselves and of the national spirit: but these legitimate resistances to 
Austrian domination only caused an augmentation of rigors ; and hatred increased with servitude." 
— La France, Rome, et V Italic, par A. de la Gueronniere, p. 26. 

* La Tolitique Impe'riale, pp. 289-293. 

t Placentia, a town in the Duchy of Parma, which Austria had held by military occupation 
for several years. 

t Italy and the War of 1859, p. 206. 



MAGENTA AND SOLFEEINO. 573 

troops on the frontiers of Sardinia in evident preparation for war. Sardinia 
also began to arm in self-defence. Austria, apparently eager to precipitate 
the strife, haughtily demanded that Sardinia should disband the troops she 
was raising, and place her armies on a peace-footing. Victor Emanuel re- 
plied in the following manifesto addressed to the Sardinian army: — 

"Soldiers, — Austria, which increases its armies on our frontiers, threatens 
to invade our territory, because liberty here reigns with order ; because not 
force, but concord and affection between people and sovereign, here rule the 
State; because the cries of suffering, oppressed Italy, here find a hearing. 
Austria dares to intimate to us, armed only in self-defence, that we are to 
lay down our arms, and put ourselves in her power. The outrageous intima- 
tion called for a worthy reply. I have disdainfully rejected it. 

" Soldiers, I announce this to you, certain that you will take to your- 
selves the outrage offered to your king, to the nation. The announcement 
I give to you is the announcement of war. To arms, then, soldiers ! " 

Victor Emanuel would never have ventured to utter such bold words, 
were it not that he was fully assured of the support of the Emperor of the 
French. In confirmation of this, the "Moniteur" soon declared that the 
emperor "had promised the King of Sardinia to defend him against any 
aggressive act on the part of Austria. He has promised this, and nothing 
more ; and it is well known he keeps his word." 

By the middle of April, Austria had collected an army of two hundred 
and thirty thousand men on the frontiers of Sardinia. Thus prepared to 
strike sudden and heavy blows, Austria again ordered Sardinia to disarm ; 
giving her three days to comply with the proposition. Victor Emanuel dis- 
regarded the summons. Napoleon, through his minister at Vienna, informed 
Francis Joseph that " France could not look Avith indifference upon the 
invasion of Sardinia by the Austrian troops." 

At the end of the three days, the Austrian legions crossed the Ticino at 
several points, and commenced a rapid march for Turin, the Sardinian capital. 
It was the evident design of Austria to overwhelm the Sardinian army, and 
seize upon the capital, before the French troops could arrive. Napoleon 
immediately issued the following proclamation. It was dated Palace of the 
Tuileries, May 3, 1859. 

" Frenchmen, — Austria, in causing her army to enter the territory of the 
King of Sardinia, our ally, declares war against us. She violates, thus, 
treaties, justice, and menaces our frontiers. All the great powers have 
protested against this aggression. Piedmont having accepted condition! 
which ought to secure peace, we are led to inquire. What can be the reason 
for this sudden invasion? Is it that Austria has brought matters to this 
extremity, — that she must either rule up to the Alps, or Italy must be free 
to the shores of the Adriatic? 

"Hitherto moderation has been the rule of my conduct; now energy 
becomes my first duty. Let France arm, and say resolutely to Europe, 'I 



"574 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

desire not conquest, but I desire to maintain, witliout feebleness, my national 
and traditional policy. I observe treaties upon condition that tliey are not 
violated against me. I respect the territories and the rights of neutral 
powers; but I boldly avow ray sympathies with a people whose history is 
blended with ours, and who groan under foreign oppression.' 

" France has shown her abhorrence of anarchy. She has conferred upon 
me power sufficient to reduce to impotence the foraenters of disorder, the 
incorrigible men of the old parties who are seen incessantly to connive with 
our enemies. But she has not, on that account, abdicated her mission as a 
civilizer. Her natural allies have been always those who seek the ameliora- 
tion of humanity; and, when she draws the sword, it is not to subjugate, but 
to liberate. 

" The object of this war is, then, to restore Italy to herself, and not to 
impose upon her a change of masters ; and we shall have on our frontiers a 
friendly people, Avho will owe to us their independence. 

"We do not go to Italy to promote disoixler, or to disturb the power of 
the pope, whom we have placed upon his throne, but to rescue Italy from 
that foreign domination which weighs so heavily upon the whole Peninsula, 
to contribute to establish order upon legitimate interests satisfied. 

" We go, in fine, upon that classic soil renowned through so many victories, 
to search out the footsteps of our fathers, God grant that we may be worthy 
of them! I go immediately to place myself at the head of the army. I leave 
in France the empress and my son : aided by the experience and the intelli- 
gence of the youngest brother of the emperor,* she will be able to rise to the 
height of her mission. 

" I confide them to the valor of the armies which remain in France to 
watch over our frontiers as well as to protect the domestic hearth ; I confide 
them to the patriotism of the National Guard ; I confide them, in fine, to the 
whole people, who will surround them with that love and devotion of which 
I receive every day so many proofs. 

" Courage, then, and union ! Our country is about to show to the world 
that it has not degenerated. Providence will bless our efforts ; for sacred in 
the eyes of God is the cause which is founded upon justice, humanity, love 
of country and of independence," 

The sudden and impetuous movement of Austria took Fi-ance and all 
Europe by surprise. It was not supposed that Francis Joseph would venture 
so arrogantly to wrest the subject from the domain of diplomacy, and- plunge 
it into the hazards of war. Never was the quiet, noiseless energy of the 
Emperor of the French more signally manifested than on this occasion. Im- 
mediately he provided, by various decrees, for the interior administration of 
the empire during his absence, while the troops were set in motion for Italy 
in every direction. They generally crossed the Alps by two routes, — that 
of Chamberry and of Grenoble. 

Several regiments of the Imperial Guard left on the 9th of May. As each 

* Jerome Bonaparte, formerly King of Westphalia. 



I 



.J,i,llilUUi.iMALi,Uj.uAi!..- 




iiris eipiessly for 'Atbotfs life 



MAGENTA AND SOLFERINO. 575 

regiment stopped at the Tuilevies to receive its flag, — for all the flags of the 
guard are kept at the palace when the regiments are not on duty, — the 
emperor, empress, and the imperial prince, came out to salute them. The 
emperor shook hands with the colonels, bade them God speed, and assured 
them that he would soon join them upon the plains of Italy. 

A touching incident occurred on Saturday as one of the regiments of the 
guard approached the Tuileries. The cantiniere of this regiment, on coming 
up opposite the palace, inquired if it were not there that the secretary of her 
Mnjesty the empress was to be found. On receiving an afiarmative reply, she 
stepped out of the ranks, leading by the hand a little girl of six or eight years, 
and, entering the bureau, exclaimed, — 

"Gentlemen, I leave you my child. Conduct her to the empress. I know 
that she will take good care of her until I return from Austria." 

She was not mistaken ; for, as soon as her Majesty was informed of the 
circumstance, she sent for the child, and at once gave orders that she should 
be well taken care of till her mother came back from the war.* 

At five o'clock in the evening of the 10th of May, the privy council and 
the council of ministers were assembled at the Palace of the Tuilei-ies. An 
imposing body of the guard was drawn up in the courtyard, which is sepa- 
rated from the Carrousel by but an iron railing. A large number of carriages 
were also in waiting in the courtyard. Soon after five o'clock, the emperor 
appeared coming out from the central portal of the palace, the empress lean- 
ing upon his arm, and followed by several gentlemen and ladies of the court. 
The emperor was in a simple travelling-dress, with a close cap. His appear- 
ance caused a general outburst of " Vive I'Emjiereur ! " from the soldiers 
and the people who crowded the court and its surroundings. Handing the 
empress into the carriage, the emperor took his seat by her side. The other 
carriages were speedily filled with the military household of the emperor, and 
the cortege passed out beneath the triumphal arch of the Carrousel. Tliough 
the eyes of the empress were evidently swollen with weeping, the emi)eror 
appeared calm and smiling. 

The carriages proceeded slowly along through the thronged streets, followed 
but not surrounded by the guard. The workmen of Paris had nearly all 
abandoned their shops that they might bid the emperor adieu. Tiie 
carriages passed along the Rue de Rivoli, the Rue St. Antoine, to the Place 
of the Bastille. The sidewalks, the windows, and the roofs of the houses, 
were crowded with spectators ; and the greeting with which the emperor 
everywhere was met was enthusiastic in the highest degree. The streets 
were hung with flags, and garlanded with flowers. Everywhere shouts arose 
of " Vive I'Enipereur ! " " Victoire ! " " Dieu vous garde ! " The empress 
with one hand clasped fondly the hand of the emperor: she could not conceal 
the tears which flooded her eyes. The people could freely approach their 
sovereign ; and, as the carriage passed slowly along, many came up, and 
affectionately addressed their Majesties. 

When they arrived at the Place de la Bastille, the crowd was found to be 

* Italy and the War of 1859, p. 322. 



576 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

immense. The workmen, in their entliusinsm, endeavored to remove the 
horses, that they might triumphantly draw the carriage themselves. The 
emperor, with manifest emotion, addressed them, saying, — 

" My friends, do not delay me. Time is precious." * 

They immediately desisted, but with deafening shouts of "Yive I'Empe- 
reur!" The carriage was now entirely surrounded by the multitude. The 
pathetic and the ludicrous were blended in the remarks which were addressed 
to their Majesties. One said, " Do not forget us if you want any more 
soldiers." Another exclaimed, "Sire, you have victory in your eyes." A 
woman, noticing the tears which freely coursed down the cheeks of the 
empress, with true womanly sympathy said, "Don't cry! he will soon come 
back again;" while a sturdy man, leaning his head into the carriage, added, 
" Don't cry, don't cry! We will take care of you and the boy." 

At the Lyons Station, the emperor's staff, the cabinet ministers, and many 
others, were awaiting his arrival. Dr. Conneau, who had so faithfully kept 
his promise to Queen Hortense, that he would never forsake her son, was 
there, in company with his son, a lad of twelve years, to accompany the 
emperor as a surgeon. The daughter of Victor Emanuel — Princess Clotilde, 
who had married Prince Napoleon — was also at the station, there to take 
leave of her husband, who was to share in the perils of the expedition in 
defence of the crown of her father. 

These were sad partings; and the waiting-room was filled with sobs and 
tears as mothers, wives, sisters, and friends bade adieu to those whoin they 
loved. The ravages of the war were dreadful ; and, in not a few cases, these 
friends there separated never to meet on earth again. The hour of departure 
had arrived. The emperor embraced the empress, took special leave of a few 
friends, and entered the car amidst deafening shouts of enthusiasm. 

" All was ready. M. Pattenotte, the chief director of the train, went up 
to the step of the imperial car, and asked if he might give the signal to 
depart. The emperor answered in the affirmative. 'Now, sire,' said M. 
Pattenotte, ' I take my leave, with prayers for your Majesty's safety, and with 
the ardent wish that I may soon be called upon to give the signal to stop to 
the car that brings your Majesty back triumphant to the capital.' And so, 
amidst the shouts of the multitude, which echoed far along the road, the car 
bearing the fortunes of France left the capital." f 

At about eleven o'clock the next morning, the emperor reached Marseilles. 
Crossing the city in the midst of an ovation almost equal to an ancient 
Roman triumph, he immediately embarked on board the imperial yacht 
bearing the name of his honored mother, " La Reine Hortense ; " and at two 
o'clock in the afternoon of the next day, the 12th, entered the port of Genoa. 

* " The emperor, standin,!:^ in his carria;i;e, his eyes full of emotion which he did not attcm])t 
to repress, made frequent signs that he wished to speak; but each moment the shouts were 
redoubled : and his Majesty was convinced on that day, that a great people can, in a single hour, 
pay its debt of gratitude to him who is devoted to its happiness and its glory, and that, as a 
political writer has said with justice as concise as brilliant, ' he is the Louis XIV. of the democ- 
racy.' " — Napoleon III. en Italie, par Jules RIcard, p. 9. 

t Italy and the War of the Italians, p. 325. 



MAGENTA AND SOLFEKINO. 577 

It was a festal day in Genoa ; and all the city was on the alert to receive, 
with every demonstration of love and gratitude, the powerful emperor who 
was hastening to rescue them from servitude to the Austrian. 

The ladies of the city were out in their most attractive attire. The houses 
were magnificently decorated with flags, pennons, and garlands of flowers. 
In some of the streets the banners were so thick, that the sky could scarcely 
be seen between them. The windows were hung in many places with the 
richest pieces of tapestry. The emperor had been expected at eleven o'clock ; 
and multitudes had been anxiously watching the ocean as it fxdod away in 
the distant horizon. About one o'clock, three little specks appeared upon the 
blue waves of the Mediterranean. Hundreds of telescopes and eye-glasses 
were directed to them. Soon a gun from the light-house battery announced 
that the imperial yacht was in sight ; and ere long, to all eyes, the three dots 
assumed the shape of two majestic French war-frigates and the imperial 
yacht. 

The harbor of Genoa was filled with vessels and boats of every variety of 
size and shape, all crowded with spectators, and gayly decorated. The boats 
arranged themselves in two compact rows along the route the steamers were 
to pass. As the little squadron entered the harbor, peal after peal of thunder- 
ing salutes from ships and batteries filled the air, and echoed along the hills. 
The sun of Austerlitz shone on that day with all possible splendor. The 
yacht cast anchor; and the emperor, accompanied by Prince de Carignan, 
Count Cavour, and others, entered a royal barge to be conveyed to the shore. 
The applause was now incessant, and enthusiastic in the highest degree. The 
barge was gorgeously decorated with flowers, the tricolor, — white, red, and 
blue. Even the path of the barge, as it was rowed along between the lines 
of boats, seemed to be but one bed of flowers. The barge landed at the 
arsenal; and the emperor was conveyed to the palace through the streets 
thronged, and tumultuous with joy. Every window presented a crowd of 
faces, and every spot of ground was covered by the excited and applauding 
masses. At night, the whole city was illuminated ; the terraces, rising one 
above another, presenting a very gorgeous display. The emperor occupied 
the Doria Palace. 

Upon the day of his arrival at Genoa, the Marquise de Villamarina, wife 
of the Sardinian minister at Paris, presented the empress with an immense 
bouquet, sent to her with great care by the ladies of Genoa. The following 
• address, signed by the most distinguished ladies of the city, accompanied the 
gift : — 

" The ladies of Genoa entreat your Majesty, who so nobly partakes in the 
magnanimous feelings of the emperor, to accept these flowers, which they 
would have strewn upon your path had you accompanied your august 
husband on his entrance into Genoa. May these flowers be the symbols of 
the immortal wreaths of victory which history will twine around the brow 
of Napoleon III., and which he will bequeath to his son as the most precious 
ornament of the imperial diadem !" 

During the absence of the emperor, the empress presided at Paris as regent. 
All the acts of the government were headed with the words, "Eugenie 
^3 



578 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

Empress of the French, Regent of the Empire by delegation from his 
Imperial Majesty Napoleon III." 

The emperor immediately issued the following address to the army of 
Italy. It was dated Genoa, May 12, 1858 : — 

"Soldiers, — I come to place myself at yom* head to conduct you to 
combat. We are about to aid in the struggle of a people demanding in- 
dependence, and to rescue them from foreign domination. It is a sacred 
cause, which has the sympathies of the civilized world. 

" I have no need to stimulate your ardor. Each halting-place will recall to 
you a victory. In the sacred way of ancient Rome, inscriptions wei-e 
engraved upon marble to recall to the people its exalted deeds. So now, in 
passing by Mondovi, Marengo, Lodi, Castiglione, Areola, Rivoli, you will 
march along another sacred way in the midst of these glorious souvenirs. 

" Preserve, then, that severe discipline which is the honor of the army. 
Here do not forget that there is no enemy but those who fight against you. 
In battle remain compact, and do not abandon your ranks to rush forward. 
Guard against too great itnpetuosity : it is the only thing which I fear. 

" The new arms of precision ai'e not dangerous, except in the distance. They 
do not prevent the bayonet from being, as heretofore, the terrible arm of the 
French infantry. 

" Soldiers, do your duty, and let us put our confidence in God. The 
country expects much of you. Already, from one end of France to the 
other, words of happy augury are resounding. The new Army of Italy will 
be worthy of its older sister. " Napoleon." 

The Emperor of Austria had about three hundred and seventy thousand 
men in the field, without counting the garrisons in the Venetian territory.* 
At six o'clock in the morning of the 13th of May, Victor Emanuel met Napo- 
leon at Genoa; and the emperor, Avith him, left for Alexandria. The French 
army was rapidly ai-riving by four different routes, and concentrating. The 
Austrians were pressing on towards Turin. The Sardinians were retiring 
before them. 

It is not my intention hei-e to give an account of the campaign, I can only 
briefly record the results. The energy of the emperor inspired every move- 
ment. His care embraced the minutest details. The French and Sardinian 
armies were soon brought into co-operation. They met the foe at Monte- 
bello, at Palestro, and routed them with great carnage. After a series of very 
stubborn and sanguinary conflicts, the Austrians were driven back aci'oss the 
Ticino, out of Sardinia, into Lombardy. The Franco-Sardinian army impetu- 
ously pursued. The foe was again encountered in great strength upon the 
Plains of Magenta. It was the 4th of June. At the close of this day of 
blood, the Austrians retreated from the field ; having lost twenty thousand 
men in killed and wounded. It was but about twelve miles from Magenta to 
Milan, the ^capital of Lombardy. The Milanese awaited impatiently the 

* Napoleon III. en Italic, p. 95. 



MAGENTA AND SOLFERINO. 579 

result of the battle. So rigorous Avas the Austrian rule, that they did not 
dare to manifest their feelings until they were sure that their oppressors were 
vanquished ; but, so soon as they saw the disordered masses of tlie Austrian 
army rushing through tlieir streets, they rose with enthusiasm, established a 
provisional government, and sent a deputation to Napoleon, welcoming him as 
their liberator. 

On the 8th of June, Napoleon and Victor Emanuel entered the city of 
Milan on horseback, side by side. They were received with the liveliest 
demonstrations of joy. The emperor issued the two following proclamations, 
one to the Army of Italy, and the other to the Italian people. They were 
both dated Milan, June 8, 1859. 

" Soldiers, — But one month ago, trusting in the efforts of diplomacy, I 
still hoped for peace; when suddenly the invasion of Piedmont by the 
Austrian troops called us to arms. We were not ready ; men, horses, mili- 
tary stores, provisions, were wanting; and we were obliged, in order to succor 
our allies, to debouch in haste by small parties beyond the Alps, in the 
presence of a redoubtable enemy abundantly prepared. 

"The danger was great: the energy of the nation and your courage have 
supplied everything. France has recovered her ancient virtue ; and united 
in the same object, as in a single sentiment, she has shown to the powers her 
resources, and the strength of 'her patriotism. It is but ten days since opera- 
tions commenced, and already Piedmont is delivered from its invaders. 

" The allied army has engaged in four successful combats, and has gained 
one decisive victory, which has opened to it the gates of the capital of Lom- 
bardy. You have disabled {mis hors de combat) more than thirty-five thou- 
sand Austrians, taken seventeen cannon, two flags, eight thousand prisoners. 
But all is not yet finished. We have still more struggles to sustain, more 
obstacles to surmount. 

" I rely upon you. Courage, then, brave soldiers of the Army of Italy ! 
From the heights of heaven, your fathers contemplate you with pride." 

This was followed by the following proclamation to the Italians : — 

" The fortune of war has led me to-day into the capital of Lombardy. I 
will tell you why I am here. When Austria unjustly attacked Piedmont, 
I resolved to support my ally, the King of Sardinia. The honor and the 
interests of France rendered this my duty. Your enemies, who are mine, 
have endeavored to diminish the universal sympathy which there was in 
Europe for your cause, in circulating the report that I was making war only 
through personal ambition, or to aggrandize the territory of France. If there 
are men who do not comprehend their epoch, I am not of that number, 

"In the enlightened state of public opinion, one is greater to-day through 
the moral influence which he exercises than by sterile conquests ; and that 
moral influence I seek with pride, in endeavoring to restore to liberty one of 
the I lost beautiful portions of Europe. Your welcome has already proved to 
me tnat you have understood me. 



580 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

" I do not come here, with a preconceived system, to depose sovereigns, nor 
to impose upon you my will. My army will occupy itself with but two 
things, — to combat your enemies, and to maintain internal order. It will not 
present any obstacle to the free manifestation of your legitimate wishes. 
Providence sometimes favors peoples, as individuals, in giving opportunity 
suddenly to become great ; but it is upon condition that they know how to 
profit by it. Profit, then, by the fortune which is offered you. 

"Your desire for independence, so long expressed, so often disappointed, 
will be realized if you show yourselves worthy. Unite, then, in a single 
object, — the liberation of your country. Organize yourselves militarily. 
Rally around the flag of King Victor Emanuel, who has already so nobly 
shown you the path of honor. Remember, that, without discipline, there 
cannot be an army. Animated by the sacred fire of patriotism, be soldiers 
to-day : to-morrow you will be the free citizens of a great country. 

" Napoleon." 

The Provisional Government established at Milan on the 6th of June, two 
days before the emperor's entrance into the metropolis, had voted the annexa- 
tion of Lombardy to Piedmont. The presence upon the field of battle of 
both Napoleon and Victor Emanuel with the allied army inspired the troops 
with redoubled zeal. Francis Joseph, the Austrian emperor, found it neces- 
sary, in order to revive the waning courage of his soldiers, also to take the 
command in person. Energetically he pushed forward new levies, and called 
in all his reserves. His troops had been driven out of Lombardy, and had 
crossed the Mincio into Venetia. The allied army was vigorously pursuing. 
Francis Joseph, having concentrated a force of about two hundred thousand 
men, suddenly recrossed the Mincio in the night of the 23d of June, hoping 
to strike the allied army by surprise at nine o'clock in the morning of the 
24th. The emperor was fully apprised of this movement, and learned the 
precise situation of all the divisions of the hostile army, by means of a 
balloon.* 

The whole allied force was put in motion at two o'clock in the morning of 
the 24th. The emperor had decided to strike by surprise those who were 
seeking to take him by surprise. Each division of the allied army had its 
route carefully marked out. The heads of these advancing columns of the 
two armies soon met on the Plains of Solferino. The shock was terrible. All 
the day long, the battle raged over a field fifteen miles in extent. Nearly 
half a million of men grappled upon that field in the death-struggle. The 
centre of the Austrians was pierced ; and, at the close of the afternoon, the 
Austrians, everywhere routed, were in full retreat. A violent tempest then 
rose, with floods of rain and pealing thunder. The war of the elements 
blended with the roar of the battle of man's passions. With great precision 
of aim, and rapidity of fire, the French and Sardinian batteries swept the 
retiring ranks of the foe, strewing the ground with the dying and the dead. 
It is said that the Emperor of Austria, as he stood that evening upon an 

* Napoleon III. en Italic, p. 95. 



MAGENTA AND SOLFERINO. 581 

eminence and saw the utter discoiufitiire of his army, wept bitterly. To both 
parties, to the victors and the vanquished, it was a day of fearful carnage. 
The French stated their loss, in killed and wounded, to be 11,240 : the Aus- 
trians announced theirs at 22,285* 

The allied troops had left their bivouac at half-past two o'clock in the 
morning; and they did not again encamp until nine o'clock at night. Thus 
they were, for eighteen consecutive hours, either on the march, or engnged in 
battle. The emperor was on horseback all day, directing the movements, 
and often on the most hotly-contested points of the field. The loss of tlic 
Austrians was so severe, that it was manifest to all Europe that France and 
Sardinia, rallying to their aid the revolutionary forces of Italy, could speedily 
drive Austrian influence out of the whole Peninsula. 

Sardinia and Lorabardy were liberated. Austria had retreated into Vene- 
tia, and had taken refuge in the renowned fortresses of the Quadrilateral, at 
Peschiera, Mantua, Verona, and Legnano. The people of all the fragmentary 
States of Italy rose against the governments which the treaties of 1815 had 
imposed upon them. The duchies of Parma, Modena, Tuscany, expelled 
their rulers ; and the young men, with boundless enthusiasm, rallied around 
the tricolored banner, shouting, " United Italy ! " The blasts of Garibaldi's 
bugles were echoing through the Apennines. All the kingdom of Naples 
was roused; and Ferdinand, appropriately termed "Bomba" from the patriot 
towns he had shelled, was himself bombarded. The execrable treaties of 
1815 were being scattered to the winds. To add to the terror of tlie dynas- 
ties, there was hurrying to and fro, and the uplifting of the tricolored banners 
of the old empire in Hungary and in Poland. All Europe was in a state of 
ferment. 

Abraham Lincoln said that the United States could not exist half slave 
and half free. There is an irrepressible conflict between the two systems. It 
is equally true that Europe cannot exist with half her nations constitutional 
monarchies, based upon the equal rights of all men, — the peasant and the 
prince, — and the other half feudal despotisms, founded upon the exclusive 
privileges of the nobles. 

The old Bourbon regime in France was the ripened system of aristocratic 
usurpation. The empire introduced by Napoleon was the announcement to 
Europe of equality^ the equal political rights of all men. Between the two 
systems there is, of necessity, the most deadly hostility. The wars of the 
allies against Napoleon I. were simply the wars which these two antagonistic 
Bystems engendered.! 

Austria represents the principles of absolute power and priestly dominion. 
France represents the strong governmental authority delegated by pure 
democracy, through the voice of universal sufii-age. It is this principle which 

* Napoleon III. en Italie, deux Mois de Campagne, par Jules Ricard, p. 118. 

t " Who has sustained the contest which the French democracy had provoked? Naturally, 
that which was the most powerful of all aristocracies, — the most rich, the most skilful. The 
English aristocracy, with a great man, Pitt, at its head, struggled against French democracy with 
Napoleon, its great man. It was the English aristocracy which sustained the conflict with Na- 
poleon." — Speech of M. Thiers in the French Chambers ; Moniteur, Dec. 24, 1 839. 



582 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

explains the power of the re-established empire. Upon tht banners of the 
empire, wherever they were borne by the first Napoleon, thers wtis inscribed, 
" Equal Rights for all Men." Wherever that banner was unfu/led in Italy, in 
France, in Spain, in Saxony, in Bavaria, in Wurtembcrg, it was recognized as 
the banner of the people. All the despotic thrones of Europe combined to 
crush this system, which else would crush them. With the overthrow of 
Napoleon I. by the combined dynasties, all the other governments in sympa- 
thy with the spirit of the French Revolution fell also. The old feudal despot- 
isms were triumphant. At Waterloo, the genius of republican equality was 
trampled in the dust, and the spirit of aristocratic privilege held the field 
undisputed. 

But nothing is ever settled in this world until it is settled right. As soon as 
the ]3eople of France had recovered from the exhaustion of their utter defeat, 
again they drove from their realm the old feudal despotism, and, with unanim- 
ity quite unparalleled in the history of nations, re-established the lepublican 
empire. And we have here in Italy, after the lapse of half a century, essen- 
tially a repetition (with, of course, many complications) of the struggles of the 
spirit of the first French empire with the dynasties. The French cannon 
which thundered at Magenta and Solferino spoke the same language which 
thrilled Italian hearts from the batteries of Napoleon I. at Lodi and Areola, 

Not only was Austria terrified and frenzied by the march of the Franco- 
Sardinian army, but all dynastic Europe was alarmed. The spirit of Napo- 
leon I. had burst the tomb, and was again riding forth, conquering and to con- 
quer. Where would it stop? If Italy were regenerated, Italy and France 
became essentially one. Hungary and Poland were demanding liberation. 
Ireland was restless. The dynasties were panic-stricken. In hot haste, a 
coalition was being formed. Prussia and England both threatened to join 
Austria, if France did nol^ immediately call back her armies, and desist from 
the attempt to liberate Venetia. There was no alternative. France must 
either abandon the poor Venetians to their fate, or meet the armies of England 
and Prussia united with those of Austria, and thus plunge all Europe into one 
of the most desolating wars earth ever witnessed. 

As Napoleon III. rode over the fields of Magenta and Solferino after the 
battles, he was overwhelmed by the aspect of misery which met his eye. 
Nearly forty thousand men were lying upon each of those fields, either wound- 
ed or dead.* His engineers reported that the Quadrilateral fortresses could 
be taken, but that it would require the lives of fifty thousand French soldiers, 
and probably as many more Austrians. 

* Fifty -nine years before, the Emperor Napoleon T., at hut a few leagues from Solferino, had 
been similarly affected by the aspect of the miseries of the battle-field. 

" Upon the field of Marengo, having scattered all his enemies like chaff before him, with the 
smoke of the conflict still darkening the air and the groans of the dying swelling upon his ear, 
laying aside all the formalities of state, with heartfelt feeling and earnestness Napoleon wrote to 
the Emperor of Austria. This extraordinary epistle was thus commenced : — 

'"Sire, — It is on the field of battle, amidst the sufferings of a multitude of wounded, and 
surrounded by fifteen thousand corpses, that I beseech your Majesty to listen to the voice of 
humanity, and not to suffer two brave nations to cut each other's throats for interests not their 
own. It is my part to press this upon your Majesty, being upon the very theatre of v/ar. Your 
Majesty's heart cannot feel it as keenly as does mine.' " — Abbott's Life of Napoleon, vol. i. p. 328. 



MAGENTA AND SOLFERINO. 583 

There were also, as we have mentioned, menaces reacliing him that other 
powers were about to come to the rescue of Austria. The disaffected peoples 
were everywhere about to I'ise : the dynasties were preparing for the struggle 
against them, as in the days of the first Napoleon. Thus all Europe would 
soon be in the convulsions of war, every country presenting its blood-stained 
fields of Magenta and Solferino, and all, perhaps, to end, as in the wars against 
Napoleon I., in riveting anew the chains of despotism. It was clear to his 
mind that he could not go on, and liberate Venetia, without arraying dynastic 
Europe against him. This would compel him, in self-defence, to accept the 
aid of the disaffected peoples, and thus to rally the revolutionary spirit all over 
Europe. 

Surrounded by the dead and dying, with groans of agony filling his ear, the 
vision appalled him. With frankness quite unusual in diplomacy, he stated 
these reasons for not continuing the endeavor to make Italy free to the Adri- 
atic ; and consented to the peace of Villafranca, which still left Venetia in the 
hands of Austria. 

I have not space to speak of the re-organization of the kingdom of Italy. 
Venetia was left out, with every Venetian heart burning with grief and despair. 

In this conflict, the sympathies of the British Government were, as always, 
with the dynasties. Hungary was just rising to shake off the yoke of Austria, 
taking advantage of her embroilment with Venetia, when tha French armies 
were withdrawn from Italy, and the doom of Hungary was sealed. There is 
true pathos in the entreating tones in which Kossuth, in his celebrated speech 
on the 20tli of May, 1859, the lord mayor being in the chair, implored the 
British Government not to intervene in behalf of Austria. 

"Now, my lord," said he, "I do not remember to have heard one single 
official or semi-official declaration, that, if her Majesty's government were not 
to remain neutral, they would side with Sardinia and France against x\ustria; 
but I have heard many declarations forcibly leading to the inference, that the 
alternative was either neutrality or the support of Austria. 

"We have been told, that, if a French fleet should enter the Adriatic, it 
might be the interest of England to oppose it ; that, if Trieste were to be 
attacked, it might be the interest of England to defend it: nay, the inspired 
ministerial candidate for the West Riding of Yorkshire even told the electors 
that it might be for the interest of England to protect Venice. From what? 
Of course, from the great misfortune of being emancipated from Austria. 

"I love," says the noble Hungarian, "my fatherland more than myself, more 
than any thing on earth ; and, inspired by this love, I ask one boon — only one 
boon — from England; and that is, that she should not support Austria. 
England has not interfered for liberty : let her not interfere for the worst of 
despotisms, — Austria." 

To this cry the cabinet of St. James turned a deaf ear, and gave its moral 
support, while threatening to give its material support, to Austria against 
France and Sardinia. The armies of France and Sardinia were thus arrested 
in their career of liberation. Venetians and Hungarians still groaned in their 
chains. Father Gavazzi pleaded eloquently, but in vain, with England, in 
behalf of Italy. 



684 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

"We fight now," he said, in a letter dated Aug. 4, 1860, "for the sole pur- 
pose of uniting all Italy under the constitutional sceptre of Victor Emanuel. 
Let Englishmen repudiate the idea that there is any thing republican in the 
present movement; since the most ardent advocates of republicanism have 
sacrificed their views to the great cause of our independence, unity, and con- 
stitutional liberties. Be sure, that, if thei-e is no intervention in our fightings, 
we shall arrive to crown in the capital our dear Victor Emanuel as the consti- 
tutional king of one Italy." 

A writer in an English review, speaking of this struggle, says, "Upon the 
whole, the educated classes of this country, though they knew that much 
oppression was implied in autocratic sway, desired to see the democratic 
movement stayed throughout tlie world, at whatever cost." * 

The thoughtful reader will here inquire, — first, Did the emperor do right or 
wrong in aiding Sardinia against Austria? second. Did he do riglit or wrong 
in not continuing the war, and in consenting to peace, still leaving Venetia 
under Austrian rule? There can be but little doubt respecting the verdict 
which impartial history will give to these two questions. 

* Lord Normanby wrote a pamphlet upon this question, entitled" The English Cabinet, Italy, 
and the Congress." It was translated into French by M. C. F. Audley, and republished in Paris. 
In that pamphlet, Lord Normanby quotes witTi approbation from a work then recently published, 
entitled " The English Nation," the following sentences : — 

"At the commencement of this year, England saw the expedition to Italy with such extreme 
displeasure, as to lead one, at the moment, to suppose that she intended to oppose it by force. 
The ministry of Lord Derby was overthrown by a majority of ten votes. That which succeeded 
it never ceased to express the most intense sympathy for the Italian cause. It went even farther 
than the Emperor of the French, who had become the armed champion of that cause. Tims we 
see a flagrant contradiction in English policy." I quote from the French translation, — Le, Cabi- 
net Anglais, I 'Italic, et le Congres, par Lord Normanby, p. 22. 




CHAPTER XXXIV. 

PEACE OF VILLAFRANCA. 

The Peril of Austria. — Threatened Intervention of the Great Powers. — Reasons for the Peace 
of Villafranca. — Interview between the two Emperors. — Napoleon's Address to his Arm)-. 
— His Return to France. — Address to the Great Bodies of the State. — The Banquet at the 
Louvre. — Perplexities of the Italian Question. — Plan of a Confederation. — Opposition 
of the Pope. — The Vote for Italian Unity. — Additional Embarrassments. — Napoleon's 
Letter to Victor Emanuel. — His Letter to the I'ope. — Agitation throughout Europe. — 
Inflexibility of the Papal Government. — Vast Difficulties of the Italian Question. 

HE Austrians had been routed in every battle. Their soldiers, 
cowering behind the fortres.><es of the Quadrilateral, were dis- 
heartened. The Franco-Sardinian army, flushed with victory, 
was pressing them at all points. New levies of French troops 
were crossing the Alps. The fleets of France had entered the 
Adriatic, and were preparing to blow to pieces the Austrian 
batteries in Venice. Though it was known that the Austrians would fight 
desperately behind their massive walls of earth and masonry, and that the 
struggle would yet be fearfully sanguinary, the final result could not be 
doubted, unless other powers should interfere to rivet anew the chains upon 
Italy. 

Such was the state of affiurs, presenting the full assurance that Italy would 
soon be free to the Adriatic, when England and Prussia threatened to inter- 
vene in behalf of Austria, unless Napoleon withdrew his conquering army. 
Under these circumstances. Napoleon decided himself to present to Francis 
Joseph propositions for peace ; while with great franktiess he announced to 
France and to Europe the reasons which impelled him to this decision. 

The following recital we give upon the authority of the "Independance 
Beige." The emperor, on the 8th of July, was at his headquarters, near 
Verona, his mind manifestly all engrossed with anxious thought. At seven 
o'clock in the evening, the emperor sent for General Fleury, and said to him, 
in the presence of King Victor Emanuel, — 

"My dear general, I am in want at this moment of a military diploma- 
tist. I need a man gentle, conciliating, and amiable. I have thought of you. 
Here is a letter for the Emperor of Austria. You will take it to Verona. 
Read it. Imbue yourself with its spirit. I ask for a suspension of arms. 
It is important that the emperor, Francis Joseph, should give his assent. I 
rely upon your intelligence to develop the ideas which are in germ in this 
letter." 

74 685 



586 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

He then gave General Fleury several explanations, to whicli Victor 
Emanuel added his approvah The general took a carriage, and accompanied 
by his aide. Captain Verdiere, set out for Verona. Though it was distant 
but a few miles, so much difficulty was encountered in passing through the 
advance-posts of the Austrians, that Verona was not reached until half-past 
ten in the evening. Francis Joseph had retired, and was soundly sleeping ; 
but he was summoned from his bed by the importance of a letter from the 
Emperor of the French. lie hastily dressed, and General Fleury was intro- 
duced. As Francis Joseph read the letter, surprise and emotion were 
pictured upon his countenance. 

"Your communication," said he, "is very important ; so much so, that I 
must take time to reflect upon it. Remain here until to-mori-ow morning. 
At eight o'clock, I will give you my answer." 

" I am at the orders of your Majesty," General Fleury replied. " Never- 
theless, I solicit permission to submit a few considerations, which will ex- 
plain to your Majesty the apphcation of the emperor." 

General Fleury then urged the acceptance of the proposition which had 
been made to him. He represented that the armies were so closely in con- 
tact, that blood must soon again flow ; and that the mediation by other powers, 
which was contemplated, would come too late to avert a conflict. Francis 
Joseph listened attentively, and replied, — 

" The considerations you suggest are just. I will think of them. To-mor- 
row morning you shall have my answer." 

The general was provided with lodgings, as the guest of the Austrian 
emperor, that night ; and at eight o'clock the next morning he was again 
called into the royal presence. After a long conversation, Francis Joseph 
retired into another apartment, and soon returned with his answer, contained 
in a letter addressed to the Emperor of the French. In three hours, it was 
placed in the hands of Napoleon at Valeggio. 

The Emperor of Austria assented to a truce; and the next day commis- 
sioners from both parties met at Villafranca to decide upon its terms and its 
duration. 

The pride of the Emperor of the French probably revolted from accepting 
a treaty dictated to him by England, Prussia, and Russia. With character- 
istic self-respect, he preferred to settle the difficulty with his imperial antago- 
nist, without the intervention of those ancient dynasties. The " Moniteur " 
of the 11th of July, with its usual spirit of courtesy and conciliation, made 
the following announcement, which, of course, reflected the views of the 
emperor : — 

" Communications were interchanged between the three great neutral 
powers, in view of entering into an alliance to ofier their mediation to the 
belligerents. The first act of this mediation would tend to the conclusion of 
an armistice ; but, notwithstanding the rapidity of telegraphic communica- 
tions, there could not have been an agreement between the cabinets to secure 
this result for several days. And yet our fleet was just ready to open its 
attack upon Venice ; and a now struggle of our armies before Verona was 
momentarily to be expected. 



THE PEACE OF VILLAFRANCA. 587 

" Under these circumstances, the emperor, always faithful to the sentiments 
of moderation which have ever directed his i^olicy, solicitous, moreover, above 
all things else, to prevent the useless effusion of blood, has not hesitated to 
ascertain directly the dispositions of the Emperor Francis Joseph, in the 
thought, that, if these dispositions were conformed to his own, it would be 
a sacred duty for the two sovereigns to suspend, for the present, hostilities 
which now could have no object, through the fact of approaching mediation. 

" The Emperor of Austria having manifested similar views, commissioners 
named by each party have met to arrange the terms of an armistice, which 
has been definitely decided upon. To-morrow there will be an interview 
at Villafranca between the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of 
Austria." 

Francis Joseph w^as much displeased with the conduct of the other three 
powers. In heart, they were with him in the desire to hold Italy in subjec- 
tion, in accordance with the treaties of 1815 ; and yet they had refused to 
enter into an alliance with him to aid in crushing Sardinia, by which alone 
the end could be attained. Under these circumstances, the two emperors 
met, resolved to settle the question without asking or accepting counsel from 
the other powers.* 

At nine o'clock in the morning of Monday, the 11th of July, the Emperor 
of the French arrived on horseback at Villafranca. He was accompanied by 
liis entire staff, his military household, and was followed by a squadron of the 
hundred guards {cent-gardes)^ and by another regiment of the guides of the 
guard. The imperial cortege halted for a moment upon the grand i)^cic6 of 
Villafranca. Then an orderly officer appeared upon the full gallop, coming 
along the Verona Road. Hat in hand, he announced to Napoleon that the 
Emperor Francis Joseph and his suite were near by, and would soon arrive. 

Immediately the imperial cortege set out again upon the gallop. Soon the 
escorts met. The two emperors, leaving their retinues behind, rode forward 
and saluted each other. Napoleon presented his hand to Francis Joseph, 
which the latter took, and cordially pressed. After the interchange of a tew 
friendly words, the emperors, side by side, — Napoleon upon the right, Francis 
Joseph upon the left, — rode back to Villafranca.f 

.* " The Emperor Napoleon III., who has always exhibited before Europe an attitude firm and 
resolute, and who has raised up France from the secondary position in wliich the feeble policy 
of the governments of 1830 and 1848 had placed her, neither could nor would, in 1859, accept 
a solution proposed by a congress. At the head of the French army, he had conquered the 
right to speak alone in the name of the interests of France and Italy. And all the cabinets 
of Europe were compelled to remain neutral on the 11th of July, 1859, as they had decided to 
be on the 1st of January of the same year." — Napoleon III. en Italic, par Jules Ricard, p. 145. 

t An eye-witness thus describes the appearance of the Austrian emperor : " Francis Joseph 
was accompanied by Field-Marshal Baron de Hess and his orderly-officers. He wore the uniform 
of a general of cavalry in undress (en petite tenue), composed of a short sky-blue jacket, witli 
pantaloons of the same color. The heir of Hapsburg lias the features which characterize his 
race. He is tall, of fair complexion, and much resembles his brother Maximilian, whom we have 
seen in Paris. Like him, he has thick lips, a curly beard, bushy whiskers, aTid large blue eyes 
He appeared to me much agitated." — M. Leonce Dupont, Correspondant da Journal de Pays. 



588 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

In a small villa belonging to M, Carlo Gauclini Morelli, where the Emperor 
of Austria had passed the night, just before the day so disastrous to him, — of 
Solferino, — there was a parlor, modestly furnished with two sofas, a few chairs, 
and a square table. At this table, these two sovereigns, occupying positions 
of responsibility and power so extraordinary, sat alone for an houx-, deciding 
the fate of Italy and of Europe. They held the destinies of the two hundred 
millions of Europe in their hands. It requires the grasp of a divine mind to 
comprehend the issues of the decisions of that hour. If they decided upon 
war, all those millions would spring to arms, and billows of blood and woe 
would surge over the nations. Should they decide upon peace, the gathering 
war-cloud would be dispelled, and the arts of industry, uninterrupted, would 
enrich and bless the peoples. As the Empei'or of the French sat at that 
table that peaceful summer's day, conscious that the fate of Europe was thus 
placed at his disposal, we wonder not that be felt that he was but an instru- 
ment in the hands of God, almost miraculously raised up for the accomplish- 
ment of His mysterious designs. 

There the two emperors sat alone. No living being witnessed their inter- 
view. They had entered the villa of M. Morelli, politically enemies ; their 
armies facing each other with loaded cannon and bristling bayonets. The 
retinues of the two emperors were blended upon the Place of Villafranca, 
conversing in a friendly manner with each other, and aAvaiting with intensest 
interest the result of the interview between the two sovereigns. When 
Napoleon and Francis Joseph were seen coming out in manifest agreement and 
friendship, an electric thrill instantly touched the hearts of the officers of the 
two nations. The sovereigns introduced to each other their military house- 
holds. Francis Joseph shook hands with Marshal Vaillant, and with Generals 
Martinprey and Fleury, and congratulated them with much cordiality upon 
the valor of their officers and their soldiers. After a brief interchange of 
these public testimonials of friendship, the two sovereigns mounted their 
horses, and took leave of each other. At half-past eleven o'clock, the Empe- 
ror Napoleon III. had re-entered Valeggio.* 

The emperor immediately summoned a council at his headquarters. The 
King of Sardinia and Prince Napoleon assisted. In the afternoon, the prince 
was sent on a private mission to Francis Joseph at Verona, from which he 
returned at half-past ten o'clock in the evening. The announcement was 
then made that peace was concluded in all its principal bases, though the 
details were still to be arranged. 

It is reported that Prince Napoleon found Francis Joseph in a state of 
profound melancholy. The prince was instructed to insist upon the independ- 
ence of the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Tuscany. With great reluc- 
tance, the Austrian emperor yielded this point. As he finally gave his assent, 
he said, " Prince, I hope that it may never be your doom to sign a similar 
treaty." f 

The next day, the 12th of July, Napoleon III. issued the following procla 
mation from his headquarters at Valeggio : — 

* Napoleon III. en Italie, deux Mois de Campagne, par Jules Ricard, p. 150. 
t Idem, p. 15L 



THE PEACE OF VII.LAFRANCA. 589 

" Soldiers, — The bases of peace are conchided with the Emperor of 
Austria. The principal end of the war is attained. Italy, for the first time, 
is about to become a nation. A confederation of all the States of Italy, under 
the honorary presidency of the holy father, will re-unite in one cluster the 
members of the same family. Venetia remains, it is true, under the sceptre 
of Austria : it will be, nevertheless, an Italian pi'ovince, constituting a part 
of the confederation. 

" The re-union of Lombardy with Piedmont creates for us, on this side of 
the Alps, a powerful ally, who will owe to us his independence. The govern- 
ments remaining outside of the movement, or confirmed in their possessions, 
will comprehend the necessity of salutary reforms. A general amnesty will 
cause all traces of civil discord to disappear. Italy, hereafter mistress of her 
destinies, will no longer have occasion to blame any one but herself if she do 
not steadily progress in order and liberty. 

" You will soon return to France. The country will receive with transport 
those soldiers who have borne so high the glory of our arms at Montebello, 
at Turbigo, at Magenta, at Solferino; who in two months have liberated 
Piedmont and Lombardy; and who have only been arrested because the 
struggle was about to assume proportions which were not in conformity with 
the interests which France had in this formidable war." * 

The guns of the Invalides announced the glorious event to Paris. The 
city blazed with illuminations, and the Te Deum resounded in all the 
churches. The journals of Europe, almost without dissent, not only expressed 
admiration in view of the military ability the emperor had displayed, but 
commended also the wisdom and the moderation he had manifested in con- 
cluding peace.! On the 13th, the emperor left Desenzano by rail for Paris. 

* La Politique Imperiale, pp. 301, 302. 

t " The London Morning Post," commenting upon this treaty, says, " If the emperor had 
been influenced by ambitious views, he would not have adopted that course which gave so much 
satisfaction to Europe. It is very doubtful whether the French army would have encountered 
any check. He had only to push forward, and the four fortresses would have successively fallen 
into his hands, and the fragments of the Austrian army would have been compelled to seek 
refuge in Germany. The emperor, then, would have been regarded as the first captain of his 
age, and would have been the most influential sovereign of Continental Europe; but, in thus 
doing, he would merely have covered himself with military glory, and he would not have assured 
the destinies of Italy any more than he has now done." 

" The London Morning Chronicle " said, " There is no doubt, that, if the conqueror of 
Magenta and Solferino had wished still more to humiliate his enemies, he might easily have done 
so. Although Francis Joseph had still enormous forces at his disposition, it must be remem- 
bered that these forces were still inferior to those of his adversary. It may be said that Austria 
was prostrate, with the sword of France at her throat ; and France pardoned her. The gener- 
ous sovereign did not seek the ruin of Austria, but the deliverance of Italy." 

" The London Times," after discussing all the chances of success for France, closed the article 
by saying, " If, then, the emperor desired to put an end to the war, it could not have been 
because he found a conflict with Austria beyond his power, beyond that of his army and of 
his people. There were no victories which yet remained to be achieved which equalled those 
he had already attained." 

" Le Journal Franyais de St. Petersbourg " says, in refefence to the conditions of peace, 
" They give to France great satisfoction. Austria abandons the territory of Lombardy ; the 



590 LIFE OF NAPOLEON ITL 

lie stopped a short time at Breschia to visit the hospitals ; and entered Milan, 
the capital of Lombardy, at five o'clock in the afternoon. With Victor 
Emanuel by his side, he was received with the most extraordinary outburst 
of popular enthusiasm. As he continued his journey towards France, the 
people crowded into every little village, into every great city, from leagues 
around, to greet the liberator of Italy. At several places, he stopped to visit 
the hospitals ; and many were the words of kindness and the graceful deeds 
of benevolence which were witnessed at the bedsides of the wounded 
soldiers. 

On Sunday, the 17th of July, at ten o'clock in the morning, the imperial 
carriage entered the park of the Palace of St. Cloud. Here the empress and 
the prince imperial awaited the return of the husband and the father. The 
emperor had been absent but sixty-seven days. In that time, he had rescued 
a kingdom from foreign invasion, had conquered Lombardy, had gained two 
of the most sanguinary battles of modern days, and had concluded a peace 
glorious for France and regenerating Italy. At twelve o'clock, the imperial 
family attended mass in the chapel of the chateau. At one o'clock, the 
emperor received his ministers.* 

Italy, and the general voice of Europe, alike recognized that Napoleon was 
the liberator of Italy ; and not only applauded him for what he had done, 
but also for stopping when he did, thus saving Europe from a general war. 
But there were not wanting a few so ungenerous, unjust, and unreasonable as 
to condemn the emperor for the carnage of Solferino and Magenta, which 
rescued Sardinia and Lombardy; and also to condemn him for not pressing 
on for the rescue of Venetia, to the still greater carnage which must have 
ensued beneath the walls of the Quadrilateral, and which would have caused 
all Europe to run red with blood. 

Two days after the emperor's return, on Tuesday the 19th, he addressed the 
great bodies of the State at St. Cloud. His discourse, brief and all-compre- 
hensive as usual, contained the following sentiments: — 

"When, after a prosperous campaign of two months, the French and 
Sardinian army arrived beneath the walls of Verona, the struggle had 
inevitably changed its nature both in its military and political aspects. I 
was fotally obliged to attack in front an enemy intrenched behind great 
fortresses, protected against diversion upon his flanks by the neutrality of the 
territories which surrounded him : and, in commencing the long and sterile 
war of sieges, I found Europe before me in arms, ready, it might be, to dispute 
our success ; it might be, to aggravate our reverses. 

" Nevertheless, the difficulty of the enterprise would not have shaken my 
resolution if the means had not been out of proportion with the results to 
be expected. It would have been necessary to resolve boldly to break 
through the barriers presented by neutral territories, and then to accept the 

self-love of Austria is respected ; the right of conquest on the part of France is acknowledged. 
It is from the Emperor Napoleon, and not from Francis Joseph, that Sardinia will receive the 
aggrandij.ement of her territory. The influence of force and of diplomatic skill have provided 
for her career. Peace is made without intervention. The sovereigns of France and Austria 
owe it to themselves alone." 

* Napoleon III. en Italic, p. 164. 



THE PEACE OF VILLAFRANCA. 591 

struggle upon the Rliine as -well as upon the Adige.* It would have been 
necessary for us to avail ourselves everywhere, openly, of the resources of 
revolution. It would have been necessary to shed still more of that precious 
blood Avhich had already too freely flown. In a word, to triumph, it would 
have been necessary to risk that which it is not permitted for a sovereign to 
jDut at hazard, except for the independence of his country. 

"If I arrested my steps, it was not in consequence of weariness or exhaus- 
tion, nor from an abandonment of the noble cause which I wished to serve, but 
because, in ray heart, something spoke louder still, — the interests of France. 

" Can you, then, believe that it did not cost me something to put a check 
upon the ardor of my soldiers, who, flushed with victory, asked only to press 
forward ? 

" Can you believe that it did not cost me something to strike off openly, 
before Europe, from my programme, the territory which extends from the 
Mincio to the Adriatic? 

"Can you believe that it did not cost me something to see in honest hearts 
noble illusions destroyed, patriotic hopes dispelled? 

"In order to serve Italian independence, I have made war against the will 
of Europe. As soon as the destinies of iny country were imperilled, I made 
peace. 

" Can it now be said that our efforts and our sacrifices have been in mere 
waste ? No ! As I said in adieu to my soldiers, we have a right to be proud 
of our short campaign. In four combats and two battles, a numerous army, 
which yields not to any organization in bravery, has been vanquished. The 
King of Piedmont, of old called the ' Guardian of the Alps,' has seen his 
country delivered from invasion, and the frontiers of his States extended from 
the Tessino to the Mincio. The idea of Italian nationality is admitted by 
those who have most strenuously contended against it. All the sovereigns 
of the Peninsula comprehend, at length, the imperious necessity for salutary 
reforms. 

"Thus, after having given a new proof of the military power of Frnnce, the 
peace which I have concluded will be fruitful in happy results (the future 
will more fully reveal them every day) for the hajapiness of Italy, the influ- 
ence of France, the repose of Europe." t 

It was a question anxiously discussed, whether it were better that the liber- 
ated States of Italy should organize themselves into a confederation of inde- 
pendent States somewhat after the model of the German Confederation, or 
whether they should be formed into a consolidated kingdom like tliat of 
France. "While the emperor was willing to leave the decision to the Italians 
themselves, still it was his avowed judgment that they had better commence 

* " Mantua, Peschiera, and Legnano would have fallen into our hands as the simple con- 
sequence of a third battle upon the Adige : but Verona, the bulwark of Austrian power, we 
could not perfectly invest without violating the territory of the Tyrol; that is to say, without 
giving to Germany, re-united upon the Rhine, the right to declare, 'I am attacked.' To invest 
Verona, the Emperor Napoleon III. said, was to accept the struggle upon the Rhine as upon 
the Adige." — Napoleon III. en Italic, p. 130. 

t La Politique Imperiale, p. 304. 



592 LIFE OF NAPOLEON- UI. 

with a confederacy, until they should become somewhat accustomed to acting 
together, and until local jealousies and rivalries (which were then very strong) 
should be appeased.* 

Lamartine very earnestly and eloquently advocated this view. It is proba- 
bly now the general sentiment of well-informed and thoughtful men, that it 
would have been better for Italy if the plan of the emperor had been adopted. 
The very great difficulty of the Roman Question would thus have been 
averted. In one of the " Entretiens de Litterature," Lamartine reviews the 
political life and writings of the celebrated Count de Maistre, — one of the 
most eminent of the Piedmontese diplomatists, — with whom Lamartine was 
intimately acquainted. He shows, by quoting from De Maistre's despatches, 
that he, also, was in favor of Italian confederation, rather than of Italian imiti/. 

Lord Normanby, in treating upon this subject, says, "It is worthy of remark 
that the Emperor Napoleon and M. de Lamartine stood upon the same plat- 
form as to the future of Italy. They both were of opinion that confederation, 
not unity, was essential for Italy. When two eminent men, who were but lit- 
tle accustomed to act in hai-mony, were of the same opinion, it is well to recall 
to mind that these two men understood Italy better than any one else ; and 
they have neither flattered nor cajoled her." f 

The emperor proposed at Villafranca a confederation of independent States, 
whose central capital should be Rome, and over whose congress the pope 
should preside as president, J The pope, disgusted and enraged by the treat- 
ment he had received from the Revolutionary party, had thoroughly renounced 
his liberal opinions, and had again surrendered his mind to Austrian domina- 
tion. He was now opposing all reform, and was casting a very jealous eye 
upon the Emperor of the French, who was so effectually aiding in the emanci- 
pation of Italy from both civil and religious despotism. The emperor had 
rescued the pope from Revolutionary outrage, and had replace dhim upon his 
throne. He was not a little disappointed that the pope should manifest such 
ingratitude, and that he should give his influence to the support of the despot- 
isms of the old regimes. 

Soon after the peace, the emperor wrote a letter to the pope, urging him to 
grant of his own accord, without waiting for the exigencies of revolt, those 
reforms which Europe, for thirty years, had been so imperiously demanding. 

"I entreat your Holiness," wrote the emperor, "to listen to the voice of a 
devoted son of the Church, but who comprehends the necessities of his epoch, 
and who perceives that brutal force is not sufllcient to resolve questions and 
to remove difliculties. I see in the decisions of your Holiness either the germ 
of a future of glory and of tranquillity, or the sure continuance of a state of 
violence and calamity." § 

It was the emperor's earnest desire to reconcile regenerated Italy with the 

* Several years before, Lord Brougham had expressed his opinion against the attempt to con- 
solidate Italy into one nation. In a very able pamphlet which ho published upon the affairs of 
Austria and Italy, he writes, " Italy has never been one country, one nation. In reality, the 
unity of its different States has never continued for the space of a single hour." 

t Le Cabinet Anglais, I'ltalie, et le Congres, par Lord Normanby, p. 29. 

J, La France, Home, et I'ltalie, par A. de la Gueronniere, p. 30. § Idem, p. 35. 



THE PEACE OF VILLAFRANCA. 593 

pope. But the priestly court of Rome had no comprehension of the true state 
of affairs. It opposed all reforms. The Austrian princes of all the States of 
Central Italy had fled ; and the populations were preparing for their new organi- 
zations, either of a confederacy, or of annexation to the kingdom of Piedmont. 
Thus the Papal States would be left by themselves, — in Italy, but not of Italy. 
The emperor deemed it a matter of the utmost importance that the temporal 
sovereignty of the pope should be maintained. There were nearly two hun- 
dred millions of people who recognized him as their spiritual head. He 
swayed a sceptre of moral power unequalled by that of any other monarch in 
Europe. It was not consistent Avith tlie interests of Europe that Victor Eman- 
uel, or Francis Joseph, or any other sovereign, should be permitted to annex 
the papal territory to his dominions, and thus compel the holy father to be- 
come his subject.* The Roman Question became the most difBcult and 
the most perplexing which had yet engrossed the mind of the emperor. He 
gave to it his most anxious thoughts. The pope, surrounded by none but 
ecclesiastical advisers, and very much under their control, rejected all counsel 
which weakened in the slightest degree his old and absolute power. Austria, 
Spain, Naples, Sardinia, concurred in the suggestions of the emperor; but the 
pope would not yield. 

Still there was a very strong influence excited in France and in other parts 
of Europe by the devotees of the old regime^ ecclesiastical and political, which 
was bitterly opposed to the liberal policy of Xapoleon, and which sustained 
the pope in his stubborn adhesion to absolutism. Numerous deputations from 
Fi-ance, composed of members of the party of the ancien regime, visited the 
pope Avith expressions of sympathy and words of encouragement, declaring 
that they regarded their allegiance to the holy father as superior to that which 
they owed their own government. Thus the emperor was bitterly assailed by 
two parties, — by the one, for his attempt to maintain the independence of the 
pope ; by the other, for his endeavor to induce the pope to accept of those 
reforms which were demanded by the spirit of the nineteenth century. 

Thus matters remained, with ever-increasing agitation, for many months. 
Sicily, Naples, and the duchies had driven out their old governments, and 
established independence. The question of a federal confederacy, or a consoli- 
dated unity, was presented to the decision of these emancipated States, by 
popular sovereignty. Every male above the age of twenty-one was allowed 
to vote. The result Avas A^ery decidedly in favor of Italian unity. In Tus- 

* " In a political point of view, it is necessary that the chief of two hundred millions of Catho- 
lics should not helong to any person; that he should not be subordinate to any jiower; and tiiat 
the august hand which governs souls, not being bound by any dependence, should be alile to raise 
itself above all human passions. If the pope were not an independent sovereign, he M-ould be a 
Frenchman, an Austrian, a Spaniard, an Italian ; and the title of his nationality would take from 
him his character of universal pontiff. The holy sec would be nothing but the support of a 
throne at Paris, at Vienna, or at Madrid." — Le Pape et le Conqres, p. 7. 

" The spiritual power whose seat is at Rome cannot be displaced without disturbing the 
political power, not only in the Catholic States, but in all the Christian States. It is important 
to England, to Russia, and to Prussia, as to France and Austria, that the august represen- 
tative of Catholic imity should neither be constrained, humiliated, nor subordinated." — /ijt/., 
p. 8. 

76 



594 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

cany, the vote stood, for unity, 366,571 ; for a confederacy, 14,925. In Ro- 
magna, — a province about forty-five miles in length, and thirty in breadth, 
which had broken away from the Papal States, — the vote stood, for united 
Italy, 200,659 ; for the confederation, 224. The result was, that four-fifths of 
the population voted for annexation to Piedmont under Victor Emanuel. 
Tlius all Italy became united as one kingdom, excepting Venetia and the 
Papal States. 

These Papal States were thirteen in number, small, embracing together 
about seventeen thousand square miles, and containing a population estimated, 
in 1853, at a little over three millions. They had two seaports, — Civita 
Vecchia on the Mediterranean, and Ancona on the Adriatic. When the 
result of the vote was presented to Victor Emanuel, he said, — 

" I accept the solemn vote, and henceforth will be proud to call them my 
people. In uniting to my ancestral provinces not only the States of Tuscany, 
Modena, Parma, but also Romagna, which has already separated itself from 
the Papal Government, I do not intend to fail in my deep devotedness to the 
head of the Church." 

The provinces of Savoy and Nice formerly belonged to France, being upon 
the French side of the Alps. The inhabitants spoke the French language, 
and were French in ch.aracter. By .the treaties of 1815, these provinces were 
wrested from France. The question was submitted to them, to be decided 
by popular suffrage, whether they would return to France, or would be 
incorporated with the kingdom of Italy. With scarcely a dissenting voice, 
they voted to return to France.* 

Italy, thus regenerated, and united in nearly all its provinces, was restive. 
Rome, the Eternal City, seemed the natural capital of the Peninsula ; but to 
Italy it was now in a foreign land. Venetia was in a state of ever-increasing 
excitement. The Venetians were of one mind in their desire to be re-united 
to their countrymen, whose language they spoke, and with whom they wero 
assimilated in religious and sociid sympathies. Very many began to blan\e 
Napoleon for the peace of Villafranca, by which Venetia was left in the 
hands of Austria. Many of the Italians, thoughtlessly or ungratefully, forgot 
all that the emperor had done for them, while denouncing him that he had 
not made Italy "free to the Adriatic." They were beginning to gather their 
armies to wrest Venetia from Austria. The emperor had sincerely desired to 
accomplish this. He had relinquished the attempt only that he might save 
humanity from the woes of a general European war. His sympathies were 
with Venetia and Italy; but he was disposed punctiliously to respect his 
treaty obligations with Francis Joseph, and to lend neither moral nor mate- 
I'ial support to the encouragement of insurrection in Venetia. Under these 
circumstances, the emperor wrote a letter to Victor Emanuel, King of 

* " When, on the 10th of December, national confidence replaced power in the hands of the 
heir of the empire, the clergy united in this popular manifestation. It was under the banner of 
their churches that the rural populations marched to the ballot-box. Entire France then pre- 
sented the spectacle of which we have recently received a testimony, when, from the summits of 
the Alps to the shores of the Mediterranean, Nice and Savoy have shouted acclaim to their 
new country." — La France, Rome, et Vltalie, par A. de la Gue'ronniere- 



THE PEACE OF VILLAFEANCA. 595 

emancipated Italy. It was dated Palace of St. Cloud, Oct. 20, 1859, and 
expressed the following views : — 

" In my opinion, the following are the essential conditions of Italian regen- 
eration : — 

"Italy should be composed of several independent States united by a 
federal tie.* 

" Each of these States should adopt a system of particular representation 
and of salutary reforms. 

"The confederation should then consecrate the principle of Italian nation- 
ality. It should have but one flag, one system of custom-houses, and one 
currency. 

" The central director should be at Rome. It should be formed by repre- 
sentatives appointed by the sovereigns, from a list proposed by the Chambers, 
in order that, in that kind of diet, the influence of reigning families suspected 
of partiality for Austria might be balanced by the element proceeding from 
election. 

" In awarding to the holy father the honorary presidency of the confedera- 
tion, the religious sentiment of Catholic Europe is satisfied; the moral influ- 
ence of the pope in all Italy is increased, and that will enable him to make 
concessions conformed to the legitimate desires of the populations. 

"Now, this plan, whicli I had, formed at the conclusion of peace, can still 
be realized, if your Majesty exerts his influence in its favor. Moreover, 
important steps have already been taken in that direction. 

" The cession of Lombardy with a limited debt is a fict accomplished. 

"Austria has renounced her right of garrison at Placentia, Ferrara, and 
Commacchio. 

" The right of the sovereigns has been reserved, it is true ; but the inde- 
pendence of Central Italy has been equally guaranteed, since all idea of 
foreign intervention has been formally renounced. 

" In fine, Venetia is about to become a province purely Italian. 

" The true interest of your Majesty, as that of the Peninsula, is to second 
me in the development of this plan, that there may be obtained from it the 
best consequences : for it ought not to be forgotten that I am bound by 
treaty; and I cannot, in the congress which is about to be opened, depart 
from my engagements. The course France must pursue is marked out in 
advance. 

* " The emperor's programme was made public. Not having been able to obtain the pro- 
tectorate of Europe for Italy, he proposed a federation of all the independent States, of which 
Rome should be the centre, and the pope the chief. We, who have had the honor to exhibit this 
programme, know better than any one else with what sarcasms and abuse it was received by 
that party whose influence directed the Vatican. At Rome and at Paris, there was a rivalry of 
violence. The Italian Question was denied ; the inviolability of Austrian right was affirmed ; 
and, in the name of the pope, every thing was repelled which could associate him with the regen- 
eration of the nationality whose cause his illustrious predecessors had associated with the gran- 
deur of tht Church. Subsequently, eyes were opened ; and the idea of Italian federation, under 
the presidcf.cy of the pope, commanded the support of those who had repelled it with the most 
energy and he least reflection." — La France, Rome, et I'ltalie, par A. de la Gucronniere, p. 31. 



596 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

" Let us demand that Parma and Plaisance should be united with Pied- 
mont ; for that territory is strategically indispensable to her. 

" Let us demand that the duchies of Parma should be called to Modena. 

" That Tuscany, perhaps somewhat enlarged, should be restored to the 
Grand Duke Ferdinand. 

" That a system of wise liberty should be adopted in all the States of Italy. 

" That Austria should separate herself frankly from an incessant cause of 
embarrassment for the future ; and that she should consent to complete the 
nationality of Venetia, not only in creating a representation and a separate 
administration, but also an Italian army. 

" Let us demand that the fortresses of Mantua and Peschiera should be 
recognized as federal fortresses. 

" In fine, let a confederation, based upon the real wants as well as the 
traditions of the Peninsula, and upon the exclusion of all foreign influence, 
assure the completion of Italian independence. 

"I shall neglect nothing to secure tliis great result. Your Majesty may be 
assured of that. My sentiments will not vary ; and, so long as the interests 
of France are not opposed, I shall be always happy to serve the cause for 
which we have fought together. " Napoleon." 

The Italian Question still continued to agitate all the cabinets of Europe. 
It was full of complications. The religious bearings of the question were 
immense, touching the sympathies of two hundred millions of Catholics ; and 
those interests could not be ignored. Austria, proud, yet humiliated, was 
very sensitive. 

The great object of the emperor was to secure as much liberty for Italy as 
would be consistent with internal order, and which would not shock the sen- 
sibilities of Catholic Europe, nor rouse the alarmed dynasties to an armed, 
coalition. As to the religious question, the emperor, like his uncle. Na- 
poleon I., was a sincere believer in the divine origin of Christianity. He 
regarded Christianity as essential to tlie prosperity of nations and to the well- 
being of humanity ; and, while recognizing fully freedom of conscience in 
worship, he still accepted Catholicism as the form of Christianity espoused 
by the overwhelming majority of the French people, and thus calling for the 
fostering care of the government. A congress of the great powers was about 
to be convened to deliberate upon these momentous questions. In that con- 
gress. Napoleon III. would be the only monarch, if we except Victor Emanuel, 
who was in sympathy with the principles of popular liberty which the French 
Revolution evoked. 

The pope, irritated by democratic outrage and by the loss of Romagna, 
was growing cold towards his benefactor, and, yielding to the counsels of his 
ecclesiastics, was daily manifesting more sympathy with Austria and with the 
principles of Austrian absolutism. Under these circumstances, the emperor 
wi'ote a letter to the pope, which was dated Palace of the Tuileries, Dec. 31, 
1859, and contained the following views : — 

"Vert Holt Father, — One of my most anxious cares, during as since 
the war, has been the situation of the States of the Church; and, surely, 



THE PEACE OF VILLAFRANCA. 597 

among the powerful reasons wliicli induced rae so promptly to conclude a 
peace must be included the fear of seeing revolution assume continually 
gi'eater proportions. Facts have an inexorable logic; and notwithstanding 
my devotion to the holy see, notwithstanding the presence of my troops at 
Rome, I could not escape a certain responsibility for the results of national 
movements provoked in Italy by the struggle against Austria. 

" Peace once concluded, I hastened to write to your Majesty, to submit to 
him the ideas most suitable, in my judgment, to secure the pacification of 
Romagna; and I still think, that if, at that time, your Majesty had assented to 
an administrative separation of these provinces, and to the appointment of a 
lay governor, they would have remained under his authority. Unfortunately, 
that has not taken place; and I find myself powerless to arrest the establish- 
ment of a new regime.* 

"Now the congress is about to be assembled. The powers cannot dis- 
regard the incontestable rights of the holy see upon the legations. Never- 
theless, it is probable that they will be of the opinion not to have recourse to 
violence to compel their submission; for, if this submission were attained by 
the aid of foreign forces, it would still be necessary to hold military posses- 
sion of the legations for a long time. This occupation would keep alive the 
hostility and the liatred of a large portion of the Italian people, as also the 
jealousy of the great powers : it would thus perpetuate a state of irritation, 
uneasiness, and dread. 

" What, then, remains to be done ? for this uncertainty cannot last for- 
ever. 

"After a careful examination of the difficulties and the dangers which 
different combinations present, I say with sincere regret, however painful 
the solution may be, that it seems to me to be most conformed to the 
interests of the holy father that he should make the sacrifice of the revolted 
provinces. If the holy father, for the sake of the repose of Europe, should 
renounce these provinces, which for fifty years have created so much embar- 
rassment in his government, and should he, in exchange, demand of the 
powers a guaranty for the jDOSsession of the rest, I do not doubt of the 
immediate return of order. Then the holy father will secure to grateful 
Italy peace for a long series of years, and to the holy see the tranquil pos- 
session of the States of the Church. 

"Your Holiness, I love to think, will not misunderstand the sentiments 
which animate me. You will comprehend the difficulty of my situation. You 
will interpret with benevolence the frankness of my language, in recalling to 
mind all that I have done for the Catholic religion and for its august chief. 

* " Romagna, under the empire of Napoleon I., had been a part of the kingdom of Italy. 
The allies, by the treaties of 1815, transferred the province to the pope. The people, however, 
were so restive, that they were only kept in subjection by the occupation of the territory by 
Austrian troops. When the French flag was seen descending the Alps, hastening to the relief 
of Sardinia, or Piedmont as it is also called, the Austrian troops were withdrawn to march 
against the Fratco-Sardinian army. The pope's legate did not dare to remain without their 
support. The Pontifical Government was immediately overthrown, and the inhabitants of 
Romagna joined Sardinia." — LePape et le Congres, Paris, 1859. 



598 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

" In thanking your Holiness for the apostolical benediction Jvhich you have 
sent to the empress, to the prince imperial, and to me, I re lew to you the 
profound veneration 

"Of the devoted son of your Holiness, 

"Napoleox." 

The pope was inflexible, and would not listen to any terms of conciliation. 
The emperor, still persevering in his endeavor to settle this most perplexing 
of questions, presented another combination, having first obtained its ap- 
proval by all the Catholic courts. This plan was briefly the organization of 
an army corps, without any intervention either by France or Austria, which 
should maintain order in Rome ; a revenue to support the expenses of the 
pontifical court presented by the Catholic powers ; and the promulgation, 
throughout the States of the Church, of those reforms to which the holy 
father had already given his approbation. The response of the pontifical 
court was prompt and decisive, and was communicated by Cardinal Anto- 
nelli in the following terms : — 

" The holy see will not adhex'e to any protocol which does not guarantee 
the restoration of Romagna ; it persists in postponing, until that restoration, 
the inti-oduction of the reforms assented to by the holy father; it is its inflexi- 
ble determination never to accept any guaranty for the States which remain 
under its dominion, because, in its eyes, that would recognize a difference 
between these States and those which have been wrested from her." * 

The plan of the Emperor Napoleon for the pacification of Italy was from 
the commencement clearly conceived, and earnestly urged upon the cabinets 
of Europe. There was irreconcilable hostility between Italy and Austria. It 
was, therefore, necessary to seek for the elements of pacification outside of 
these two powers. Hence France invited the Congress of Paris in 1856. 
Supporting itself upon the authority of a great example of the intervention 
of the powers to regulate questions which menaced the peace of Europe, 
France demanded, upon terms which all the other powers of Europe pro- 
nounced to be just and reasonable, reconciliation between Austria, and the 
humiliated, restless, and struggling States of Italy. Few now, in the light 
of subsequent events, will question the wisdom of the j^lan of confederation 

* " Thus the court of Rome had refused every thing. It hnd pushed aside the vicariate 
over Romagna, as an injury to its sovereignty, which sovereignty no longer existed in that 
province. It had declined the collective guaranty of the Catholic powers for the integrity of 
the territory which remained to it after the war. It had rejected, almost as a humiliation, th« 
offer of a pious tribute conferred by all the princes who recognized the sovereignty of the holy 
father. It had repelled the proposition of a guard furnished by all the nations faithful to the 
holy see. 

" There is in resignation a sort of austere virtue which ennobles misfortune, and commands 
respect; but resignation did not enter into the heart of the counsellors of Pius IX. At the 
moment in which he protested against the idea of a revenue offered by the Catholic sovereigns, 
the Pontifical Government solicited individual contributions, and organized everywhere the 
collection of the pence of St. Peter. At the moment when the pope declined soldiers to be 
placed at his disposal by the devotion of the princes, he enrolled partisans." — La France, Rome, 
et I'ltalie, par A de Git&onniere, p. 46. 



THE PEACE OF VILLAFEANCA. 599 

which the emperor proposed. Had it been adopted, the Italian war, with all 
its blood and misery, would have been avoided. In all probability, it would 
have averted the conflict between Prussia and Austria; for Prussia would 
scarcely have ventured to attack her formidable rival, had she not relied upon 
Italian co-operation ; and Europe would now be rescued from those compli- 
cations of the Italian Question which so seriously menace its repose. 

The emperor asked, in the name of the peace of Europe, that the Emperor 
of Austria should renounce, not his rights of sovereignty in Italy, but the 
control, permanent and general, which he exercised over the whole of the 
Peninsula by virtue of his treaties with the princes of the several States. 
Napoleon wished that these princes, endowed by the Congress of Vienna, in 
1815, with a nominal independence, should cease to be the feudatories or the 
lieutenants of Austria, that their governments might become truly national 
and independent.* Thus to the domination of Aiistria, which had now 
become impossible, there would succeed the supremacy of Europe, which 
would guarantee to Italy its enfranchisement. These States thus becoming 
independent, being united in a confederation, would render Italy a power in 
the world, would accustom the Italians to act in harmony, and would pave 
the way for a more consolidated union in the future.f 

But the pope and his ecclesiastical advisers deliberately preferred the 
domination of Austria to the reforms proposed by France. The despatches 
which passed between the diflTerent governments at this time, and the innu- 
merable pamphlets which were published, indicate the intense sensitiveness, 
not only of the governments, but of the public mind. No one but Napoleon 
had any definite plan to propose. All the rest seemed to content themselves 
with objections, and, bewildered by the apparently inexplicable complications 
of the subject, left the all-engrossing question to be shaped by the hazard of 
circumstances, or to be settled, as Garibaldi expressed it, " by iron and by 
blood." 

* " The domination of Austria over Italy was not limited by the territorial possession of 
Lombardy and of Venetia ; bnt it extended even to the moral dependence of the kinjjdom of 
Naples, of the grand duchy of Tuscany, of the duchy of Modena, of the duchies of Parma 
and I'laisance. A secret article of the treaty, signed July, 1815, stipulates that — 

" ' His Majesty the King of the Two Sicilies will not admit any changes which are not in 
harmony with monarchical institutions, and with the principles adopted by his imperial Majesty 
and King for the interior government of his Italian provinces.' 

" Also a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, was concluded between the Emperor of 
Austria and the Grand Duke of Tuscany. There was also a treaty of alliance, signed the 24th 
of December, 1847, with the Duke of Modena, conceding to the Emperor of Austria the right 
to nuirch the imperiil troops into the territory of iModena, and to garrison its fortresses, when- 
ever this should be demanded by the interests of the common defence and military precautions." 
— La Guerre, par J^mile de Girardin, p. 23. 

t La France, Rome, et I'ltalie, par A. de la Gueronniere, p. 29. 




CHAPTER XXXV. 



MESSAGES AND DIPLOMACY. 

Address to the Legislative Corps. — Deputation from Savoy. — Expedition to Syria. — Journey 
to Algiers. — Opening of the Legislative Corps. — Inauguration of the " Boulevard Malc- 
sherbes." — Letter on the Affairs of Italy. — Inauguration of the "Boulevard Prince Eu- 
gene." — Address to the Legislative Corps. — Discourse upon the World's Exposition at 
London. — Letter upon Algeria. 

N" the emperor's address to the Legislative Corps on the 1st of 
March, 18G0, after alkiding to the friendly relations then exist- 
ing between France and all the European governments, and the 
consequent great reduction of the army, he submitted a series 
of measures to facilitate production, to promote cheapness of 
living, to secure the welfare of those who labor, and to multiply 
commercial relations. Among these measures were the suppression of pro- 
hibitory tariffs, which excluded from French markets many productions of 
foreign lands ; the formation of a treaty of commerce with England essentially 
upon the principle of free trade ; and the improvement of all the means of 
internal communication and transportation. In conclusion, the emperor 
said, — 

" In submitting to you a faithful picture of our political and commercial 
situation, I have wished to inspire you with full confidence in the future. 
The protection of Providence will not be wanting for a pacific enterprise 
which has for its end the prosperity of the greatest number. Let us continue, 
then, firmly in our course of progress, without allowing ourselves to be 
arrested, either by the murmurs of selfishness, or by the clamors of party, or 
by unjust suspicions. 

" France menaces no one. She desires to develop in peace, in the fulness 
of her independence, the immense resources which Heaven has conferred 
upon her. And she cannot indulge in jealous irritability ; since, in the state 
of civilization at which we have arrived, there is daily manifested more 
clearly this truth, which consoles and assures humanity, — that, the more rich 
and jyrosperous any country becomes^ the more it contributes to the riches and 
prosperity of other nations^ 

On the 21st of March, 1860, a deputation from Savoy had an interview 
with the emperor in the Palace of the Tuileries. Napoleon thus addressed 
them: "I thank you for the sentiments which you have expressed to me, 
and I receive you with pleasure. The King of Sardinia having acceded to 

600 



MESSAGES AND DIPLOMACY. 601 

the principle of the union of Savoy and of the county of Nice to France, I 
can, without faiUng in any international duty, testify to you my sympathy, 
and accept the expression of your wishes. The circumstances under which 
this rectification of our frontiers has been effected are so unusual, that, in 
responding to legitimate interests, no principle is wounded, and consequently 
no dangerous precedent is established. 

"Indeed, it is neither by conquest nor by insurrection that Savoy and Nice 
will be re-united to France, but by the free consent of the legitimate sover- 
eign, supported by popular adhesion. Thus all that there is in Europe wliicli 
does not cling to the antagonistic spirit of another epoch regards as natur:;l 
and equitable this annexation of territory. The response made to the com- 
munications addressed by my government to the powers represented in the 
Congress of Vienna authorizes a reasonable hope that the subject will receive 
I'rom them a favorable examination." 

During the summer of 1860, there were in Turkey terrible insurrections 
of the Mohammedan population against the Christians, and large numbers of 
the Christian population were brutally massacred. As the sultan avowed his 
inability to protect these his Christian subjects, Napoleon promptly sent an 
army ibr their defence. He thus addressed the troops in the camp at Cha- 
lons on the eve of their departure, the 7th of August, 1860 : — 

"Soldiers, — You are about to leave for Syria; and France implores 
blessings upon an expedition which has but one object, — that of causing the 
triumph of the rights of justice and humanity. You do not go to make war 
upon any power whatever; but you go to aid the sultan to force back to obedi- 
ence subjects blinded by the fanaticism of another age. Upon this distant land, 
rich in grand memories, you will do your duty ; and you will show yourselves 
the worthy children of those heroes who have borne gloriously in that coun- 
try the banner of Christ. You do not go in large numbers ; but your 
courage and your prestige will make up for that ; for everywhere, to-day, 
where the flag of France is seen to pass, the nations know that a grand cause 
precedes it, and a grand people follow it." 

In the month of September, the emperor visited Algiers. As he passed 
through Marseilles, accompanied to that spot by the empress, they both were 
greeted with a very enthusiastic reception. In the emperor's response, he 
said, — 

"The demonstrations, so unanimous, of attachment which we have received 
since the commencement of our journey, profoundly move me ; but they do 
not elate me : for my only merit has been entire faith in divine protection, 
and in the patriotism and good sense of the French people." 

On the 17th, the emperor landed at Algiers. At a banquet there offered 
him, he presented the following views: — 

"My first thought, in placing my foot upon the soil of Africa, turned to the 
army, whose courage and perseverance have accomplished the conquest of 
this vast territory. But the God of armies does not send to a people the 



602 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

scourge of war, except as chastisement or as redemption. In our hands, con- 
quest can only be redemption ; and our first duty is to occupy ourselves with 
the welfare of three millions of Arabs whom the fate of arms has caused to 
pass under our domination. 

" Providence calls upon us to diffuse over this territory the benefits of 
civilization. But what is this civilization ? It is to account welfare ibien-etre) 
for something, the life of man for much, and moral improvement as the most 
important of all. Thus to elevate the Arabs to the dignity of free men ; to 
diffuse instruction among them while respecting their religion ; to ameliorate 
their condition by causing the earth to produce those treasures which Provi- 
dence has buried there, and which a bad government has left sterile, — such 
is our mission : we shall not fail in it." 

Thus closed the year 1860. France was prospered at home, and respected 
abroad. Under the imperial regime, all arts and industries were flourishing. 
It may be safely said that there could not be found, in the Old "World or in the 
New, a nation more unanimously satisfied with its government, more con- 
tented, tranquil, and happy. There was still, of course, opposition. There 
were Bourbonists, Orleanists, Socialists, and extreme Republicans, who would 
gladly, each in its own interests, overthrow the government; but the masses 
of the people, in overwhelming majority, were the devoted advocates of the 
republican empire. I say, republican empire ; for it was an empire to pro- 
mote the rights of the people, and not to sustain the exclusive privileges of 
any class.* 

In the emperor's address at the opening of the Legislative Corps on the 4th 
of February, 1861, he said, — 

" As to the exterior, I strive to prove in my relations "with foreign powers 
that France sincerely desires peace ; that, without renouncing legitimate influ- 
ence, she does not pretend to interfere at all where her interests are not at 
stake ; in fine, that, if she have sympathies for every thing which is noble and 
grand, she does not hesitate to condemn every thing which violates the rights 
of nations and justice. 

" Events difficult to have foreseen have complicated in Italy a situation 
already so embarrassing. My government, in harmony with its allies, has 
thought that the best means of allaying the greatest dangers was to have 
recourse to the principle of non-intervention, which leaves each country 
master of its destinies, localizes questions, and prevents them from degener- 
ating into European conflicts. 

" Surely I am not ignorant that this system has the inconvenience of 
ai)pearing to authorize many grievous excesses ; and extreme opinions prefer, 
some that France should take part in all revolutions, others that she should 
place herself at the head of a general re-actiou. 

" I shall not allow myself to be turned from my path by any of these oppos- 
ing influences. It is sufficient for the grandeur of the country to maintain 

* " That every utterance of the pu blic suffrage in France has hitherto invariably led to a full; 
emphatic, and, to a great extent, spontaneous confirmation of the vote by which the supreme 
power in the first instance came into the hands of Prince Louis Napoleon, it seems impossiblt 
to deny." — London Times, Aug. 13, 1867. 



MESSAGES AND DIPLOMACY. 003 

her riglit where it is incontestable, to defend her honor where it is attacked, 
to lend her support where it is implored in favor of a just cause. 

" It is my firm resolution not to enter into any conflict in which the cause 
of France shall not be based upon right and justice. What, then, have we 
to fear? Can a nation united and compact, numbering forty million souls, 
fear either that it may be dragged into conflicts the object of which it does 
not approve, or that it can be provoked by any menace whatever ? Let us 
contemplate the future with calmness ; and in the full consciousness of our 
strength, as of our loyal intentions, let us devote ourselves, without exagger- 
ated anxieties, to the development of those germs of prosperity which Provi- 
dence has placed in our hands." 

On the 13th of August, 1861, the new "Boulevard M'alesherbes " was 
inaugurated. The emperor made the following remarks in his speech upon 
the occasion : — 

" The embellishments of the capital, when finished, excite general admiration ; 
but, during their execution, they often provoke criticisms and complaints. It 
is impossible, in such enterprises, not transiently to injure some interests. 
It is, nevertheless, the duty of the administration to prosecute them without 
turning aside from the end to be attained. You know what that end is, — to 
give activity to labor, new life to the manufactures and commerce of Paris, 
in separating them from the obstacles which impede their progress; to pro- 
tect the classes who are least favored ; to oppose the rise in the price of 
provisions. 

" To attain the first of these results, government has taken an important 
step; and you will learn with pleasure, that, since the treaty of commerce with 
England, the exportation of articles from Paris has already almost doubled. 
As to the administration of city afflairs, in removing the wall for collecting 
city dues to the fortifications, in connecting by large avenues the extremities 
with the centre, the tendency is to equalize in this vast enclosure the price 
of every thing. 

"Again I congratulate the city upon the measures which have been 
adopted to ameliorate the lot of the most numerous class. Thus water will 
be furnished at a cheaper rate ; lodgings at less than two hundred and fifty 
francs will be exempt from taxation ; bread-making is so organized, that, in 
case of famine, bread shall not exceed a certain price; eflTorts are made to 
diminish the price of meats, not only by allowing no monopoly, but also by 
creating a special market, which will better guarantee the interests of the 
consumer ; in fine, churches, schools, and institutions of charity, are every- 
where multiplied." 

The afiairs of Italy were daily becoming more and more complicated and 
menacing. The emperor expressed his views very fully upon this question 
in the following letter to the minister of foreign afiairs. It was dated Palace 
of the Tuileries, May 20, 1862. 

" Monsieur le Ministee, — Since I have been at the head of the gov- 
ernment in France, my policy has always been the same in reference to Italy, — 



604 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

to favor the national aspirations, to induce the pope to become the support 
of them rather than the adversary ; in a word, to consecrate the alliance of 
religion and liberty. 

" Since the year 1849, in which the expedition to Rome was decided upon, 
all my letters, all my discourses, all my despatches to my ministers, have 
invariably manifested this tendency; and, following circumstances, I have 
sustained them with profound conviction, whether at the head of a limited 
power as President of the Republic, or as the head of a victorious army upon 
the banks of the Mincio. 

" My efforts, I confess, are now broken to pieces against resistances of all 
kinds, in pi-esence of two parties diametrically opposed, absolute in their 
hatreds as in their convictions, deaf to counsels inspired by the single desire 
of good. Is this a reason no longer to persevere, and to abandon a cause 
great in the eyes of all, and which ought to be fruitful in benefits for 
humanity ? 

"It is important that the Roman Question should receive a definite solution ; 
for it is net only in Italy that it troubles the mind : everywhere it produces 
the same moral disorder, because it relates to that which man has most at 
heart, — religious and political faith. 

" Each party substitutes for the true principles of equity and justice its 
exclusive opinion. Thus some, forgetting the recognized rights of a power 
which has continued for ten centuries, proclaim, without regard to a consecra- 
tion so ancient, the forfeiture of the pope. Others, careless of the claims of 
the legitimate rights of the people, condemn, without scruple, a part of Italy 
to immobility and eternal oppression. Thus the one party disposes of a 
power still existing as if it were overthrown, and the other party disposes of 
people who demand to live as if they were dead. 

" Still it is the duty of statesmen to study the means of reconciling two 
causes which passions alone present as irreconcilable. Even in case of 
failure, the attempt will not be without a certain glory ; and, in any event, 
there is an advantage in declaring loudly the end towards which we tend. 

" That end is to arrive at a combination by which the pope will adopt that 
which is grand in the thought of a people who aspire to become a nation ; 
and, on the other hand, that the people should recognize that which is sidutary 
in a power whose influence extends over the whole world. 

"At the first view, in considering the prejudices and the animosities 
equally, one despairs of a favorable result. But if, after having examined to the 
bottom of affairs, we appeal to reason and common sense, we love to persuade 
ourselves that truth, that divine light, will, in the end, pei-vade all minds, and 
show clearly the supreme and vital interest which invites, which obliges, the 
parties of the two opposing causes to listen to each other, and to be recon- 
ciled. 

" Italy, as a new State, has against her all those who cling to the traditions 
of the past. As a State which has called revolution to her aid, she inspires 
with suspicion all the men of order. They doubt her ability to repress 
anarchical tendencies, and hesitate to believe that a society can strengthen 
itself with the same elements which have overturned so many others. In 



MESSAGES AND DirLOMACY. G05 

fine, she has at her gates a formidable enemy, whose arms ami ill-will, 
easy to be understood, will still, for a long time, constitute an imminent 
danger. 

"These antagonisms, already so serious, will become still raoi-e so in sup- 
porting themselves upon the interests of the Catholic faith. The religious 
question aggravates the situation very much, and multiplies the adversaries 
of the new order of things established beyond the Alps. A little while ago, 
it was the Absolutist party alone which was opposed to it. To-day, the 
greater part of the Catholic populations of Europe are its enemies; and this 
hostility embarrasses not only the benevolent intentions of governments 
attached by their fiith to the holy see, but it arrests the favorable dispositions 
of Protestant or schismatic governments, who have also a considerable frac- 
tion of their subjects of the same faith. Thus everywhere it is the religious 
idea which chills the public sentiment for Italy. Her reconciliation with the 
pope would greatly smooth down these obstacles, and relieve her of millions 
of adversaries. 

" On the other hand, the holy see has an equal interest, if not a stronger 
one, in this reconciliation ; for, if the holy see has zealous supporters among 
all fervent Catholics, it has against it all tlie Liberal party in Eui-ope. It is 
regarded, as in politics, the representative of the prejudices of the ancient 
regime ; and by Italy it is deemed the enemy of her independence, the most 
devoted partisan of re-action. Thus the holy see is surrounded by the 
most excited adherents of the fallen dynasties; and this support is not calcu- 
lated to augment in its favor the sympathies of the peoples who have over- 
thrown these dynasties. 

"Nevertheless, this state of things injures less the sovereign than the chief 
of religion. In those Catholic countries where modern ideas have great 
influence, men even the most sincerely attached to their faith find their con- 
sciences troubled, and doubts entering their minds, uncertain whether they 
can reconcile their political convictions with those religious principles which 
seem to condemn modern civilization. If this situation, full of perils, should 
be prolonged, political dissent would be in danger of introducing regrettable 
dissent into the Christian faith. 

" The interests of the holy see, as also those of religion, require, then, that 
the pope should be reconciled with Italy; for that will be to be reconciled 
with modern ideas, to retain within the bosom of the Church two hundred 
millions of Catholics, and to give to religion a new lustre, in exhibiting the 
faith as favoring tlie progress of humanity. 

"But upon what foundation can a work so desirable be established? The 
pope, brought back to a correct ajipreciation of the true state of affairs, will 
comprehend the necessity of accepting all that which connects him again 
with Italy ; and Italy, yielding to tlie counsels of a wise policy, will not refuse 
to adopt those guaranties which are necessary for the independence of the 
sovereign pontiff and for the fi-ee exercise of his power. 

" This double end will be attained by a combination, which, maintaining 
the pope master of himself, shall break down the barriers which now separate 
his States from the rest of Italy. That he may be master of himself; inde- 



606 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

pendence must be assured to him, and his power must be accepted freely by 
his subjects. It is to be hoped that it Avill be so on the one side, when the 
ItaUan Government shall engage, in co-operation with France, to recognize 
the States of the Church and their admitted boundaries; and on the other, 
when the government of the holy see, coming back from ancient traditions, 
shall consecrate the privileges of the municipalities and of the provinces in 
such a manner, that they shall, so to speak, administer themselves ; for then 
the power of the pope, soaring in a sphere elevated above the secondary 
interests of society, shall extricate itself from that responsibility, always 
weighty, and which a strong government alone can support. 

" These general indications are not an ultimatum which I have the preten- 
sion to impose upon the two parties at disagreement, but the bases of a 
policy which I think it a duty to seek to promote by our legitimate influence 
and our disinterested counsels. 

" Whereupon I pray that God may have you in his holy keeping. 

" Napoleon." 

On the 7th of December, 1862, the truly magnificent "Boulevard Prince 
Eugene " was inaugurated. In the emperor's discourse upon the occasion, 
he said, — 

" To transform the capital, in rendering it larger and more beautiful, is not 
merely to erect more buildings than have been torn down, to furnish labor 
with an increased number of diverse trades: it is to introduce everywhere 
habits of order and the love of the beautiful. 

" These spacious streets, these architectural mansions, these gardens open 
to all, these artistic monuments, in augmenting comforts, improve the 
taste ; and when it is remembered that by the side of these vast works you 
also promote public assistance, multiply religious edifices, and buildings 
devoted to education, there is due to you an infinite debt of gratitude for 
accomplishing so many useful things, without compromising in any respect 
the prosperous state of the finances of the city. 

" It is, as you know, my constant endeavor to search out means to remedy 
the transient depression of employment, and to promote the comfort of the 
laboring-classes. The question of the public supply of food has recently 
engaged my particular attention. The last discussion in the Council of State 
was upon the question of introducing certain useful reforms into the bakers' 
shops. 

" I must also thank you for your concurrence in a work due to the sugges- 
tion of the empress, and which, placing capital at the command of honest and 
industrious artisans, falsifies the old proverb, that 'one never lends but to the 
rich.' If, as I hope, this institution succeed, it will be consoling to think 
that a good reputation is veritable property, offering its advantages and its 
securities. 

" The works of peace recommend themselves the more, since there is 
attached to them the glorious souvenirs of our history. Therefore have I 
wished that the new boulevai'd which traverses one of the most industrious 
faubourgs should bear the name of Prince Euaene, — that child of Paris, who, 



MESSAGES AND DIPLOMACY. G07 

at the age of fourteen, was order] y-officer of General Hochc; who was one of 
the heroes of the retreat from Russia; and who, rather than abandon France 
and the emperor, refused the crown of Italy which the allied sovereigna 
offered him. 

" I cannot tell you how much I have been touched by the spontaneous 
movement of the population which has given the name of my mother to one 
of the neighboring boulevards ; but I cannot accept the designation. Names 
inscribed upon marble ought not to be the exclusive privilege of my family. 
It belongs to all those who have rendered service to the country. Thus the 
new avenue of communication which replaces the Canal St. Martin will here- 
after be called ' Boulevard Richard Lenoir.' 

" Although there already exists a small street Richard Lenoir I desire to 
bring into still stronger light the name of that man, who, a simple workman 
of the Faubourg St. Antoine, became one of the first manufacturers of 
France; whom the emperor decorated with his own hand, for the immense 
improvement he made in the manufacture of cotton ; and Mho employed a 
fortune, nobly acquired, for the support of workmen during days of adversity, 
and to arm them when it was necessary to re23el foreign invasion. 

"Let us occupy ourselves, then, with every thing which can, at the same 
time, ameliorate the material condition of the people, and which can elevate 
their moral state. Let us ever place before their eyes a noble end to be 
attained, and the example of those who have conquered fortune by labor, 
esteem by probity, glory by courage." 

On the 12th of January, 1863, the emperor addressed the Legislative Corps 
at the opening of its last session. After briefly alluding to the friendly 
relations of the empire with foreign nations, the emperor spoke as follows 
of the state of home-affairs during the preceding five years : — 

"I have wished on the one hand, by a complete amnesty, to efface as far as 
possible the remembrance of our civil discords ; and, on the other, to increase 
the importance of the great bodies of the State (corj^s de VJEJtat). I have 
called you to take a more direct part in the progress of affairs; I have sur- 
rounded your deliberations with all the guaranties which liberty of dis- 
cussion could claim ; I have renounced a prerogative judged till then indis- 
pensable, in order that the Legislative Corps might control the expenses in a 
more absolute manner, and to give more solidity to the bases upon which 
public credit reposes. To relieve expenses, the army and navy have been 
considerably diminished. The floating debt has been reduced ; and, by the 
success of the conversion of the rentes, a very important step has been 
taken towards the unification of the debt. 

"The indirect revenue has continually increased, from the simple fact of 
increase of the general prosperity ; and the situation of the empire would be 
flourishing, were it not that the war in America has come to dry up the 
most fruitl'ul sources of our industry. 

"The stagnation of business has created, at many points, suffering which 
calls for our deepest solicitude ; and a grant will be asked of you for the 
assistance of those who support with resignation misfortunes which we have 



608 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

no power to terminate. Nevertheless, I haA-e endeavored to send across the 
Atlantic counsels inspired by sincere sympathy ; but the great maritime 
poweis have not seen fit to join me. I have postponed until a more propitious 
epoch the offer of mediation, which had for its object only to arrest the effu- 
sion of blood, and to prevent the exhaustion of a country whose future can- 
not be indifferent to us." * 

In the year 1862, there was a Universal Exposition of the world's industry 
at London. The industry of France was very splendidly displayed upon this 
occasion. In the following terms, on the 25th of January, 1863, the emperor, 
in the Palace of Industry, expressed his thanks to those who had thus 
honored their native land : — 

"Messieurs, — You have worthily represented France in a foreign land. 
I thank you for it; for these universal expositions are not simple bazaars, but 
brilliant manifestations of the force and genius of the peoples. The state of 
society is revealed by the greater or less advancement of the diverse elements 
which compose it ; and, as all progress marches abreast, the examination of 
any one of the multiplied products of intelligence suffices for the appreciation 
of the civilization of the country to which it belongs. It is not, then, a 
matter of indifference to the character of France to exhibit in the view of 
Europe the products of our industry ; in fict, they alone testify to our moral 
and political condition. 

" I congratulate you upon your energy and your perseverance to rival a 
nation which is in advance of us in certain branches of industry. And here, 
at last, we see realized that formidable invasion of the British soil so long 
predicted. You have crossed the Channel. You have boldly established 
yourselves in the capital of England. You have courageously contended 
with the veterans of industry. This campaign has not been without glory; 
and I come to-day to give you the recompense due to the brave. 

"This kind of war, which makes no victims, has much merit. It stimulates 
a noble emulation ; promotes those commercial treaties which bring peoples 
together, and cause national prejudices to disappear without diminishing love 
of country. From these material exchanges there springs up an exchange 
still more precious, — that of ideas. 

"If foreigners can envy us for many useful things, we also have much to 
learn from them. In England, indeed, you must have been impressed with 
that unrestricted liberty, free in the manifestations of all opinions as in the 

* " The Assembly, with entire unanimity, adopted tlie draught of a law opening a credit of five 
million francs in behalf of the working-men in the manufacturing districts which had been 
especially affected by the American war. In some departments, the sufferings of these men 
were very severe. In that of the Siine In/ericure, the number of laborers who had been thrown 
out of work was estimated at one hundred and thirty thousand. Private charity co-nperatcd 
with the legislature; and, on Jan. 26, two million francs had already been absorbed. The 
resignation and patriotic attitude of the working-men were generally commended ; and, on May 4, 
the legislature voted a new credit of one million two hundred thousand francs in their 
behalf" — Anie> icon Anrwal Cijclopcedia, art. " France." 



MESSAGES AND DIPLOMACY. 609 

development of all interests. You have remarked the perfect order main- 
tained in the midst ol the animation of discussion and the perils of competi- 
tion. It is because Euglish liberty always respects the principal bases upon 
which society and power repose. Thus it does not destroy : it ameliorates. 
It carries in its hand, not the torch which kindles conflagrations, but the 
light which illuminates; and, in private enterprises, individual action, ex- 
ercised with indefatigable ardor, releases the government from being the sole 
promoter of the vital forces of a nation. Thus, instead of regulating every 
thing, it leaves to each one the responsibility of his acts. 

" Such are the conditions upon which there exist in England this marvellous 
activity and this absolute independence. France will also attain it when we 
shall have consolidated the indispensable bases for the establishment of entire 
liberty. Let us labor, then, with all our diligence, to imitate examples so 
profitable. Imbue yourselves incessantly with sound political and commercial 
doctrines; unite yourselves in one thought of preservation; and inspire 
individuals with energetic spontaneity for every thing that is beautiful and 
useful. Such is your task. Mine will be to take constantly the wise prog- 
ress of public opinion as the measure of ameliorations, and to clear away 
all administrative hindei-ances from the direction in which you should 
advance." 

It seems, that, in the view of the emperor, there was some disposition mani- 
fested in Algiers to trespass upon the riglits of the native inhabitants. This 
called forth a letter from his pen, addressed to the Governor of Algiers. It 
was dated at the Palace of the Tuileries, Feb. 6, 1863. In this letter, the 
emperor wrote, — 

"When the Bestauration made the conquest of Algiers, it promised the 
Arabs to respect their religion and their property. This solemn engagement 
still exists for us; and I consider it a point of honor to execute, as I did in the 
case of Abd-el-Kader, whatever there may be great and noble in the gov- 
ernments which have preceded me. 

"Besides, even when justice does not demand it, it seems to me indispen- 
sable for the repose and the prosperity of Algeria to consolidate the property 
in the hands of those who hold it. How, indeed, can we hope for the pacifi- 
cation of a country, when almost the whole of the population is disquieted 
respecting its possessions ? 

" The land of Africa is sufficiently large, the resources to be developed there 
are sufficiently numerous, for each one to find scope for the exercise of all his 
activity, following his nature, his taste, his needs. For the natives, there are 
the rearing of horses^ of cattle, and the rude culture of the soil ; for Euro- 
pean intelligence and activity, there are the working of the forests and of 
the mines, drainage, irrigation, the introduction of improved modes of agri- 
culture, and the establishment of those manufactures which always precede 
or accompany the progress of agriculture. 

" For the local government, there are the care of the general interests, the 
development of moral welfare by education, and of material well oeing by 



610 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

public works. To it belongs the duty of suppressing useless regulations, and 
of securing for individual transactions the most entire liberty. 

" Such are the measures to be resolutely pursued ; for, I repeat it, Algeria is 
not a colony, properly speaking, but an Arabian realm. The natives have, 
like the colonists, an equal right to my protection ; and I am as much tlie 
Emperor of the Arabs as I am Emperor of the French." 




CHAPTER XXXVL 



LIBERATION OF VENETIA. 

State of the Italian Question. — The Sympathies of France. — Letter of Napoleon III. to the 
Sovereigns of Europe. — Speech to the Legislative Corps. — Rejection by England. — Re- 
sponse of the Continental Sovereigns. — Schleswig and Holstein. — Plans of Bismark. — 
Diplomatic Measures. — Alarm of England. — Napoleon's Reply to the Proposition for a 
Congress. — The War. — Its Results. — Venetia liberated. — The Roman Question. 

HE great struggle for Italian liberation, which was terminated 
by the peace of Villafranca, took place in the summer of 1859. 
All the provinces of Italy, excepting Venetia and the Papal 
States, had become united in the kingdom of Italy, not by a 
confederacy, as Napoleon had recommended, but by centraliza- 
tion and unity.* The Papal States were nominally independent, 
though order was preserved at Rome by the presence, in the city, of a strong 
French garrison. 

Venetia remained in the hands of Austria, governed by a viceroy appointed 
by the court of Vienna. This little kingdom, whose luxurious court was at 
Venice, embraced a territory of about nine thousand square miles, and con- 
tained a population of about two and a half millions. Austria, deeply humili- 
ated by the results of the war, grasped with more tenacity than ever the 
only Italian province which remained to her. To prevent the possibility of 
an uprising in Venetia, she sent all the Italian soldiers which she conscripted 
from Venetia far away to the northern frontiers of Austria, to watch the 
Prussians, and to hold the restive Hungarians in subjection. The fortresses 
of the Quadrilateral, and all the strongholds in Venetia, she garrisoned with 
German soldiers, who, speaking a different language, could not become 
acquainted with the Italian people ; and who, obedient to military discipline, 
would, without reluctance, bombard the cities or fire upon the inhabitants of 
Venetia. Seventy thousand German troops were stationed in the fortresses 
of this subjugated province. Austria, ever ready for war, had an army of 

* " The emperor never had the intention to impose his will upon the Italians. He has always 
been decided to leave them to act in entire liberty. He has given them his views with sincerity, 
that he might be useful to them. He said to them, ' In my judgment, it would be best that you 
should unite yourselves in a confederation.' But to render his advice less commanding, more 
disinterested, he added, ' If you follow my advice, it will be a gratification to me; but, if you do 
not follow it, I shall not impose it upon you. I shall never employ force against you.' " — 
Question Italienne, par S. A. I. Mg". le Prince Napoleon, p. 120. 

611 



612 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

nine hundred thousand men in the field. Venetia, bound hand and foot, 
could not move a limb in a struggle for liberation. The united Italian States, 
though greatly embarrassed in their finances, had an array of two hundred 
thousand men. By great exertions, it was thought that this army could be 
increased to four hundred and fifty thousand. 

This was but half of the Austrian force. Thus Italy was entirely at the 
mercy of Austria but for two considerations. Francis Joseph had entered 
into treaty obligations not again to invade Italy : should he violate this 
pledge, all the passes of the Alps would be crowded with the soldiers of 
indignant France, hastening to the rescue of the Italians. But France was 
also pledged, not only not to encourage the Italians to assail the Austrians, 
but, should Italy commence an aggressive war, not to render her any 
assistance. 

Still the inhabitants of united Italy, exulting in their new-born nationality, 
were exceedingly restless in seeing Venetia, one of their finest provinces, 
remaining in the hands of Austria. All over the Peninsula, the cry arose for 
the liberation of Venetia. Not many months passed ere it was evident to all 
Europe that the Italians were preparing to send an army into Venetia to 
encourage and support an insurrection there, with the hope of wresting Vene- 
tia from Austria, and re-annexing it to Italy. No aid could be hoped for 
from France; for it was well known that the emperor respected treaties. But 
should any other of the great powers attack Austria at the same time with 
Italy, or should there be a popular uprising in Poland or Hungary, the forces 
of Austria would be so divided that Venetia might very probably break from 
her chains. 

By the treaties of Vienna in 1815, France had been robbed of her emperor, 
of her principles of popular rights, of large portions of her territory, and had 
been garrisoned by foreign troops. All the popular governments in sympathy 
with France had been overthrown. Those treaties were hateful to France. 
She had broken from them ; she had aided a lai-ge part of Italy to break from 
them. The sympathies of France were with all those peoples who were 
struggling for that constitutional liberty of which the treaties of 1815 had 
deprived them. All Europe was at this time in a state of agitation. Poland 
was in insurrection ; Germany and Denmark were assuming hostile attitudes 
for the possession of the duchies of Schleswig and Ilolstein ; Italy was 
threatening to march for the liberation of Venetia. These warlike portents 
induced all the powers to keep up immense standing armies. Under these 
circumstances, the Emperor of France wrote the following letter, addressed to 
the sovereigns of Europe. It was dated Palace of the Tuileries, Nov. 4, 
1863. 

" In presence of events which every day arise, and become urgent, I deem 
it indispensable to express myself without reserve to the sovereigns to whom 
the destinies of peoples are confided. 

" Whenever severe shocks have shaken the bases and displaced the limits 
of States, solemn transactions have taken place to arrange the new elements, 
and to consecr.ate by revision the accomplished transformations. Such was 
the object of the treaty of Westphalia in the seventeenth century, and of the 



THE LIBEEATION OF VENETIA. 613 

negotiations at Vienna in 1815. It is on this latter foundation that now 
reposes the political edifice of Europe ; and yet, as you are aware, it is 
crumbling away on all sides. 

" If the situation of the different countries be attentively considered, it is 
impossible not to admit that the treaties of Vienna, upon almost all points, 
are destroyed, modified, misunderstood, or menaced. Hence duties without 
rule, rights Avithout title, and pretensions without restraint. The danger is 
so much the more formidable, because the improvements brought about by 
civihzation, which have bound nations together by the identity of material 
interests, would render war more destructive. 

" This is a subject for serious reflection. Let us not wait, before deciding 
on our course, for sudden and irresistible events to disturb our judgment, and 
carry us away, despite ourselves, in opposite directions. 

" I therefore propose to you to regulate the present, and secure the future, 
in a congress. 

" Called to the throne by Providence and the will of the French people, but 
trained in the school of adversity, it is, perhaps, less permitted to me than to 
any other to ignore the rights of sovereigns and the legitimate aspirations 
of the people. 

"Tliereforel am ready, without any preconceived system, to bring to an 
international council the spirit of moderation and justice, the usual portion 
of those who have endured so many various trials. 

" If I take the initiative in such an overture, I do not yield to an impulse 
of vanity ; but, as I am the sovereign to whom ambitious projects are most 
attributed, I have it at heart to prove, by this frank and loyal step, that my 
sole object is to arrive without a shock at the pacification of Europe. If this 
proposition be favorably received, I pray you to accept Paris as the place of 
meeting. 

"In case the princes, allies and friends of France, should think proper to 
heighten by their presence the authority of the deliberations, I shall be proud 
to offer them my cordial hospitality. Europe would see, perhaps, some 
advantage in the capital from which the signal for subversion has so often 
been given becoming the seat of the confei-ences destined to lay the basis of 
a general pacification. 

"I seize this occasion, &c., " Napoleo^t." * 

The next day, Nov. 5, the emperor attended the opening of the newly- 
elected Legislative Corps.f In his address, after alluding to the very prosper- 

* La Politique Imperiale, p. 399. • 

t " The election took place on May 31 and June 1 with the greatest order. In Paris, the 
Opposition gained a signal triumph. Eight of its nine candidates were elected : six of the 
elected candidates had a very large majority, M'hile that of Thiers was only twelve hundred. 
In the departments, the candidates of tlie government were almost everywhere successful. Al- 
together, of the two hundred and eighty-three deputies elected, thirty-four were candidates of 
the Opposition. Of these thirty-four, several, as the Marquis of Andelarre, the Vicomte of 
Grouchy, Ancel, Plichou, M. de Chambrun, had been government candidates in 1857, and had 
forfeited the patronage of the government by their vote on the Roman Question. They still 
wished, however, to be regarded as warm supporters of the Napoleonic dynasty." — American 
Annual Cydopcedia, 1863^ p. 418. 



614 LIFE OF NAPOLEON HI. 

ous internal state of the empire, he turned to the political questions which 
were then agitating Europe, and said, — 

"The treaties of 1815 have ceased to exist. The force of things has over- 
thrown them, or tends to overthrow them, almost everywhere. They have 
been broken in Greece, in Belgium, in France, in Italy, as upon the Danube. 
Germany is in agitation to change them ; England has generally modified 
them by the cession of the Ionian Islands ; and Russia tramples them under 
foot at Warsaw. 

" In the midst of these successive violations of the fundamental European 
pact, ardent passions are excited; and in the south, as in the north, powerful 
interests demand a solution. What, then, can be more legitimate or more 
useful than to invite the powers of Europe to a congress in which self-inter- 
est {les amours propres) and resistance would disappear before a supreme 
arbitration ? What can be more conformed to the ideas of the time, to the 
wishes of the greater number, than to speak to the conscience and the reason 
of the statesmen of every country, and say to them, — 

" ' Have not the prejudices and the rancor which divide us lasted long 
enough ? Shall the jealous rivalry of the great powers unceasingly impede 
the progress of civilization ? Are we still to maintain mutual distrust by 
exaggerated armaments ? Must our most precious resources be indefinitely 
exhausted by a vain display of our forces? Must we eternally maintain a 
state of things which is neither peace with its security, nor war with its fortu- 
nate chances? Let us no longer attach a fictitious importance to the subversive 
spirit of extreme parties, by opposing ourselves, on narrow calculations, to the 
legitimate aspirations of peoples. Let us have the courage to substitute for a 
state of things sickly and precarious a situation solid and regular, should it 
even cost us sacrifices. Let us meet without preconceived opinions, without 
exclusive ambition, animated by the single thought of establishing an order 
of things founded, for the future, on the well-understood interests of sover- 
eigns and peoples.' 

" This appeal, I am happy to believe, will be listened to by all. A refusal 
would suggest secret projects which shun the light. But, even should the 
proposal not be unanimously agreed to, it would secure the immense advan- 
tage of having pointed out to Europe where the danger lies, and where is 
safety. Two paths are open: the one conducts to progress by conciliation 
and peace ; the other, sooner or later, leads fatally to war, from obstinacy in 
maintaining a course which sinks beneath us. 

" Such is the language, gentlemen, which I propose to address to Europe. 
Approved by you, sanctioned by pubhc assent, it cannot fail to be listened to, 
since I speak in the name of France." 

The appeal of the emperor, in behalf of a congress to settle national difficul- 
ties by deliberation rather than by the sword, was addressed to the fifteen 
leading sovereigns of Europe. England received the proposition very coldly ; 
and after asking various questions as to the subjects to be discussed, and the 
force, moral or physical, with which the decisions of the congress would be 
sustained, closed by a courteous but peremptory refusal to take any part in 



THE LIBERATION" OF VENETIA. 615 

its deliberations.* The final reply, from Earl Russell, dated the 28th of 
November, 1863, closed the correspondence with the following words : — 

" Not being able, therefore, to discern the likelihood of those beneficial 
consequences which the Emperor of the French promised himself when pro- 
posing a congress, her Majesty's Government, following their own strong 
convictions, after mature deliberation, feel themselves unable to accept his 
Imperial Majesty's invitation." 

Austria also interposed many objections to the congress ; strangely assum- 
ing, in the questions which she asked, that it depended upon the Emperor 
Napoleon, and not upon the assembled congress, to decide what questions 
should be discussed, and what measures should be adopted. The Emperor of 
Austria, in his reply, dated Nov. 15, afiirmed that the treaties of 1815 had 
been and still wei-e regarded by Austria as the public law of Europe ; 
and, while assenting to the importance of a congress to settle the political 
questions which were then menacing the repose of Europe, declared his 
unwillingness to take part in such an assembly, until informed, with some 
accuracy, of the bases, and programme of the deliberations to be intro- 
duced. 

The Emperor of Russia, Alexander II., warmly approved of the proposition 
of Napoleon, for whom he seems, notwithstanding the Crimean War, to have 
formed a sincere attachment. His reply contained the following senti- 
ments : — 

" In describing the profound uneasiness of Europe, and the utility of an 
understanding among the sovereigns to whom is confided the destiny of the 
nations, your Majesty expresses a thought which has always been mine. All 
the acts of my reign attest my desire to substitute relations of confidence and 
concord in the place of that state of armed peace which weighs so heavily 
upon the peoples. My most ardent desire is to spare my people sacrifices 
which their patriotism accepts, but from which their prosperity sufiers. Noth- 
ing could better hasten this moment than a general settlement of the ques- 
tions which agitate Europe. A loyal understanding between the sovereigns 
has always appeared desirable to me. I should be happy if the proposition 
emitted by your Majesty were to lead to it." 

T4ie King of Prussia, William I., declared l\is readiness to participate in a 
congress whose object should be to effect such modifications as might be 
deemed necessary in the treaties of 1815. Without interposing any cavilling 
objections, he very sensibly suggested that the ministers of the various coun- 
tries represented should prepare such propositions as they might desire to 
submit to the deliberations of the congress. 

The King of Italy, Victor Emanuel, with great cordiality responded to the 
invitation of Napoleon. His reply was dated Nov. 22. In it he says, — 

"A permanent struggle has been established in Europe between public 
opinion and the posture of affairs as created by the treaties of 1815. Hence 

* " The reception of the proposal of the emperor, in England, was generally unfavorable 
England could not expect any territorial aggrandizement from the congress, but only the loss 
of her European dependencies, and, in particular, Gibraltar. The press almost unanimously 
disGOuraged the participation in a congress." — American Annual CyclopcEdia, 1863, p. 390. 



616 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IH. 

has arisen a sickly state of things, which will increase, unless European order 
is placed upon the basis of the principles of nationality and of liberty, which 
are the very essence of the life of modern nations. 

" In presence of a situation so dangerous to the progress of civilization and 
the peace of the world, your imperial Majesty has become the interpreter of 
a general sentiment, by proposing a congress to settle the rights of sovereigns 
as well as those of nations. 

" I adhere with pleasure to the proposal of your Majesty. My concurrence 
and that of my peojole are assured to the realization of this project, which 
will mark a great progress in the history of mankind. As soon as the inter- 
national conferences take place, I shall take part in person, or at least send a 
representative." 

The King of Portugal, who had married one of the daughters of Victor 
Emanuel, responded to the invitation in very hearty terms of acceptance. In 
his reply, dated Nov. 18, 1863, he says, — 

" It is an agreeable duty to me to announce to your Imperial Majesty that 
I adhere without hesitation to your conciliatory proposition, and that I 
subscribe with all my heart to the sentiments which have inspired it. 

"A congress before war, with the view of averting war, is, in my opinion, a 
noble thought of progress. Whatever may be the issue, to France will 
always belong the glory of having laid the foundation of this new and highly 
philosophical principle." 

In very similar terms, the youthful King of Greece gave his adhesion to the 
proposed congress. This sovereign, George I., was but eighteen years of 
age. He was the second son of Christian IX., King of Denmark ; and he 
had been called to the throne of Greece by the voice of popular suffrage. 
In his response, dated Nov. 26, he says, — 

"This appeal to conciliation, which your Majesty has just made in the 
interests of European order, has been inspired by views too genei-ous and too 
elevated not to find in me the most sympathetic reception. The noble 
thought which predominates therein could not be better enhanced than by 
the frank language and the judicious considerations with which your Majesty 
has accompanied your proposition. The common work to which your 
Majesty invites the chiefs of the European States would be, beyond dispute, 
one of the greatest onward movements of the day. Its success would realize 
wishes long since formed by the friends of humanity and by the noblest 
minds." 

The kings of Belgium, of the Netherlands, of Denmark, all responded in 
a similar strain. The queen of Spain very cordially gave her assent to the 
views of the emperor of the French. The Swiss Confederation, in a very 
frank and friendly reply, said, " "We can only therefore accept with eager- 
ness the overture your Majesty has deigned to make." The kings of 
Bavaria, Saxony, Wurtemberg, and Hanover, expressed their approval of tlie 
project. The pope was very prompt in giving the measure his assent ; and 
even the sultan was cordial in his concurrence, declaring his readiness to 
attend the congress in person, if the other sovereigns would do the same. 

After receiving all the rcjilies, M. Drouyn de I'lluys, the French minister, 



THE LIBERATION OF VENETIA. 617 

addressed a new circular to the heads of all the diplomatic missions of 
France in Europe, giving a summary of the several replies, and stating, in 
conclusion, — 

" The refusal of England has, unfortunately, rendered impossible the first 
result we had hoped for from the appeal of the emperor to Europe. There 
now remains the second hypothesis, — the limited congress. Its realization 
depends upon the will of the sovereigns. After the refusal of the British 
cabinet, we might consider our duty accomplished, and henceforth, in the 
events which may arise, only take into account our own convenience and our 
own particular interests; but we prefer to recognize the favorable disposi- 
tions which have been displayed towards us, and to remind the sovereigns 
who have associated themselves with our intentions, that we are ready to 
enter frankly with them upon the path of a common understanding. 

" When a general congress was in question, the emperor could not, without 
changing the part he had traced out for himself, draw up a programme, or 
arrange with some of the powers in order to submit afterwards to the others 
a plan prepared beforehand, and commence thus with a negotiation distinct 
from the deliberations in which he. had decided to present himself, without 
preconceived ideas, and free from special engagements." 

Thus terminated the year 1863. The refusal of England rendered a 
general congress impossible; and the question of a limited congress the 
emperor was not disposed to urge. The failure of the enterprise must have 
been a sevei-e disappointment to Napoleon, who had hoped that the congress 
might usher in a new era of peace and prosperity for Europe, enabling all the 
kingdoms to disband their standing armies, and to employ these millions of 
hands in the arts of industry. We perceive the tone of a saddened spirit in 
a brief response which the emperor made soon after, on the 14th of January, 
1864, to Cardinal Bonnechose, Archbishop of Rouen : — 

"Eminence, — You are right in saying that the honors of the world are 
heavy burdens which Providence imposes upon us. Providence in its justice 
has wished to augment duties in proportion to dignities. Thus I often ask 
myself if good fortune has not as many tribulations as adversity : but, in 
both cases, our guide and support is faith, — religious faith and political fxith ; 
that is to say, confidence in God, and the consciousness of a mission to 
accomplish. This mission you have appreciated, with the attachment which 
you have ever manifested to me ; and you have defined it with the experience 
of a magistrate and of a priest, who has clearly seen where one is led by the 
abandonment of all principle, all rule, all faith. 

" Therefore must you be astonished, as am I, to see, after so short an 
interval, men who have scarcely escaped shipwreck caUing again to their aid 
the winds and the tempests. God too visibly protects France to permit the 
Genius of Evil again to come to agitate her. The circle of our constitution 
has been widely traced. Every honest man can move within it at ease, 
since each one has permission to express his thought, to influence the acts of 
government, and to take his just part in public affairs. 
78 



618 LIFE OF NAPOLEON lU. 

" I thank you for the justice which you render to the religious sentiments 
of tl»e empress. It is the happy privilege of woman to remain a stranger to 
aflTairs of state, that she may surrender herself entirely to the generous im- 
pulses of the heart; that she may offer consolations to the unfortunate, and 
encouragement to every thing that is noble and sacred. 

"My son, whom the benedictions of the Church protect, will early learn 
his duties as a Christian, as a citizen, and as a prince ; and he will continue 
towards his country, as towards the friends of his father, to acquit a debt of 
gratitude and affection." 

Early in the month of January, the police discovered a conspiracy for the 
assassination of the emperor. To the honor of France, no Frenchman was 
engaged in it. The assassins consisted of four Italians, — Greco, Imperatori, 
Trabuco, and Scagloni. They entered France at Mulhouse, and were followed 
by the police to Paris. It seems that they were desperate men, and intended 
to make sure work. At their residences were found a large quantity of 
English gunpowder, four poniards, four revolvers, four air-guns, percussion- 
caps and fuses, and eight hand-grenades, such as the assassin Orsini had used. 

Greco made full confession, and gave all the details of the plot. Not much 
confidence can be reposed in the veracity of an assassin. The statement 
given by Greco did not obtain full credence ; and yet it is not easy to conceive 
what motive he could have had falsely to implicate others. He declared 
that he and his accomplices had, by appointment of Mazzini, met him in 
September at Lugano ; that, for some time previous, they had been in corre- 
spondence with him ; that they arranged with him that they should go to 
Paris to assassinate the emperor; that he gave them four hand-grenades 
which he had brought from England, four which he had caused to be made in 
Genoa, also four revolvers and four poniards ; that Mazzini also gave them 
four thousand francs (eight hundred dollars), telling them that he would go 
to London and await the result of the attempt there, and that he would then 
send them more money. 

Mazzini emphatically denied all complicity with the assassins. He was a 
restless, impetuous man ; and though a violent revolutionist, and quite destitute 
of judgment, we can more easily believe that Greco fabricated the whole 
story, or that he had been deceived by some one assuming the name and 
rei)resenting the person of Mazzini, than that Mazzini could have taken part 
in a crime so vile and cowardly. He was, however, included in the indict- 
ment, and, being found guilty by default, was condemned to perpetual exile 
from France.* Greco and Trabuco were condemned to transportation for 
life. Imperatori and Scagloni were sentenced to twenty years' imprisonment.f 

On the 1st of February, 1864, the Legislative Corps presented the emperor 
with an address in response to his message at the opening of the session. 
The address was adopted with great unanimity. The Opposition, though 
exceedingly small in numbers, was composed of men of much ability, — such 
men as Jules Favre, Jules Simon, Thiers, fimile Olivier. Their impassioned 
words of opposition crossed the Channel and the Atlantic, and produced in 

* Italy and the War of 1859, p. 282. t Annual Encyclopsedia, p. 384. 



THE LIBERATION OF VENETIA. 619 

foreign lands a deeper impression than the quiet and emphatic vote of 
approval of nine-tenths of the Assembly. In this address, the Corps Legis- 
latif, having first stated that the people of France were profoundly attached 
to the institutions of the empire, and that they recognized with gratitude the 
resolution of the emperor to anticipate public opinion in promoting indus- 
trial and commercial liberty, added, in allusion to the rejected proposition for 
a congress, — 

" France, on whom you have bestowed splendor and glory, is grateful to 
you for not having committed her treasures and the blood of her children in 
causes in which her honor and interests are not at stake. Leave without 
regret, sire, the few unjust prejudices against accepting your loyal and pacific 
propositions. Noble and sound ideas make way in the world, and take root 
in the hearts of the peoples. Await calmly the efiect of your generous 
words. France, homogeneous, compact, strong, and confident in you, fears no 
aggression, and now has no other ambition than to assure her repose, and 
develop her material Avelfare by labor and peace, and her moral welfare by the 
sincere and gradual practice of civil and political liberties." 

The perplexing afiairs of Italy still engrossed much of the attention of the 
emperor. On the 15th of September, 1864, a very important convention was 
concluded between France and Italy. The articles, as published in the 
ofiicial gazette of the kingdom of Italy, were as follows : — 

" Article 1. Italy engages not to attack the present territory of the holy 
fathei-, and to prevent, even by force, every attack upon the said territory 
coming from without. 

" Art. 2. France will withdraw her troops from the Pontifical States grad- 
ually, and in proportion as the army of the holy father shall be organized. The 
evacuation shall, nevertheless, be accomplished within the space of two years. 

"Art. 3. The Italian Government engages to raise no protest against the 
organization of a papal army, even if composed of foreign Catholic volun- 
teers, sufficing to maintain the autliority of the holy father, and tranquillity, 
as well in the interior as upon the frontier of his States; provided that this 
force shall not degenerate into a means of attack against the Italian Gov- 
ernment. 

" Art. 4. Italy declares herself ready to enter into an arrangement to take 
under her charge a proportionate part of the debt of the former States of 
the Church." 

It was also agreed that the capital of united Italy should be removed from 
Turin to the very beautiful and more central city of Florence, the world- 
renowned metropolis of the grand duchy of Tuscany. Neither France nor 
Italy was pledged to any course in the event of a revolution breaking out 
spontaneously at Rome, — the people rising against the government. 

On the 15th of February, 1865, the emperor opened the Legislative Session 
at the Palace of the Louvre. In this address he said, — 

" At the period of our last meeting, I hoped to see the difficulties which 
\nenaced the repose of Europe removed by a congress. It has been other- 



620 LIFE OF NAPOLEON HL 

wise. I regret it : for the sword often cuts questions without solving them ; 
and the only basis of durable peace is the satisfaction given by the assent of 
sovereigns to the true interests of the peoples. 

" In view of the conflict which has arisen upon the shores of the Baltic, 
my government, being in sympathy with Denmark, and also cherishing the 
kindest feelings towards Germany, has observed the strictest neutrality. 
Called in a conference to express our opinion, we have limited ourselves to the 
expression of the principle of the nationalities, and the right of the peoples to 
be consulted respecting their own destiny. Our language, in conformity 
with the reserved attitude which we intend to maintain, has been moderate 
and friendly towards both parties. 

" In the centre of Europe, the action of France ought to be exercised more 
resolutely. I have wished to render possible the solution of a difiicult prob- 
lem. The convention of the 15th of September, disentangled from passion- 
ate interpretations, consecrates two great principles, — the strengthening of 
the new State of Italy, and the independence of the holy see. The provis- 
ional and i^recarious state which excited so many fears is about to disappear. 
It is no longer separate members of the Italian country, seeking to attach 
themselves by feeble ties to a little State situated at the foot of the Alps : 
it is a great countiy, which, elevating itself above local prejudices, and scorn- 
ing thoughtless impulses, boldly transports its capital to the heart of the 
Peninsula, and places it in the midst of the Apennines as in an impregnable 
citadel. 

"By that act of patriotism, Italy constitutes herself definitively, and at the 
same time reconciles herself with Catholicity. She engages to respect the 
independence of the holy see, to protect the frontiers of the Roman States ; 
and thus permits us to withdraw our troops. The pontifical territory, effica- 
ciously guaranteed, is placed under the safeguard of a treaty which solemnly 
binds the two governments. The convention is not, then, an arm of war, but 
a work of peace and conciliation. 

" Let us devote ourselves, without uneasiness, to the works of peace. The 
intervals between the sessions is employed in seeking the means to augment 
the moral and material welfare of the people; and every useful and true ideals 
sure to be welcomed by me, and to be adopted by you. Let us examine, then, 
together, the measui'es suitable to promote the prosperity of the empire." 

Italy was now, beyond all doubt, preparing for war for the liberation of 
Yenetia. The whole Peninsula resounded with the bugle-blast and the drum- 
beat. Every ship-yard and every arsenal rang with the blows of the hammer 
and the anvil. The students of the universities — a numerous class — were 
all aroused, eager for the war. It was evident that they were sanguine of 
success. 

The ground of this hope was a secret alliance into which Italy had entered 
with Prussia, — that very Prussia, which, but a few months before, had joined 
her menace with that of England to prevent the liberation of Venetia. Prus- 
sia, with a population of eighteen millions, had an area of one hundred and 
eight thousand square miles. Austria was twice as large, with a population 



THE LIBEEATION OF VENETIA. 621 

twice as numerous, Prussia was thus but one of the second-rate kingdoms of 
Europe. An ambitious and unscrupulous man of great ability, Count Bis- 
mark, rose in Prussia, who easily persuaded the king to embark in the enter- 
prise of lifting up Prussia into a first-class power. This could only be done 
by an increase both of population and territory. The measures adopted for 
this end are among the most curious in the annals of diplomacy and war. 
"We can tell the story but in brief, omitting all but the essential points. 

Adjoining Prussia on the north-west were two duchies, called Schleswig and 
Holstein. Each was about the size of the State of Delaware; and their united 
population was about one million. Pushing up into the peninsula formed by 
the German Ocean and the Baltic Sea, with the River Elbe at their base, they 
presented admirable opportunities for commerce. 

These duchies belonged to Denmark. They were both under the govern- 
orship of the same duke, whose title was received and transniitted by 
hereditary descent. Upon the death of Frederic VII. of Denmark, his 
successor, Christian IX., claimed the dukedom of the two duchies. On the 
other hand, Duke Frederic, of Schleswig-Holstein, contested this claim. 
Though, by the fundamental law of the duchies, the two were inseparably 
connected, Holstein belonged to the Germanic Confederacy, and Schleswig 
did not. It thus became a German question. By the treaty of London of 
May 8, 1862, the leading nations of Europe were pledged to "the integrity 
of the Danish monarchy." Thus all Europe was involved in the dispute. 
The inhabitants of the duchies were in favor of Duke Frederic. After a 
slight struggle, the duchies, by the aid of Austria and Prussia, were wrested 
from the feeble kingdom of Denmark, and declared to be independent under 
their hereditary duke, Fi'ederic. 

This was the first act of the programme. Now several persons arose, 
claiming these duchies by the right of inheritance. One was the Grand Duke 
of Oldenburg, brother-in-law of Alexander II. of Russia; another was the 
Prince of Hesse, also brother-in-law of the czar; and, to the surprise of all, 
the King of Prussia himself appeared as a claimant. There were now five 
claimants ; and the question was submitted to the syndics of the crown of 
Prussia assembled at Berlin. 

They rendered their extraordinary decision in July, 1865, declaring that 
the King of Denmark was the legitimate heir, but that the duchies now 
belonged to Austria and Prussia by the right of conquest. 

Until this time, Austria had laid no claim to the duchies. They were at 
quite a distance from the Austrian territory, and separated from it by other 
States. William of Prussia, or rather Count Bismark, thought that Francis 
Joseph of Austria would readily sell, for a due consideration, his share in a 
property which was of but little value to him, and to which he had not before 
supposed that he had any claim. Prussia, accordingly, offered Austria sixty 
million dollars for the relinquishment of her title. 

Austria refused. She did not wish to see the compact, warlike, ambitious 
Prussian kingdom rendered more formidable. She would only consent that 
Prussia should, for the present, hold Schleswig, while Austria held Holstein. 
A temporary arrangement to this effect was entered into between the two 



622 LIFE OF KAPOLEON III. 

powers at what was called the Convention of Gastein, held on the 14th of 
August, 1865. 

In the mean time, Prussia was secretly preparing to seize both of the 
duchies by military occupation : but the eighteen millions of Prussia, without 
the aid of any ally, could hardly hope to cope with the thirty -six millions of 
Austria ; and there was not a single nation in Europe in sympathy with 
Prussia in the unscrupulous measures which Count Blsmark was adopting. 

Under these circumstances, the sagacious and wily Prussian minister sent 
a confidential message to Victor Emanuel, that Prussia, with her whole mili- 
tary strength, was about to attack Austria upon the north, that she might 
seize the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, and that this would furnish Italy 
an admirable opportunity to attack Austria on the south, and thus to liberate 
Venetia. Italy eagerly accepted the suggestion. But for the aid which Italy 
was thus led to furnish, Prussia would scarcely have entered upon the 
enterprise. A few months of busy preparation passed away, when Prussia, 
having marshalled her utmost strength in perfect fighting order, demanded 
both of the duchies. Human efirontery has seldom gone farther than in the 
alleged reason for this claim. It was afiirmed that Austria was granting 
Holstein too free a government^ which rendered Schleswig restless, and 
endangered the peace of Europe. 

" King William," said Bismark, " is grievously affected to see developed 
under the aegis of the Austrian eagle tendencies revolutionary, and hostile 
to all the thrones. He therefore declares that friendly relations no longer 
exist between Prussia and Austria." This declaration was soon followed by 
another, announcing the resolution of Prussia " to pursue with firmness the 
annexation of the duchies, so desirable in all points of view." 

Austria had not been unmindful of the measures in progress. She had an 
army of nine hundred thousand men in the field. Prussia, having mobilized 
her whole force, had six hundred thousand men beneath her banners. Italy 
could bring into the field four hundred and fifty thousand. This would give 
Prussia and Italy, in their alliance, more than a million of soldiers to meet the 
shock of war. 

The Austrian force would be necessarily much divided, — half on the north, 
half on the south. Hungary was watching her opportunity to rise, and throw 
off the Austrian yoke. Strong garrisons were requisite to hold the Hungari- 
ans quiet. An outbreak in Hungary would be surely followed by one in 
Poland. This would bring the armies of Russia into the arena. There was 
thus danger that the whole of Europe would again be involved in cruel 
war. 

It was under these circumstances that the Emperor of the French had 
proposed a congress, that the manifold complications might be settled by 
arbitration rather than by the sword. The British Government declined the 
proposition. Thus the plan of a general congress was thwarted. The 
Emperor of the French, who has ever been the earnest, unvarying, consistent 
advocate of peace, which alone could render France, as well as the other 
peoples of Europe, rich, prosperous, and happy, was keenly disappointed at 
this result. 



THE LIBERATION OF VENETIA. 623 

" I lia-\ e proposed a congress," he said, " and urged it to save Europe from 
the horrors of war. The proposal has been rejected ; I shall not renew it ; 
but I hold myself in readiness to join in any congress when it shall be 
desired by the other powers." 

As the menaces of war grew more and more imminent and terrible, and 
as the prospect became clear, even to dim vision and to dull intellects, that 
there was danger that all Europe might be wrapped in conflagration, even 
England, in her maritime security, became alarmed. She now regretted that 
she had not heeded the foresight of Napoleon, and that she had not supported 
his proposition for a congress. In the appalling emergency. Lord Cowley was 
hurriedly sent with a despatch from Lord Clarendon to the Emperor of the 
French, with the announcement that England was now ready to unite with 
France in calling a congress. Lord Cowley reported the following as Napo- 
leon's reply, — a reply which shows how deeply his spirit had been wounded 
by the conduct of the British Government : — 

"In 1859, England refused to assist me in achieving the liberation of Italy, 
and, by her coalition with Germany, compelled me to stop short, leaving the 
work undone. 

" When, in 1864, 1 proposed a congress for the purpose of removing the 
endless complications which I foresaw would result from the Danish war, 
it was still England that opposed my project, and did her utmost to make it 
abortive. 

" Now she wants peace, even at the price of the congress which she then 
rejected. I will, however, assure her Majesty that I am ready to do all I can 
to prevent war ; but, as the most favorable opportunity for doing this has 
passed, I can no longer take upon myself the responsibility for any event 
that may occur." 

It was too late. The armies were on the move. Two millions of men, 
along lines hundreds of leagues in extent, armed with the most formidable 
weapons of modern warfare, were rushing against each other; and all Europe 
looked on appalled. 

At a concerted signal, Prussia plunged her columns into the Austrian prov- 
inces on the north; while an Italian army, four hundred thousand strong, made 
its impetuous onset from the south into Venetia. For forty days, the storm 
of war raged almost without intermission. The scene cannot be described. 
One more awful, earth never witnessed. The dimensions of the woes which 
ensued no mortal mind can gauge. Never before were military operations 
of such magnitude conducted in so short a period. War was declared on 
the 18th of June, 1866; the troops then being in motion. In Venetia, on 
the 24th, the Italians were driven back with great slaughter from the field 
of Custozza. 

But, in the mean time, the Prussian armies were sweeping onward like fire 
upon the prairies. Fighting at every step, and wading, as it were, ankle-deep 
in blood, with perfect organization, and the terrible needle-gun, they overran 
kingdoms, dukedoms, and principalities, almost faster than the telegraph could 
announce their conquests. Their advance columns were in sight of Vienna. 

Francis Joseph, in terror, was compelled to abandon Venetia, that he might 



624 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

recall his armies there for the protection of his own capital. Too proud to 
surrender Yenetia to Italy, he gave it to Napoleon, that the Emperor of the 
French, in possession of the magnificent estate, might be able to secure the 
peace, which, before blood began to flow, he had attempted to secure by a 
congress. But it was too late for compromise : Austria had chosen war, and 
was now at the mercy of the victor. 

Napoleon, with characteristic magnanimity, surrendered Yenetia to Italy. 
Prussia held with a vigorous grasp all the countries she had overrun, — Scliles- 
wig, Holstein, the kingdom of Hanover, the kingdom of Saxony, the magnifi- 
cent dukedom of the same name, large parts of Bohemia, Silesia, Bavaria, 
and numerous other minor dukedoms and principalities. 

With a disposition to cover up these vast conquests with the verbiage of 
diplomacy, it is evident that they are all simply annexed to the Prussian 
Empire ; in fact, there was no longer a Germany. About eight millions of 
the old confederacy remained with Austria. All the other States were 
absorbed by Prussia. In about forty days, Bismark had doubled the territory, 
and doubled the population, of the Prussian kingdom. 

It was thus that Yenetia was added to Italy. Prussia had not the effront- 
ery to claim any debt of gratitude for her agency in the transfer. The Avhole 
peninsula is now united in one kingdom, with the exception of the Roman 
States. The Italian people, much to the embarrassment of Yictor Emanuel, 
demand the dethronement of the pope and the seizure of his States, that 
Rome may become the capital of Italy. Yictor Emanuel is bound by treaty 
to resist such act of aggression. It is important that the pope should be 
independent. " There is no possible independence for the pope," says Thiers, 
" but in the temporal sovereignty." If the pope is driven from his little 
domain, what monarch shall be permitted to give him refuge, — annex him as 
a subject, with his moral power over two hundred millions of men ? It is 
the most difiicult question in European diplomacy. The peace-loving 
Emperor of the French again proposes that the leading powers of Europe, 
Catholic and Protestant, should meet in conference to settle the question 
amicably by reason, and not brutally by iron and by blood. It remains for 
Europe to decide whether the question shall be adjusted by diplomacy, or by 
the sword. 

Prince Napoleon, in a very able speech pronounced before the Senate on 
the 1st of March, 1861, presents the following solution, which may perhaps 
be in harmony with the views of the emperor : — 

" There remains, gentlemen, the question of the abdication oi the papal 
powei*. I recognize the necessity of a certain independence in the spiritual 
chief, — that he ought not to be the subject of any sovereign whatever. 
Hence the difficulty of settling the question in respect to Rome. Still it does 
not appear to me insoluble. We can here only sketch the great features of 
the solution. 

" Rome — this is the problem : it is to leave the pope an incontestable 
spiritual sovereign, with that liberty of action which assures his temporal 
independence. That does not seem to me impossible. 

" Cast your eyes upon a plan of Rome. The Tiber dividing that city, 



THE LIBERATION OF YENETIA. 625 

upon the right bank you see the Catholic city, the Vatican, St. Peter's. Upon 
the left bank you see the city of the ancient Caesars ; you see Mount Aven- 
tine ; indeed, all the grand souvenirs of Imperial Rome. On the right bank 
is the Rome in which the most vital part of Catholicism has, in modern 
times, taken refuge. There might be a possibility, I will not say to force the 
pope, but to induce him to comprehend the necessity of restricting himself 
there. There may be a possibility of guaranteeing to him his temporal 
independence in those limits. Catholic countries might assure him an 
income suitable to the splendor of religion, and might furnish him with a 
garrison. 

" You cannot make any thing human immutable; but it is evident that an 
income from the Catholic community, when guaranteed by all the Catholic 
powei-s, would be as secure as any thing can be. It would be ever, more 
than now, the revenue of the holy see. I think that the independence of the 
pope might thus exist, surrounded by higher and more honorable sanctions. 
There might be left to him a mixed and special jurisdiction in contested 
cases. He could have his flag. All of the houses in that part of the city 
which I have indicated could be assigned to him in property {en toute 
propriete). 

"History gives us an example of this neutrality in Washington, that 
federal city which has so long been the object of the respect of the whole 
American continent. You will thus have an oasis of Catholicism in the 
midst of the tempests of the world. This maybe regarded as a chimera; 
but how many things treated at first as chimeras have been realized ! "* 

The Emperor of the French solicits a congress of all the European powers, 
that the difficult question may be settled in friendly discussion, and that thus 
Europe may be saved from the horrors of a religious war. If there be any 
better plan than this to meet the perils which now menace Europe, it has not, 
as yet, been proposed. 

* Question Italienne. Discours prononc€ au S^nat, par S. A. I. M. le Prince Napoleon, dans 
la Se'ance du 1 mai, 1861, pp. 151, 152. 
7d 




CHAPTER XXXVII. 



THE MEXICAN QUESTION. 

Revolutions in Mexico. — The American Expedition. — The Alliance of Spain, France, and 
England. — Object of the Alliance. — The Squadron at Vera Cruz. — Disappointment of 
the Allies. — Discordant Views. — Withdrawal of England and Spain. — Peril of the French 
Troops. — Repulse at Puebla. — Struggles and Victories. — Triumphal Entry to the City of 
Mexico. — The Empire established. — The Archduke Maximilian chosen Emperor. — The 
Delegation at Miramar. 

HE Honorable Thomas Corwin, American minister at Mexico, 
in a despatch to Secretary Seward, under date of June 22, 
1861, stated, "In the last forty years, Mexico has passed 
through thirty-six different forms of government; has had 
seventy-three presidents." Seventy-three presidents in forty 
years is an average of nearly two a year. For forty years, Mexi- 
co had been in a state of anarchy. There was no law or order. There was no 
recognized government to be called upon for the i:)ayment of national debts, 
or for the redress of individual grievances. America, England, France, Spain, 
Italy, had all heavy claims upon Mexico for pecuniai^ losses, and for outrages 
inflicted upon their citizens ; but there was no recognized authority in the 
land. There were eight millions of semi-civilized people there, — Indians, 
Spaniards, negroes, and mixed breeds, with countless chieftains, each con- 
tending for the supremacy. There was no hope, in the minds of intelligent 
men, of the establishment of any stable government ; for there was no one 
man or party sufficiently prominent to secure the support of the majority. 

Under these circumstances, the United-States Government decided to 
collect its own debt, and redress its own grievances; constituting itself judge, 
jury, and executive officer. It fitted out a powerful expedition, battered 
down the fortifications of Vera Cruz, marched resistlessly to the "halls of the 
Montezumas," and took payment for all that was due to the government or 
individuals, principal and interest, to the perfect satisfaction of all the 
creditors. 

The success of the Americans influenced other nations to follow their 
example. Spain had heavy claims against Mexico. How just they were, it 
is impossible to ascertain. There was no auditor appointed to examine the 
account. Mexico was full of robbers; and the robbed set a high value upon 
their lost property. England also had claims upon Mexico, not only for 
outrages committed against subjects resident there, but for property taken 



THE MEXICAN QUESTION. 62"/ 

from them to the amount of six million dollars. France had claims to the 
amount of fifteen million dollars. We cannot here enter into the examina- 
tion of the validity of those claims. 

Spain suggested to France and England that they should imitate the 
energetic and successful example of the United States, and send out an 
expedition to collect their debts, and to put a stop to the outrages inflicted 
upon foreign residents in that war-scourged land. The plan proposed by 
Spain was accepted. Each of the three allied powers agreed to send an 
equal naval force, and a land-force proportioned to the number of its subjects 
resilient in Mexico. According to the most accurate statistics which could be 
obtained, there were ten thousand Spaniards in Mexico, two thousand French, 
and six hundred English.* 

In the month of October, 1861, the treaty was signed in London between 
England, France, and Spain, The Queen of England announced that the 
object of the expedition was to obtain satisfaction for outrages upon resident 
foreigners. The Queen of Spain stated that the end at which they aimed 
was to obtain reparation for wrongs, and to prevent the repetition of conduct 
which had outraged humanity and scandalized the world. The Emperor of 
the French announced to the Legislative Corps that "the measures of an 
unscrupulous government have obliged us to unite with Spain and England 
to protect our subjects, and to repress attempts against humanity and the 
rights of nations."! 

From the above, it would appear that there were two objects in view : one 
was to obtain reparation for wrongs, and the other was to prevent the repeti- 
tion of such wrongs. The measures for the accomplishment of the first 
object were simple, and very clearly marked out. The allied fleet was to 
take possession of the Mexican ports, and collect the revenue. One half was 
to be paid to the MesicJtn Government, if there were any such to be found ; 
and the other half was to be appropriated to the liquidation of the debts 
until they were paid. There seems not to have been any definite plan 
adopted to prevent the repetition of the outrages complained of There was, 
however, an understanding that efibrts should be made to rescue the country 
from anarchy by endeavoring to promote reconciliation between the domestic 
factions, and thus to assist in organizing some stable authority without 
imposing upon the Mexicans any form of government.! 

* There were about four hundred Americans in Mexico. Though we had recently persuaded 
Mexico to sell us California and Mesilla for some twenty-five millions of dollars, eight millions 
of which we withheld to pay ourselves the debt which it was said that Mexico owed us, still we 
had run up another little bill to the amount often million dollars. To secure this debt, President 
Buchanan had suggested that we take military possession of the vast provinces of Sonora and 
Chihuahua. Nothing is easier than for the United States to collect debts against Mexico. A 
slight change in our boundary-lines, which Mexico has no power to resist, adds territory of impe- 
rial extent to our domains. The United States were invited to join in the expedition of the 
al^cd powers. The United States declined. The United States can so easily collect her own 
debts, that she needs no assistance in the operation. Intelligent Mexicans understood this 
clearly. There was no power they dreaded so much as the United States. 

t La Politique Imperialc, p. 358. 

X When the Italians learned of the contemplated enterprise, they brought forward some 



628 LIFE OF NAPOLEOX III. 

In tlie mean time, there wei-e at the courts of England and France very 
intelligent Mexicans, such as Senor Almonte and General Miramon, urging 
that Mexico would be in a hopeless state of anarchy unless some European 
power came to her aid. Civil war was then commencing in America. There 
were but few in Europe who imagined that the North could conquer the 
rebellious South. It was the openly avowed object of the slaveholders to 
annex the whole of Mexico to their domain, and to re-establish slavery there. 
They intended thus to create the most extensive and powerful slaveholding 
oligarchy upon which the sun ever shone.* Scarcely any Southern man 
doubted the success of this enterprise. Many very intelligent men of the 
North believed it inevitable. f It is not surprising that Europe was deceived. 
These views were urged very prominently by distinguished Mexicans at the 
court of France, — that there was no redemption for Mexico but in foreign 
intervention ; and that this intervention was earnestly desired by the majority 
of the people, and by nearly all the most intelligent and wealthy cltizens-J 
France had just intervened very successfully for Italy. The hope of regen- 
erating Mexico, and of giving her, in place of the anarchy which had desolated 
the country for forty years, a government like that of France, of Italy, and 
of Brazil, appeared to France a humane and philanthropic object, worthy of 
her highest ambition. 

There was, undoubtedly, at that time, a strong monarchical party in Mexico ; 
but it could easily be swept away by the popular cry against foreign inter- 
vention. Mexico was intensely Roman Catholic in its religion : the monar- 
chical party was generally the High-Church party. England — a Protestant, 
money-making nation — sought mainly to collect her debts, and to protect her 
subjects ; Spain, intolerantly Catholic, wished to support the Church ; France, 
ever ready to fight for an idea, was ambitious of regenerating a people. The 
French minister, M. Thuvenal, in one of his despatches said, — 

"We do not wish to interfere with the internal policy of Mexico; but 
we think that the presence of our forces there will give moral support to the 
monarchical feeling which we believe to exist, and that there will be a chance 
for the establishment of a new and regenerated government." § 

claims which they wished to place in the hands of tlie British Government as collecting lawyer. 
Her Majesty's cabinet declined the employment. It was, however, suggested to the Italian 
Government, that it might send a vessel with the joint expedition. No vessel was sent. — Notes 
in Mexico, by Charles Lempriere. 

* General Almonte, as he left this country to intercede for European intervention, said to a 
friend of the writer, " Unless wc can persuade some European power to aid us in establishing 
some stable government, it is inevitable that the whole of Mexico must be swallowed up by the 
United States. Rather than see that done, I should prefer to have the entire territory sunk 
beneath the sea." 

t The Spanish minister for foreign affairs stated to the Spanish Cortes on the 11th of June, 
1861, " The Mexican expedition is a necessity, not only because it is earnestly solicited by the 
Mexicans residing in Europe, and especially by those in Paris, but because there also exists in 
those regions a republic which threatens the Mexicans with absorption. The object is, thcrefare, 
the maintenance of the integrity of the Mexican territory." 

t Notes in Mexico in 1861, 1862, by Charles Lempriere, D.C.L., p. 401. 

§ The Secretary of State of the United States, in a circular dated March 2, 1862, said, " The 
President has relied upon the assurance given his government by the allies, that they were in 



THE MEXICAN QUESTION. 629 

On the Gth of January, 18G2, the Spanish fleet anchored off Vera Cruz, and 
was soon after joined by the fleets of the other two powers. Ah-eady, dissen- 
sion had sprung up between the allies. England had failed to furnish the 
quota of land-force agreed upon. Spain landed six thousand three hundred 
men ; France, two thousand eight hundred men ; England, eight hundred. 

Benito Juarez, a native Indian, a man of some culture, considerable ability, 
and many excellences of character, was then President of the Mexican 
Republic. General Miramon and Seiior Almonte were the leaders of the 
monarchical party. The allies had been taught by the agents of the monar- 
chical party who had visited Europe that the Mexican people would rise 
and welcome them with enthusiasm as the liberators of their country from 
anarchy, as the Italian people rose and welcomed the soldiers of France. In 
this the allies were bitterly disappointed. The Mexicans met them as 
invaders, as tax-gatherers. The national pride was touched. The allies 
bad invaded Mexico avowedly to collect money and to redress grievances, 
not as disinterested friends to redeem a nation. Though no opposition was 
attempted at Vera Cruz, there were very few voices of friendly greeting to 
be heard. 

In the joint proclamation of the allies, issued to the Mexicans on the 10th, 
it was said, " The faith of treaties, broken by various successive governments, 
the personal security of our countrymen, iponstantly threatened, have rendered 
necessary this expedition. The three nations we represent offer the hand of 
friendship to a people upon whom Providence has lavished its best gifts, who 
are consuming their strength and vitality in civil wars and perpetual convul- 
sions. You, and you alone, does it concern, to re-organize yourselves upon a 
firm and solid basis. Yours will be the work of regeneration ; and all will 
have contributed towards it, — some with their opinions, others with their 
talents. The evil is great, the remedy urgent." 

There was no response to this appeal. Embarrassments pervaded the 
councils of the allies. It was found that the sickly climate would not allow 
the troops to remain upon the coast. They marched forward with the consent 
of Juarez, who had no force to resist them, to Jalapa and Orizaba, — two 
important towns a short distance in the interior. It is not easy to ascertain 
with accuracy the character of the deliberations and of the varying plans of 
the allies. It is manifest that there was no harmony of views, and that 
diversities of opinion became daily more serious. It is, however, evident that 
one of the prominent questions which arose was, what form of government 
they should encourage the Mexicans to adopt. 

For forty years, Mexico had struggled in vain, through convulsions and 
blood, to establish a stable government. It was assumed by all that such a 
people, so ignorant, superstitions, and disunited, could not sustain republican 
forms. In this view, England, Fi'ance, and Spain, of course, harmonized. 

pursuit of no political object, but simply the redress of their grievances. He entertains no 
doubt of the sincerity of the allies; in short, he has cause to believe that the allies are unani- 
mous in declaring that the revolution proposed to Mexico is solely prompted by certain Mexican 
citizens who are now in Europe." — American Annual Cyclopcedia, 1862, p. 584. 



G30 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

Monarchical institutions were deemed essential. The government of Juarez 
was considered but tlie unstable reign of an hour. France was in favor of an 
empire. The Mexicans looked back with pride to the empire of the Montezu- 
raas. The most flourishing and powerful government in South America was 
the empire of Brazil. The liberty-loving people in France, with almost 
entire unanimity, had re-established the empire; rejecting a i-epublic, as 
unsuited to their position, their associations, and their habits. A large por- 
tion of the Mexican people had already attempted to found an empire under 
Ituibide ; but, like every other attempt for the last forty years, it had failed. 

But who should be the sovereign? It was thought, that, if a native chief 
were selected, it would excite more animosity among rival claimants than if a 
foreign prince were chosen ; and it would be very difficult to decide which 
of the many Mexican chieftains should be invested with the honor. 

The Spaniards Avished for a Bourbon prince. The French could not assent 
to a Bourbon, but were wilUng to renounce all claims of their own, and accept 
an Austrian prince. It was the Latin race to which the French and Spanish 
belonged. The English were of a different race, in origin, language, manners, 
and forms of religion. 

Protestant England could not present an acceptable prince to Catholic 
Mexico. Tlius England, to her chagrin, found herself engaged in an enter- 
prise which promised to result in making the magnificent realms of Mexico 
virtually an appendage to France or Spain.* England consequently resolved 
to withdraw as soon as possible. This would leave the enterprise in the 
hands of France and Spain, — a giant and a pygmy. The Spanish leaders 
were so impressed with the conviction that their influence would be small 
after England had withdrawn, that they also resolved to watch their oppor- 
tunity to follow her example. Spain has fallen so low, that not one American 
in a hundred can tell who is her sovereign; while France has attained such 
prominence, that there is not one in a hundred who does not know who is the 
Emperor of the French. 

Such was the result of the diplomacy of several months. The energies of 
the allied army were now paralyzed. France wished to press forward vigor- 
ously in pursuit of the double end of redress for the past, and security for the 
future. Tlie two other powers threw obstacles in the way, and temporized. 
On the 15th of February, 1862, a conference was held in the little village 
of Soledad with Seuor Doblado, chief minister of the Juarez Government. 
The allies had assumed that there was no government in Mexico ; that the 
country was in a state of entire anarchy ; and that, as there was no govern- 

* " We now understand the origin of the whole affair. The monarchy, with the Archduke 
Maximilian for emperor, was the idea of certain Mexican refugees, members of the rc-actionary 
or clerical party in Mexico, and partisans of Marquez and other ruffians, whose misdeeds have 
been among the principal causes of our intervention. If Ferdinand Maximilian goes to Mexico, 
he will find his most active friends among the men who have shot, tortured, and robbed, until 
Europe has at last lost all patience." — London Times, May 27, 1862. 

Subsequent events proved the above statement to be essentially correct. But the extreme 
Church party, finding that Maximilian would not carry out their intolerant views, turned 
against him. The pope, even, withheld his moral support. 



THE MEXICAN QUESTION". 631 

ment which could he held responsible fornationcd debts, or which could be held 
answerable for outrages, or which coidd protect life and property, it kud 
become a necessity for the allies to protect their own interests by armed 
invasion of a governmentless and lawless country. But, by the conference at 
Soledad, they were drawn into the recognition of the government of Juarez. 

In consequence of the want of co-operation among the allies, Doblado 
succeeded in obtaining a postponement of military operations until the 15th 
of April. This gave the Mexicans time to collect and organize their forces, 
and also to call to their aid the terrible vomito, which rapidly thinned the 
ranks of the unacclimated foreigners. 

This " Convention of Soledad " postponing prompt and energetic action, 
Sir Charles Wyke signed in behalf of England, General Prim in behalf of 
Spain ; but the French admiral was terribly chagrined, remonstrated, and 
refused to be governed by it. Thus the feud between the allies grew more 
open, intense, and soon increased to almost personal antagonism. They could 
no longer live together in peace. The English withdrew to Cordova. The 
Spaniards retired to Orizaba. Each party now acted for itself. 

By the original treaty, signed in October, 1861, in London, the allied parties 
were bound to act in concert. None were to have the right to bargain for 
special advantages.* But now, either honorably or dishonoraWy, — we are 
not prepared, in view of the peculiar complication of affairs, to say which, — 
Sir Charles Wyke in behalf of England, and General Prim in behalf of Spain, 
entered into a private arrangement for the settlement of their claims. Then 
they, early in April, marched their troops back to their ships, and returned 
to Europe. A few thousand French soldiers were thus left alone in Mexico. 

The Mexicans were much animated. Juarez appealed to all parties to 
unite, and drive out the invaders. Troops flocked to his standard, — gaunt, 
famished, desperate men, who from the cradle had been inured to arms. 
Fifty thousand men soon surrounded the French. Nothing remained for the 
government of France but to withdraw its troops, deceived, baffled, humili- 
ated, or to send immediate re-enforcements to the feeble band, which, strug- 
gling against disease and a vastly outnumbering foe, was in danger of being 
utterly destroyed. 

Derision it is hard to bear. "While the Opposition in the French Chambers 
launched their bitterest invectives against the government, it was voted by a 
large majority immediately to send re-enforcements to the beleaguered troops. 
The French troops fell back to a strong position at Chiquihuite, and awaited 
their re-enforcements. At length. General Lorencez arrived with additional 
troops, and superseded Admiral de la Graviere, who had previously been in 
command. General Almonte, who had been in Europe urging the- establish- 
ment of a monarchy in Mexico, and proposing that Prince Maximilian, 
Archduke of Austria, a very gallant young man, brother of the Emperor of 
Austria, should be invited to take the throne,t returned to Mexico. He 
endeavored to rally the Imperial party, which he had assured the courts of 

* Notes in Mexico, Charles Lempriere, p. 349. 
t American Annual Encyclopaedia, 1862, p. 584. 



632 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

Europe was composed of nearly all the most intelligent men and friends of 
order in the nation. "With great emphasis he had declared that the empire, 
could it but once be established, would be hailed with unspeakable joy by 
the masses of the people. 

About one hundred and twenty-five miles from Vera Cruz, upon the direct 
route to the city of Mexico, lies Puebla, a city containing about eighty thou- 
sanl inhabitants. It is but seventy-five miles from Puebla to the capital. Its 
streets swarmed with Catholic priests, and it was one of the central points of 
the extreme Catholic party. Bullock, in his account of Mexico, says, — 

" The churches of Milan, Genoa, and Rome, are built in better taste ; but i*: 
expensive interior decorations, the quantity and value of the ornaments o+' 
the altar, they are far surpassed by the churches of Puebla." 

Juarez had confiscated a large portion of the va-st property of the Church. 
This had been sold as national property. He had thus incurred the intense 
hostility of the priests and of the High-Church party. They hoped that 
an army from Catholic France would espouse their cause, and restore their 
property. General Almonte assured the French that the citizens of Puebla 
would rise as one man to welcome them, and would hail them as the saviors 
of their country. 

But Juarez, with his soldiers, held the place by a strong grasp. The 
French, instead of finding open gates and cordial greeting, were met with 
bristling bayonets and discharges of artillery. They were driven back, and 
were compelled to retreat fifty miles, — to Orizaba. Count Lorencez issued an 
order of the day containing the following sentences. It was dated May 21, 1SG2. 

"Soldiers and Mariners, — You were told a hundred times that the 
city of Puebla called you with anxiety, and that the inhabitants would rush 
to embrace you, and crown you with flowers. You presented yourselves 
before Puebla with confidence inspired by this deceptive announcement. 
The city was found enclosed by barricades, and commanded by a fort, where 
every means of defence had been accumulated. Your field-artillery was not 
sufficient to open a breach in the breastworks ; and for that there would have 
been required siege material. You have been deceived, as well as his 
Majesty the emperor. You have been obliged to defend yourselves even 
against those who have sympathies for you. But deceived France will know 
how to recognize her error ; for your sovereign is too great to do wrong. 
He himself has said, 'Justice everywhere accompanies the French flag.'"* 

* " We believe that the design of the Emperor Napoleon was inspired by a real desire to 
raise the condition of Mexico, and that he used the best means he could command for that pur- 
pose. When the project was first made known in 18G2, the anarchy of Mexico had lasted for a 
generation. The civil war that was raging exceeded, in atrocity, any thing that has been seen 
even in a Spanish republic. Not only were native Mexicans ruthlessly plundered and murdered, 
but the lives and property of foreign settlers and merchants were not safe. The injuries 
inflicted on British subjects provoked our long-suffering government to send a squadron to the 
coast; and the emperor had a sufiicient justification for his acts in similar outrages on French 
subjects. 

" The influence of the French occupation, so long as it lasted, was beneficial to society. If 



THE MEXICAN QUESTION. 633 

The French army waited at Orizaba for still more re-enforcements. They 
were fifty miles from their sliips. They couki not live upon the coast. 
Swarms of guerillas menaced their communications. Juarez was extremely 
anxious to destroy them before their re-enforcements could arrive. He sent 
two of his ablest generals — Zaragossa and Orazeba — with a large force to 
surround and capture them.* The Mexican generals took command of the 
adjacent heights, and sent a summons to the French to surrender. The 
tone of the summons reflected great credit upon the intelligence and the 
humanity of General Zaragossa. 

"I have reason to believe," said he, "that you, and the officers of the division 
under your command, have sent a protest to the Emperor of the French 
against the conduct of Minister Saligni for having brought about an expedi- 
tion agaiust a people, which, up to the present time, have been the best friends 
of the French nation. This circumstance, and the knowledge of the difticult 
position of the French army, as well as the desire to afibrd it an honorable 
retreat, have decided me to propose a capitulation to you, the principal basis 
of which shall be the evacuation of the Republic within a time agreed upon. 
I believe that my government will not question this new manifestation for 
peace, because, without transcending my powers, I may avoid the shedding 
of the blood of the sons of two nations, whom only error and intrigue could 
cause to appear together as enemies." 

Count Lorencez replied, that the government had not invested him with 
political powers, and that, consequently, it was impossible for him to enter into 
the negotiation proposed. Preparations were immediately made for a com- 
bined attack by Zaragossa and Ortega upon the French at an early hour the 
next morning. The French were so weak, and the Mexicans so strong, that 
Zaragossa had no doubt of success. 

It was a moonless night; but the stars shone serenely out of the tropical 
sky down upon the Mexicans, quietly sleeping upon the greensward of the 
hillsides. One hour after midnight, the French crept noiselessly from their 
lines, and rushed upon the foe. The Mexicans, utterly bewildered by the 
impetuosity of the assault and by the skilful tactics of the veteran French 
generals, after a feeble resistance broke, and fled in panic indescribable. 

An awful hour ensued of war's most pitiless tempest. Who can describe, 
who can imagine, such a midnight scene? — the thunder-peal of batteries, 
the liglitning-flashes of the guns, the shouts of onset, the wild cry of the 
fugitives, the tumult, terror, carnage, and gloom of night. 

" The night was pitch-dark," says General Ortega ; " and I used my voice in 

just and regular administration could have pacified Mexico, it would have been pacified by the 
French. Never, perhaps, since Europeans have set foot in the country, has there been a govern- 
ment more anxious to do good than that which the French established ; never, since the country 
was lost to the crown of Spain, has any thing existed so like settled government." — London 
Times, May 29, 1867. 

* Juarez proclaimed that those Mexicans who took sides with the French in favor of the 
empire should be punished as traitors. General Robles, a Mexican officer, was captured, tried 
by court-martial, and instantly shot almost within sight of the French camp. — American Annual 
Cydopccdia, 1862, p. 583. 



634 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

that dreadful and fatal confusion as a banner to my soldiers." In the dark- 
ness, one of the French soldiers followed that clarion-voice, and, with a lunge 
of his bayonet, pierced General Ortega nearly through at the shoulder. The 
Mexicans, having lost nearly five thousand in killed and wounded according 
to the French estimate, fled in hopeless disorganization * 

Still the Mexicans were so vastly superior in numbers, that this midnight 
rout was but a temporary check. At some distance from the disastrous field, 
their scattered ibrces were rendezvoused ; and again they presented a bold 
front for battle. The situation of the French was alarming. A stormy 
ocean, five thousand miles in breadth, separated them from their homes. The 
vomito upon the coast was more to be dreaded than any other foe. Their 
line of communication with Vera Cruz was incessantly assailed by guerillas, 
who perpetrated savage barbarities upon all who fell into their power. The 
Emperor of the French, in an address to the Corps Legislative, said, — 

"England and Spain have thought fit to withdraw their troops from 
Mexico, and a small French corps of seven thousand men has remained to 
continue alone the operations commenced in common. That body of men, 
notwithstanding its very moderate number, will not fail in its mission of 
civilization, but will issue victoriously, we are quite convinced, from the trials 
which may await it. But, whatever may be our confidence in its ultimate 
success, prudence always commands us to place ourselves in a position to 
provide against all eventualities of war. It is with that object that the gov- 
ernment applies itself to the legislative body, before the session terminates, 
for the credits necessary to convey, according as they may be required, such 
re-enforcements in men and stores as may be found indispensable." f 

From June until October, there were no battles. The French were not 
strong enough to assume the ofiensive, and the Mexicans did not venture to 
attack them behind their intrcnchments. The little army, however, suffered 
fearfully from the vomito ; and the guerillas so annoyed their trains, that they 
were often almost starved. Early in October, General Forey arrived with 
thirty-five thousand troops. The Mexicans had, in the mean time, vastly 
strengthened their position at Puebla. General Forey had received the 
following instructions from the emperor. The letter was dated Fontainebleau, 
July 3, 1862. 

"My dear General, — At the moment Avh en you are on the point of 
setting out for Mexico, charged with political and military powers, I think it 
useful to let you know my ideas. This is the line of conduct you will have 
to follow : — 

" 1. To issue, on your arrival, a proclamation, the principal points of which 
will be indicated to you. 

"2. To welcome with the utmost cordiality all Mexicans who ofier them- 
selves to you. 

" 3. To side with the quarrels of no party ; to declare that every thing is 

* American Annual Cyclopjcdia, 1862, p. 584. 
t La Politique Imperiale. 



THE MEXICAN QUESTION. 635 

provisional, so long as the Mexican nation has not pronounced itself; and to 
show great deference for religion, but to re-assure, at the same time, the 
holders of national property. 

" 4. To feed, pay, and arm, according to your means, the auxiliary Mexican 
troops, and to make them play a principal part in the battles. 

" 5. To maintain among your troops and among the auxiliaries the severest 
discipline ; to repress vigorously any act or word insulting to the Mexicans ; 
for you must not forget their proud nature. To secure the success of the 
undertaking, the disposition of the people must be conciliated above all 
things. 

"When you shall have reached the city of Mexico, it would be desirable for 
the principal persons of all parties who have embraced our cause to come to 
an understanding with you, with the view of organizing a provisional govern- 
ment. That government will submit to the Mexican people the question of 
the political system to be definitively established. An assembly will after- 
wards be elected according to Mexican law. 

" The object to be attained is, not to impose upon the Mexicans a form of 
government which they dislike, but to aid them in their endeavors to estab- ■ 
lish, according to their inclinations, a government which may have some 
chance of stability, and which can secure to France the redress of the griev- 
ances of which she has had to complain. It is obvious, that, if they prefer a 
monarchy, it is the interest of France to support them in that view. 

" There will not be wanting people who will ask you why we go to lavish 
men and money to found a regular government in Mexico. 

"In the present state of civilization of the world, the prosperity of America 
is not a matter of indifference to Europe ; for it is she who feeds our manu- 
factories, and gives life to our commerce. We have an interest in the 
government of the United States being powerful and prosperous, but not 
that she should take possession of the whole Gulf of Mexico, thence command 
the Antilles as well as South America, and be the sole disburser of the 
products of the New World. We now see by sad experience how precarious 
is the fate of an industry which is reduced to seeking its chief raw material 
in a single market, to all the vicissitudes of which it has to submit.* 

" If, on the other hand, Mexico maintain her independence and the integ- 
rity of her territory, if a stable government be there constituted with the 
assistance of France, we shall have restored to the Latin race on the other 
side of the Atlantic all its strength and prestige ; we shall have guaranteed 
security to our West-India colonies and to those of Spain ; we shall have 
established our beneficent influence in the centre of America; and that influ- 
ence, by presenting immense openings for our commerce, will procure us the 
raw materials indispensable to our industry. Mexico thus regenerated will 
always be well disposed toward us, not only from gratitude, but also because 
her interests will be in harmony with ours, and because she will find a power- 
ful support in her friendly relations with the European powers. 

* The civil war in the United States was then raging ; and, as a consequence, in a single 
department of France one hundred and thirty thousand workmen were thrown out of employ- 
aient, and had to be supported by governmental charity. 



636 LIFE OF NA.POLEON III. 

" At present, therefore, our military honor engaged, the necessities of oui 
policy, the interests of our industry and commerce, all combine to make it our 
duty to march upon Mexico, to plant our flag boldly there, and to establish 
either a monarchy, — if not incompatible with the national feeling, — or, at all 
events, a government which may promise some stability. 

" Napoleon." 

General Forey marched upon the well-manned ramparts at Puebla, and was 
repulsed with heavy loss. To add to his calamities, the small-pox broke out 
among his troops ; and, as a still additional disaster, the United States began 
to manifest strong opposition to the French expedition, and gave all its 
moral support to the Republican party. The governm.ent proposed to loan 
Juarez and his party a sura of eleven millions of dollars for five years; the 
Mexicans pledging as security the entire public domain, and the residue of 
the church-property, in value estimated at one hundred millions of dollars.* 
The spirit of the people and of the government of the United Sates, at this 
time, is probably faithfully reflected in the following extract from an article 
in « The New-York Herald : " — 

" We call upon the Senate to take up the new Mexican treaty, and ratify 
it without delay. If we would appear honorable and dignified in the eyes 
of other nations, we must do so at once. The people of America are warmly 
in favor of the Mexicans, and are ready to give them every support in their 
heroic struggle for the preservation of republican institutions. Congress 
should second these noble views of our people, and confirm the new treaty at 
once, so that the French may be hurled out of Mexico, and the nationality 
of that country be henceforth respected by all the nations of the world." 

There were about two thousand Frenchmen established in the city of 
Mexico, engaged in various branches of business. They, as well as nearly 
all the other foreigners in the city, were in warm sympathy with the invaders. 
They could see no hope of a stable government in Mexico but in the success 
of the expedition. There was also in the capital a strong Imperial party of 
Mexicans. The Republicans formed clubs to mob and drive out all foreigners. 
The Americans residing in Mexico Avere the most obnoxious of all foreigners. 
Our armies had marched triumphantly into their streets ; we had wrested 
from them vast tracts of territory ; and, at that time, one Colonel Beller, with 
a band of American "filibusters," was invading, in the lust of conquest, the 
Province of Chihuahua, " to extend the area of freedom" by spreading slavery 
over the free soil of Mexico. Republicans and Imperialists alike feared the 
absorbing capacities of the United States ; and still more did they fear the 
Confederate States, should they prove triumphant. 

The 'cry resounded through the streets of Mexico, "Death to foreigners!" 
Juarez protected the imperilled strangers. To a deputation who called upon 
him with the demand that all foreigners should be driven from the land, he 
replied, — 

" If you wish to show your patriotism, go down to Orizaba, and expel those 

* Notes in Mexico : Lemj: riere, p. 390. 



THE MEXICAN QUESTION. 637 

who hare invaded your country; but do not interfere with peaceful citi- 
zens." 

The Imperial party had long existed. For thirty years it had been strug- 
gling for a monarchy, as the only hope for semi-civilized Mexico. It embraced 
most of the men of intelligence and wealth. We read in " The Napoleon 
Dynasty," by the Bei-keley Men, — 

" During his residence on the Delaware, Joseph Bonaparte met with an 
incident which surprised as much as it must have affected him. A deputa- 
tion from Mexico came to offer him the Mexican crown. 

"Joseph declined, urging them by all means to establish a republic instead 
of a monarchy. ' I do not think,' he said, ' that the throne you wish to raise 
can make you happy. Every day I pass in this hospitable land proves more 
clearly to me the excellence of republican institutions for America. Keep 
them as a precious gift from Heaven. Settle your internal commotion. Fol- 
low the example of the United States, and seek among your fellow-citizens 
a man more capable than I am of acting the great part of Washington.' " 

This was like saying to the dying man, " Get well ; " or to the hopelessly 
impoverished, " Be rich." Ignorant, convulsed Mexico had for forty years strug- 
gled in vain to establish a republic. Dreary years of anarchy ensued. When 
General Scott marched to "the halls of the Montezumas," and so efficiently 
avenged the wrongs and collected the debts of the United States, we are 
told that a delegation of prominent Mexicans called upon him, and entreated 
him to assume the supreme co'amand. The general declined the unwelcome 
task. We are told that one of the sons of Louis Philippe had also been 
applied to, during the reign of his father, to accept the Mexican crown. He, 
also, was unwilling to assume the responsibility. 

This party now turned their attention to Prince Maximilian, a very popular 
and noble young man, about thirty years of age, and brother of the Emperor 
of Austria. 

About the middle of February, the French again advanced towards Puebla 
in their march for the Mexican capital. Their army consisted of twenty-eight 
thousand men. The Mexican force, occupying strong positions on the route, 
was estimated at eighty thousand. The struggle was desperate and bloody 
French valor and discipline prevailed. Fifteen thousand prisoners fell into 
the hands of the French at Puebla. Six thousand of them readily entered 
into the French service. 

On the 10th of June, General Forey entered the city of Mexico with his 
triumphant columns. All attached to the Republican party had fled. The 
Imperialists remained. From other parts of Mexico the Imperialists had 
gathered.* They received the French with great enthusiasm. The foreign 
population joined heartily in the ovation. They felt that dreary years of 

* The Honorable Thomas Corwin, American minister at Mexico, stated, in a letter whicli 
went the rounds of the American newspapers, " The establishment of an empire is, in reality, 
the wish of the great majority of Mexicans. The protest of this government (the United 
States) would have been looked on as a violation of the principle of self-government. ' By 
what right,' France can say, ' do you force upon the Mexicans a republic which they detest, and 
prevent them from choosing an empire which they prefer? ' " 



638 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

anarchy and wretchedness were now coming to an end. The populace, igno- 
rant, excitable, and ready to echo any triumphant cry, joined in the general 
acclaim. There were no dissenting voices. The whole city of Mexico rose, 
as with one voice, to welcome the French. 

It now appeared as though the representations made by Almonte and 
Miramon were correct ; and that nearly the whole Mexican nation, as soon 
as it dared to utter its voice, was eager to welcome the French as its 
liberators. General Forey issued a manifesto, stating that the object of the 
expedition was not merely to obtain redress of grievances, but also to assist 
the Mexicans to establish any stable government which they might choose, — 
"a government," he said, "which shall practise, above all, justice, probity, and 
good faith in its foreign relations, and liberty at home, but liberty, as it 
should be understood, walking in the path of order, with respect for religion, 
property, and family. 

" I invoke," he added, " the co-operation of all minds. I invite all parties 
to lay down their arms, and employ their efforts in future, not in destroying, 
but in constructing. I proclaim forgetfulness of the past; a complete amnesty 
to all who adhere in good faith to the government which the nation, in the 
full enjoyment of its liberty, may choose." 

A provisional government was organized. A superior council was com- 
posed of thirty-five of the most distinguished Mexican citizens. This council 
chose three executive officers, called the Regency. These three were Generals 
Almonte and Salas and the Archbishop of Mexico. This provisional gov- 
ernment assembled with great solemnity on the 25th of June, and chose two 
hundred and fifteen persons who were to constitute the Assembly of Notables. 

This Assembly met on the 10th of July, and, by a vote of two hundred and 
thirteen to two, declared in favor of an imperial government. They then 
proceeded to the choice of an emperor, and chose Ferdinand Maximilian, 
Archduke of Austria.* 

Napoleon was with deep solicitude watching all these proceedings. True to 
his principles of universal suffrage, he wished the people of Mexico, and not 
the Notables alone, to decide upon the form of government. He had written 
with emphasis to General Forey, " to submit to the Mexican people the ques- 
tion of the form of political rule which should be definitively established." 

This was the essential point in his view, — that the people were to choose 
their form of government. He accordingly immediately wrote to General 
Forey, through M. Drouyn de I'Huys, the French minister of foreign affairs, — 

" We can only consider the vote of this Assembly as a first indication of 
the inclinations of the country. The Assembly recommends to its fellow- 
citizens the adoption of monarchical institutions. It is now the part of the 
Provisional Government to collect these suffrages in such a manner^ that no 
doult shall hang over this exp>ression of the will of the country, I shall not 

* " If the French accounts may be believed," says the writer of an able article upon this 
subject in " The American Annual Cyclopedia," " the decision of the Assembly was received 
with tumultuous joy by all classes of Mexicans ; the prospect of a stable government under a 
European prince, supported by European bayonets, being in every respect preferable to the long 
rule of anarchy under which the country had groaned." 



THE MEXICAN QUESTION. 639 

indicate to you the method of securing this indispensable result : it must be 
found in the institutions of the country and its local customs." * 

But, before this letter reached Mexico, the Mexican commission, consisting 
of nine of the most prominent citizens, four of whom were then in Europe, 
had proceeded in a body to Trieste, where they had an interview with Maxi- 
milian at his Castle of Miramar. This prince, thus invited to the imperial 
throne, was born on the 6th of July, 1832. Six years before this interview, 
he had married the very beautiful and universally beloved Carlota, daughter 
of Leopold, King of Belgium. The archduke held the position of vice- 
admiral in the Austrian navy, and was then Governor-General of Lombard- 
Venice. His frank and genial manners rendered him exceedingly popular : 
and he was regarded as the most liberal, in his views, of all the Austrian 
princes ; being cordially in favor of constitutional liberty .f 

The president of the deputation, Seiior Gutierrez de Estrada, in a very 
earnest appeal to Maximilian, expressed the following sentiments : — 

"The Mexican nation, scarcely restored to its liberty by the beneficial 
influence of a powerful and magnanimous monarch, sends us to present our- 
selves to your Imperial Highness, the object and centre, to-day, of its present 
wishes and most flattering hopes. 

"We will not speak, prince, of our tribulations and our misfortunes, known 
by every one, and which have been extended so far, that the name of Mexico 
has become synonymous 'with desolation and ruin. Our country has passed 
nearly half a century in that sad existence, full of unprofitable suffering and 
intolerable shame. 

" Mexico, again master of her destinies, and taught by the experience of 
past errors, now makes a supreme effort to regain herself Mexico promises 
herself much, prince, from the institutions which governed her for the space 
of three centuries, and which left us, when they disappeared, a splendid 
legacy, which we did not know how to preserve under a republic. 

"But, if that faith in monarchical institutions is great and profound, it 
cannot be complete if these institutions are not personified in a prince 
endowed with the high gifts which Heaven has dealt out to you with a prodi- 
gal hand. 

" We, who are but the feeble interpreters of the hopes and the prayers of 
a whole nation, come to present in that nation's name to your Imperial High- 
ness the crown of the Mexican Empire, which the people offer you, prince, 
freely and spontaneously, by a solemn decree of the Notables, already ratified 
by many provinces, and which soon will be, as every one says, by the entire 
nation. J 

* American Annual CyclopEedia, 1862, p. 637. t Idem, p. 636. 

J " I liave visited Mazatlan, Durango, Zacatecas, San Luis Potosi, Queretaro, the city of 
Mexico, Pucbla, Orizaba, Cordova, and Vera Cruz. With the exception of Zacatecas and 
Vera Cruz, a^ large majority in those places were in favor of the empire. That Guadalajara, 
Guanajuata, Puebla, and Orizaba were strongly in support of the empire, was never doubted. 
I have thus mentioned nearly all of the large cities of Mexico. When the emperor and empress 
entered the country, they were greeted Avith unbounded enthusiasm. Many who witnessed that 
entrance have frequently remarked, that no one could have doubted that the majority were for 
the empire." — Z?/e of Maximilian I., hij Frederic Ball, one of his Majesty's Leyal Advisers, p. 27& 



640 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

"May the aurora of happier tunes shine forth for Mexico, after so much 
suffering! and may we have the incomparable happiness of being able to 
announce to the Mexicans the good news which they are so anxiously desir- 
ing ! — good news not only for us, but also for France, whose name to-day is 
as inseparable from our history as it will be from our gratitude ; good news 
for England and Spain, who commenced this great work at the convention in 
London, after having been the first to recognize its justice and to proclaim 
its imperative necessity," 

The vote of the Assembly of Notables, establishing the empire, and choosing 
Maximilian emperor, was then presented to him, engrossed on parchment, and 
enclosed in the handle of a sceptre of solid gold. The prince, in his reply, 
said, — 

"I am profoundly grateful for the wishes expressed by the Assembly of 
Notables, and that you are charged to communicate the same to me. How- 
ever noble the task may be of securing the independence and prosperity of 
Mexico on a solid foundation and with free institutions, I do not fail to agree 
with his Majesty the Emperor of the French, whose glorious initiative has 
made possible the regeneration of your beautiful countiy, that the tyionarcJiy 
could not he re-established there on a perfecthj legitimate and solid hasis^ 
unless the whole nation, expressing freely its will, would wish to ratify the 
wishes of the capital: so that, upon the result of the generality of the votes 
of the whole country, I must make depend the acceptance of the throne 
which is offered me. Carry back with you these frank declarations, and act 
in such a manner that it may be possible for the nation to declare what form 
of government it desires," 

The Mexican deputation returned to their own land ; but it was found 
impossible, in the anarchical state of the country, to hold an election which 
would call forth the suffrages of the whole people. The territory of the 
realm covered an area larger than France, Spain, and Austria combined. A 
population of but eight millions were sparsely scattered over this vast region. 
Of these eight millions, but few over a million had any European blood in 
their veins: the remainder were negroes, Indians, and mixed breeds. The 
vast majority of these could neither read nor write, and could scarcely com- 
prehend the difference between a president and an emperor. In addition to 
this, though the French held the city of Mexico, and partially controlled an 
extent of country about six hundred miles long by one hundred and fifty 
broad, the remainder of the vast realm could not be readied by any protective 
force. Juarez had established his headquarters at San Luis Potosi. His 
guerillas were sweeping the country in every direction, — degraded, serai-sav- 
age men, perpetrating all conceivable atrocities. Consequently, it was found 
impossible to obtain a popular vote which should fairly represent the peojile 
throughout the length and breadth of the realm. 

The vote was, however, taken, wherever French influence could»protect the 
polls ; and, with almost entire unanimity, it was for the empire. Wherever 
Juarez held control, no vote was allowed to be taken. 

A new deputation was now appointed to convey this result to Maximilian 
at his beautiful Palace of Miramar, on the shores of the Adriatic Sea. The 



THE MEXICAN QUESTION. 641 

deputation consisted of five distinguished Mexicans. Estrada was again 
president of the delegation. Quite a number of Mexicans accompanied 
the delegation to Trieste to give additional solemnity to the imposing scene. 

It was a serene and lovely Sunday morning, April 10, 1864. The beautiful 
groimds around the palace were thrown open, as usual on Sundays, for the 
recreation of the people. The double attraction of a lovely spring-morning, 
and of the brilliant spectacle of gorgeous carriages and decorated nobles 
which was to be witnessed at the palace, seemed to have drawn all tlie 
inhabitants of Trieste to the garden, the park, and the lawn. 

At ten o'clock, the Mexican delegation, in four gorgeous carriages, ))receded 
by a mounted escort, and followed by a long retinue of carriages containing 
persons of distinction, proceeded to the grand entrance of the palace. They 
were received by the grand master, and conducted through the waiting-room, 
the library, and the blue-room, to the hall of reception. 

The Archduke Maximilian there received them, with the Archduchess 
Carlota standing on his left. They stood before a table covered with magnifi- 
cent tapestry. The archduchess particularly attracted the attention of the 
whole audience. Her commanding form, her exquisite beauty, her beaming 
countenance, and her superb apparel, all united to make her appear like an 
enchantress, a being of poetical imagination. Ladies of honor, and nobles 
of high rank, occupied positions in the room. After a moment's silence, 
Estrada, as President of the Mexican deputation, addressed Maximilian as 
follows : — 

" Prince, — The Mexican deputation have the pleasure of finding themselves 
again in your august presence. Our happiness is complete in informing you, 
in the name of the regency of the empire, that the vote of the Notables, by 
which you have been designated for the crown of Mexico, is now ratified by 
the enthusiastic adhesion of an immense majority of the country, by the 
municipal authorities, and by the town corporations. Thus consecrated, that 
unanimous proclamation has become, by its moral importance and by its 
numerical strength, truly a national vote." 

Such was the character of the whole address. The prince, in his response, 
said, — 

" Now I can comply with the conditional promise which I made you six 
months ago, and declare here, as I solemnly do declare, that, with the help of 
the Almighty, I accept from the hand of the Mexican nation the crown tohich 
it offers me. Mexico, following the traditions of that new continent, full of 
vigor, and hopes for the future, has used the right which it possesses of 
choosing the form of government in conformity with its wishes and neces- 
sities. 

" Great is the undertaking which is confided to me ; but I do not doubt 
that I shall complete it, relying as I do upon divine help and the co-opera- 
tion of all good Mexicans. Lastly, I ought to announce to you, that, before 
departing for my new country, I shall be detained only by the time necessary 
to visit the Holy City to receive from the venerable pontiflT the blessings so 



642 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

precious for every sovereign, but doubly important to me, who have been 
called upon to found a new empire. 

" I will conclude, gentlemen, again assuring you that ray government will 
never forget the obligation which it owes to the illustrious monarch whose 
friendly assistance has made the regeneration of our beautiful country 
possible." 

Two dignitaries of the church were present in their canonical robes, who 
administered the following oath of office : — 

" I Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, swear to God, by the holy evangelists, 
that I will try to promote, through all the means within my power, the wel- 
fare and prosperity of the nation, to defend its independence, and to preserve 
the whole of its territory." 

The flag of Mexico was then unfurled over the Palace of Miramar. The 
Austrian frigate " Bellona" gave forth its thundering salutes, which echoed 
over the waves of the Adriatic, and which were repeated by the cannon on 
the Castle of Trieste and by the French frigate " Themis." In the mean 
time, all repaired to the chapel of the castle to conclude the soleoinities of 
the day by the grand Te Deum. 



CHAPTER XXXVm. 



MAXIMILIAN AND HIS THRONE. 




Character of Maximilian. — Character of Carlota. — Departure from Trieste. — "Words of 
Adieu. — Arrival in Mexico. — Enthusiastic Greeting. — Triumphal Journey to the Capital. 
— Administrative Measures. — Apparent Popularity of the Empire. — Hostility of the 
United States. — Dej^arture of Carlota for Europe. — Her Insanity. 

T is the undeviating testimony of all who knew the Archduke 
MaximiUan, that he was a warm-hearted, genial, unaffected 
man, who won the love of all who approached him. He was 
til oroughly educated; speaking German, English, Hungarian, 
Slavonic, French, Italian, and Spanish. The ablest teachers 
Europe could afford had instructed him in mathematical, clas- 
sical, and theological science. He was tireless in the pursuit of knowledge : 
and, enjoying to an eminent degree the advantages of travel, he had feasted 
his mind with all the treasures of art to be found in the galleries of Conti- 
nental Europe ; had visited the sacred places of the Holy Land, the sublime 
creations of ancient Egypt; and in South America, a guest in the palace of the 
Emperor of Brazil, had admired the glories of the New "World. Indeed, it is 
not impi-obable, that, in witnessing the civilizing influence of the empire of 
Brazil, in South America, he had been led to hope that an empire might 
rescue Mexico from its barbarism and wretchedness. 

In the court of his cousin Queen Victoria, and in the Palaces of the Tuile- 
ries and St. Cloud, Maximilian had been received with brotherly affection. 
His father, Francis Charles, Archduke of Austria, and his mother, the Arch- 
duchess Frederica Sophia, — a lady of rare endowments of person, mind, and 
heart, — still live to weep over the untimely death of their son. The intellect- 
ual tastes and activity of Maximilian are evinced in the fact, that, young as 
he was, and busy as his life had been, he had published — not for sale, but for 
circulation among his friends — nine volumes. These works were, " Italy," 
" Sicily," " Lisbon and Madeira," " Spain," " Albania and Algiers," " Voyage 
to Brazil," "Aphorisms," " Objects of the Navy," and "The Austrian Navy." 
He had also written a volume of poems. 

Maximilian was a young man of unblemished purity of morals, and a con 
scientious observer of the tenets of the church in which he was born and 
died. His form was imperial ; he being six feet two inches high, and finely 
proportioned. Large, mild blue eyes, a very fair complexion, and an ani- 
mated, smiling countenance, testified to the urbanity and kindliness of his 

643 



644 LIFE OF NAPOLEON in. 

disposition. In 1859, he was appointed by his brother, the Emperor of Aus- 
tria, Governor-General of Lombard-Venice. He won, as no other prince 
ever did before, the love of that people. The affection with which he was 
regarded may be inferred from the following extract from one of the journals 
of Trieste, of the date of the 10th of April, 1864, bidding adieu to the prince 
as he sailed for the New World : — 

"SiEE, — The word adieu resounds in every heart, and is on the lips of all 
the good citizens of this city. You have given all your heart to this people, 
who love you as a father loves his son, — with all the j^ower of his soul. There 
is no heart that does not treasure your qualities and those of your august 
companion. He who has been an excellent prince will be an excellent 
sovereign. Mexico has just extricated herself from sad discord. The task 
undertaken by Ferdinand Maximilian is difficult, arduous, great. He will 
know how to accomplish it. 

"Adieu, then, in the name of all the people of Trieste! May the heavens 
be projoitious for you ! and may they promote the accomplishment of your 
ardent desires, making the country prosper that has selected you to preside 
over its destinies ! You carry with you the benedictions of a people who will 
never forget you in their hearts. May the hand of God guide you ! May the 
work of your Majesty be holy and blessed!" 

Carlota, the spouse of Maximilian, was the daughter of Leopold I., King 
of Belgium. Her fither was a man of high scholarly attainments, one of the 
noblest of men and the best of sovereigns. The first wife of Leopold was 
the lamented Princess Charlotte, daughter of George IV. of England. His 
second wife, whom he married in 1832, was Louise Mai-ia, daughter of Louis 
Philippe, King of the French. Carlota was the daughter of Louise Maria. 
Her father died in 1865, after Carlota had gone to Mexico ; and now her 
brother, Leopold II., is King of Belgium. Her father was a Protestant, her 
mother a Catholic. She inherited from both father and mother a very supe- 
rior mind ; speaking fluently French, German, Spanish, English, and Italian. 
Thei-e was, perhaps, never a more affectionate union than that of Maximilian 
and Carlota. 

" She sought the welfore of Italy while there, rather than parties, balls, and 
fashionable entertainments. The poor of the cities where she visited and 
where she resided will bear ample evidence to her generosity. She was 
always kind to those around her. 

" She seemed ever watchful for the progress and improvement of Mexico, 
the advancement of education, and the protecting care of the poor and 
needy. The same generosity which she exhibited in Europe was made 
manifest in the New World to even a greater degree. She has been often 
observed walking through the mud in order to visit the poor in the hospitals, 
and also others who were needy in their own desolate homes. She estab- 
lished schools, and visited them in person. If she visited a town only for an 
hour, the first inquiry made by her was as to the condition of the schools. 
She examined the scholars in their lessons, gave them kind advice, and not 



MAXIMILIAN" AND HIS THKONE, 645 

unfreqiiently pieces of money to encourage them in their studies. Never, in 
the history of Mexico, was the number of beggars so small in the capital 
as during her presence there. The poor never had another such friend in 
all Mexico." * 

On the 14th of April, Maximilian and Carlota embarked for the New 
"World. Maximilian was now thirty-two years of age, Carlota but twenty-four. 
The hum of business was hushed, as all Trieste, in its gala-dress and beneath 
a serene and cloudless sky, was gathered to witness the departure. It was a 
gorgeous scene, worthy of a more full description than we can here bestow 
upon it. There were six steamers in the bay awaiting the embarkation. At 
two o'clock, the newly-chosen emperor and empress, arm in arm, descended 
the marble steps of their beautiful palace to the sea. The roar of cannon 
and the peal of musical bands filled the air. A beautiful boat, canopied with 
purple and gold, bore them to the steamer " Novara," As they reached tlie 
deck, the Austrian banner fell, and the flag of Mexico was raised in its stead.f 

After a brief stop at Naples, and another at Rome, the little squadron, on 
the 28th of May, reached Vera Cruz. The emperor immediately issued a 
proclamation containing the following sentiments : — 

" Mexicans, — You have desired my presence. Your noble nation, by a 
voluntary majority, has chosen me to watch henceforth over your destinies. 
I gladly respond to this call. Painful as it has been to me to bid farewell 
forever to my own, my native country, I have done so; being convinced that 
the Almighty has pointed out to me, thi-ough you, the noble mission of devot- 
ing all my strength and heart to a people, who, tired of war and disastrous 
contests, sincerely wish for peace and prosperity. 

" The confidence which animates you and me will be crowned by a brilliant 
success if we always remain united to defend valiantly the great principles 
which are the true and lasting bases of modern States, — the principles of 
inviolable and immutable justice ; equality before the law; an open road to 
every one to every career and social position ; complete personal liberty well 
defined, having in it the protection of the individual and pi'operty ; the 
improvement of national riches ; the advancement of agriculture ; the estab- 
lishment of ways of communication for an extensive commerce; and, finally, 
the free development of intelligence in all that relates to the public interest. 

" The civilizing flag of France raised to such a high position by her noble 
emperor, to whom you owe the regeneration of order and peace, represents 

* Life of Maximilian I., by Frederic Hall, pp. 41, 42. 

t Upon leaving Trieste, Maximilian wrote an affectionate letter to the mayor, Dr. Charles 
Pozenta, in which he said, "In the moments of parting, full of confidence in the assistance of 
Heaven to place me at the head of a distant empire, I cannot do less than send a sad and last 
adieu to the dear and beautiful city of Trieste. 

'■' It will always be grateful to me to know that my garden of Miramar is visited by the inhabit- 
ants of Trieste ; and I wish that it may be open for that purpose whenever circumstances will 
admit it. I desire that the poor may preserve a memorial of my affections. I have placed the 
sum of twenty thousand florins, so that the interest thereon may be distributed every year, on 
Christmas Eve, among the poor families of the city; which distribution will be made by the city 
council." — Ibid., p. 33. 



646 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

the same principles. The enviable task belongs to the empress to consecrate 
to the country all the noble sentiments of Christian virtue and the mildness 
of a tender mother. Let us unite to carry out a common object ; let us 
forget past sorrows ; let us bury party hatred ; and the aurora of peace and 
of deserved happiness will radiantly beam forth again over the new empire. 

" Maximilian." * 

A committee composed of the city authorities, led by General Almonte, 
received Maximilian and Carlota with enthusiastic expressions of joy. In its 
congratulatory address, the committee said, — 

"Sire, — Truly will the day be ever memorable on which your Imperial 
Highness reached Mexico as the desired savior to establish the empire. No 
one can fail to recognize the benign hand of Providence in the admirable 
events which have prepared the regeneration of this beautiful and desolated 
country, opening up an enviable future under the benign sceptre of your 
Imperial Majesty. May God bless the noble purpose which guides your 
Imperial Majesty in favor of the Mexicans, and crown with the most com- 
plete success your grand, civiUzing, and Christian undertaking ! " 

The mayor of the city, Senor Velasquez de Leon, in presenting the com- 
mittee to the Empress Carlota, said, — 

" Your Majesty will please condescend to receive the most sincere congratu- 
lation and the most perfect homage from the authorities and inhabitants of 
this district. The Mexicans, madam, who expect so much from the good 
influence of your Majesty in favor of all that is noble and great, — of all 
that bears relation to the elevated sentiments of religion and of country, — 
bless the moment in which your Majesty reached the soil, and proclaim in 
one voice, 'Long live the Empress ! ' " 

The empress briefly responded in Spanish. Mass was performed in presence 
of their Majesties and of the committee; at the close of which, Maximilian 
said, "I wish, in future, that there be no distinction made between those who 
are Indians and those who are not. All are Mexicans, and have equal right 
to my solicitude." 

As they landed in small boats, the president of the council, D. Salvador 
Carrau, presented Maximilian with the keys of the city on a silver waiter, 
at the same time congratulating him upon his arrival. After a brief and 
very happy reply, their Majesties entered an open carriage, and followed by 

* " It is inconceivable that one who stood so near the Austrian throne, who had abundant 
wealth, a noble home, and was, moreover, happily united to the daughter of a European sover- 
eign, should have chosen to go forth and establish his rule over so degenerate a race. Instead 
of Vienna and Miramar, wi Ai the honors due to the most exalted rank, he accepted the oiBce 
cf coercing several millions of savage half-breeds, or of Spaniards whose degeneracy has 
brought them lower than the aboriginal barbarians of the soil. But, whatever the weakness of 
accepting the sovereignty, it must be admitted that Maximilian has acted nobly while wielding 
it. He has labored incessantly at the hopeless task of restoring order. Had Mexico stood 
alone, it might have been that the valor or good fortune of Maximilian might have prevailed ; 
but the sympathy of the United States, and the direct influence of their government, have done 
every thing for the cause of Juarez." — London Times, May 29, 1867. 



MAXIMILIAN AND HIS THRONE. 647 

a very splendid cortege in other carriages, on horseback and on foot, were 
conducted through the principal streets of the city. They were received 
with apparently universal enthusiasm : not a voice or indication of dissent 
was either heard or seen. 

Triumphal arches, gayly decorated and with appropriate mottoes, spanned 
the streets. The windows were garlanded with flowers, and filled with smiling 
faces. The populace, were inspired by the hope that the long and dreary 
years of anarchy were now to come to an end, and that they were to enjoy a 
stable government, which would give them the blessings of useful iudustiy 
and of peace. Their enthusiastic huzzas almost drowned the music of the 
bands. 

It was not deemed safe, in consequence of the vomito, to remain long in 
the city. Their Majesties were placed in a royal car, with their suite and 
escort in other cars, and were conveyed through Soledad to Cordova, where 
they arrived at two o'clock in the morning. This little city, containing about 
five thousand inhabitants, is fifty miles from Vera Cruz. Notwithstanding 
the lateness of the hour, the city was alive with excitement in anticipation 
of the arrival, and blazed with illuminations. The late arrival was in 
consequence of the breaking of an axle-tree of the car in which their 
Majesties rode. 

The president of the town council, and other city officers, met them with 
a congratulatory address, and presented to Maximilian the key of the city. 
At nine o'clock the next morning, the royal party attended a solemn Te 
Deum and mass. 

The emperor and empress dined with the city authorities that day ; and, in 
the evening, the whole city expressed its gladness in illuminations and fire- 
works and music. 

The next morning, at eight o'clock, the royal party left for Orizaba, 
distant about twenty miles, on the road to the capital. Their journey was 
an ovation. Their Majesties were met all along the road with banners, 
flowers, music, and apparently the most cordial acclamations of the people. 
At Orizaba the emperor said, in response to the congratulatory address of 
the municipal prefect, — 

"The love with which our new country greets us, profoundly moves us; 
and we think it a happy sign of an agreeable future. If all unite with us in 
the sole end of promoting the lasting greatness and prosperity of our country. 
Providence will crown our efforts ; and, as the empire flourishes, the divers 
departments and cities will commence real progress. May it please God to 
hear our prayers, and to give the empire the era of peace which it so much 
requires to advance in greatness and prosperity ! The benefit of really free 
institutions, an order of things regulated and lasting, united to the developed 
material interests which will offer you the means of easy communication, 
will assure you at last the complete development of the extraordinary riches 
with which Providence has favored your land above all the rest of the earth." 

In leaving Orizaba, the populace, in their enthusiasm, endeavored to take 
the mules from the carriage, that they might draw the emperor and empress 
with their hands. But Maximilian was unwilling to accept such homage; 



648 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

and the people, with good will and hearty shouts of acclaim, yielded the 
point. The ladies presented the empress with a ring ; which she placed upon 
her finger, saying that she should ever preserve it as a sweet recollection of 
her visit to Orizaba. 

After attending mass, and visiting the schools, the hospital, and the 
shipping, the curate of a neighboring Indian village presented two fine- 
looking Indian girls to their Majesties; saying in his address, in the Aztec 
langunge, — 

" Our honorable emperor, here you have these poor Indians, your children, 
who have come to salute you. By that you know that your coming much 
pleases their hearts ; for in it they see, as it were, a rainbow which dispels 
the clouds of discord which appear to have gathered in our kingdom. The 
Almighty sent you : it is he who gives you power to save us. Here is this 
flower : see in it the sign of our love." 

The flower thus presented was a bouquet, very beautifully woven with 
pa'm-leaves, in the shape of a fan, blending the hues of red, white, and green, 
the colors of the Mexican flag. The two Indian girls presented the empress 
with a basket, a handkerchief, and a turtle-dove. The peojile were much 
surprised at the simplicity of the royal personages, and at the attention 
which they devoted to the poorest and the most humble. 

At eight o'clock the next morning, the imperial pair left for Puebl.i. 
Their departure was accompanied with the booming of artillery, the ringing 
of bells, and the peal of musical bands. Their volunteer escort, for some 
distance, consisted of thousands, in carriages, on horseback, and on foot. 
The road was spanned with arches, wreathed with the gorgeous flowers of 
the tropics. They entered Puebla at ten o'clock on the morning of June 5. 
"The road to Puebla was one continued bower of flowers, flags, banners, and 
poetical verses : it was a chain of ovations." * 

Their reception in Puebla was apparently as enthusiastic and cordial as it 
was in the power of the citizens to make it. They were greeted with music 
and chiming-bells and the voices of cannon, with triumphal arches, proces- 
sions, addresses, and all possible pomp of military and religious solemnities. 
Here they remained two days, receiving the applauses of the jieojale, and 
showering around them benefits. 

The 7th of June was the birthday of Carlota. It was celebrated by attend- 
ing solemn mass in the cathedral in the morning. An immense audience 
was present, while praises were chauted to the Almighty by the bishop 
and the choir. At seven o'clock, a banquet was provided in the palace, 
which was attended by about sixty of the most prominent personages. At 
ten o'clock, a magnificent ball was given in honor of their Majesties. Carlota, 
with characteristic benevolence, commemorated the day by sending to the 
mayor of the city seven thousand dollars for the poor. The following letter 
accompanied the gift : — 

" Senor Prefect, — It is very pleasing to me to find myself in Puebla on 
the first anniversary of my birthday, which I have passed far from my old 

• Life of Maximilian I., by Frederic Hall, p. 122. 



MAXIMILIAN AND HIS THRONE. 649 

country. Such a day is for every one a season of reflection; and these days 
would be sad to me, if tlie care, attentions, and proofs of affection, of which 
I have been the object in this city, did not cause me to recollect that I am 
in my new country, among my people. Surrounded by friends, and accom- 
panied by my dear husband, I have no time to be sad. And I give thanks 
to God because he has conducted me here ; presenting unto him fervent 
prayers for the happiness of this country, which is mine. United to Mexico 
long ago by sympathy, I am to-day united to it by stronger bonds, and at tJie 
same time sweeter, — those of gratitude. 

"I wish, Senor Prefect, that the poor of this city may participate in the 
pleasure which I have experienced among you. I send you seven thousand 
dollars of my own private funds, which is to be dedicated to the rebuilding 
of the house of charity, the ruinous state of which made me feel sad yester- 
day; so that the unfortunate ones who have found themselves deprived of 
shelter may return to inhabit it. 

" Senor Prefect, assure my compatriots of Puebla that they possess, and 
always will possess, my affections. " Caelota." 

The next day, at noon, they again took their carriages, and resumed their 
journey for the capital. Stopping occasionally to gratify the curiosity of the 
people, and everywhere hailed with apparently unanimous acclaim, they 
reached Guadalupe, but one league from the capital, at two o'clock in the 
afternoon of the 11th of June. They immediately i-epaired to the renowned 
cathedral, where prayers and thanksgivings were offered, accompanied by all 
the pomp of the Roman-Catholic ritual. Here, in the densely-crowded 
cathedral, the city authorities from the capital met them. Senor Bocanegra, 
Political Prefect of Mexico, speaking in behalf of himself and his associates 
addressed the royal pair in the following terras of welcome : — 

"Sire, — We present ourselves full of grateful pleasure, with oiir souls 
overflowing with joy, before our beloved sovereigns, to congratulate them 
upon their pleasant arrival at the gate of the city, in which is erected the 
throne which has been raised by the Mexicans for them. Words fail me to 
manifest our gratitude; for you have, in compassion for our misfortunes, 
abandoned another throne,* riches, country, parents, brothers, and friends, 
and condescended to come and try to make us happy, and save us from the 
evils which were causing us to disappear fi'ora the catalogue of nations. Your 
Majesties only knew through statements and papers the will of the people 
who applauded you ; and now, to-day, you see that you are not deceived, 
and that, from the shores of Vera Cruz to the gate of the capital, all 
applaud their sovereigns with an unbounded enthusiasm." 

A deputation of ladies from the capital addressed Carlota in a similar 
strain of warm-hearted greeting. We have not space to quote their words, 

* Before accepting the throne of Mexico, it was necessary for Maximilian to renounce all hia 
hereditary rights of succession to the throne of Austria. The death of his older brother, 
Francis Joseph, without an heir, would have transferred the- irown of the empire to Maximilian. 
82 



650 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

fall of affectionate and grateful welcome. The next day was Sunday, tne 
12th of June. After attending mass, their Majesties proceeded one league 
to the city. 

An immense throng met them at the station, and received them with an 
enthusiasm of greeting which could not have been surpassed. The whole 
city seemed to be gathered there to escort them, first to the cathedral, to give 
thanks for their safe arrival ; and then to the palace which had been provided 
for their home. Banners, triumphal arches festooned with orange-blossoms, 
and houses garlanded with flowers, everywhere met the eye. Gorgeous 
coaches crowded with the first families of the city, and horsemen in bi'illiant 
uniform, and with their steeds caparisoned with the most picturesque 
trappings of silver and gold, joined in the congratulatory procession. The 
air was filled with all the tumultuous utterings of joy. The enthusiasm of 
the welcome cannot be described. No one who witnessed it doubted its 
sincerity. It must have been sincere. The few leaders opposed to the 
empire had fled, and joined Juarez. The populace, fickle, excitable, and 
opinionless as children, were delighted with the pageant, and rejoiced in the 
prospect of tranquillity.* 

This continued and apparently unanimous expression of the affection and 
gratitude of the people inspired Maximilian and Carlota with the full con- 
viction that the invitation to the throne, which had been so urgently presented 
them, came from the hearts of the Mexican people. For a time, Maximilian 
thought he had no further need of foreign aid, except in the way of loans to 
replenish an utterly bankrupt treasury. It is said that he was even desirous 
that the French troops should be withdrawn, since their presence might 
wound the pride of the Mexicans ; but he soon learned, that in so vast a 
territory, so long torn by civil strife, peopled by a race so ignorant and semi- 
barbarous, with so many chieftains ambitious and unscrupulous grasping at 
power, there was ample room for the risings of antagonism.f 

The Juarez party, few, disorganized, dispersed, and without funds, had 
apparently melted away, like a dissolving cloud, in the north. The emperor 
immediately devoted himself with great energy to the administration of the 
affairs of his realm. His first principle was, that all persons, of whatever 
race or color, were to be equal before the law. A general decree of amnesty 
was passed for all political prisoners. A particular hour was appointed every 
week in which he would listen personally to complaints. The elevation and 
happiness of the people seemed to be the one great object of his aims. "Long 

* Life of Maximilian I., by Frederic Hall, one of his Majesty's Legal Advisers, p. 130. 

t " The country, though apparently subdued, was full of the elements of disturbance and 
impending trouble. Guerilla bands infested every State where there was opportunity for 
plunder. Cities, which had received Maximilian during his imperial progress with acclamations, 
gave vent to imqualified expressions of hostility when he had taken his departure. Added to 
this was the total bankruptcy of the government, and the difficulty of raising funds to carry out 
its administrative projects. As long as it might be upheld by foreign bayonets, the empire 
seemed destined to have permanence, and even strength ; but, in the event of the withdrawal of 
the French troops, no one ventured to predict how long it would last." — American Annital 
Cydopcedia, 1864, p. 529. 



MAXIMILIAK AND HIS THRONE. 651 

live," shouted an enthusiastic Mexican, "the President of the Empire!" 
Maximilian smiled, and said that he had no 'objection to that title, though he 
imagined that it would be somewhat criticised in Europe. His salary was 
fixed by the regency at a million and a half of dollars. At his suggestion, it 
was reduced to half a million. He issued a decree, that all who would lay 
down their arms, and return to private life, could do so without being 
questioned ; that every one might freely express his opinion upon all official 
acts. 

The hostility of the government and people of the United States to the 
empire in Mexico caused the emperor much solicitude.* This opposition 
loudly demanded that the Emperor of the French should lend no more sup- 
port to the throne of Maximilian. To add to his embarrassment, the ex- 
treme Church party, disappointed that Maximilian did not restore their church 
property by wresting it from those who had purchased it of the government, 
and that he insisted upon maintaining entire freedom of conscience and of 
worship, turned against him. The ignorant populace were very fickle, and 
were ever ready to shout hosannas to the conqueror of the hour, whoever 
he might be.f 

The American people, strongly attached to republican institutions, and 
regarding the Mexican invasion as a wanton attempt to force an imperial 
government upon an unwilling people, gave all their sympathies to Juarez 
and his party. Quite a strong American force was stationed at Brownville, 
on the Rio Grande, opposite Matamoras, on the Mexican frontier, which was 
occupied by the imperial troops. An unpleasant correspondence, containing 
mutual recriminations, arose between the commander of the French squadron 
and General Weitzel. The following extract from one of General Weitzel's 
letters will show the character of this correspondence ; and it certainly 
expresses the prevailing sentiments of the American people at that time : — 

" You complain that my ofiicers and men affiliate with the Liberals, and 
welcome them. This is not strange. The Liberals claim that they fight for 
their freedom: their cause, then, is one that has awakened the warmest 
sympathies in every American breast. It would be as impossible for me to 

* "On the 4th of April, 1864, a resolution passed the United-States House of Representatives, 
by a unanimous vote, declaring the opposition of that body to a recognition of the Mexican Em- 
pire. Secretary Seward, in transmitting this resolution to Mr. Dayton, American minister in 
Paris, said, ' It is hardly necessary to say that this resolution truly interprets the unanimous 
sentiment of the people of the United States in regard to Mexico.' " — American Annual Cycco- 
pcedia, 1864, p. 228. 

t " The fact that the Liberals conquered the Imperialists is no proof that the former are 
supported by a majority of the people. Any one acquainted with the history of Mexico will 
well understand how that may be. No party can long remain in power in that country. Out 
of the whole population of Mexico, there is not a million who have any thing to say about tho 
affairs of government. The common soldier knows not the difference between an empire and tt 
republic. I went to Mexico in 1867, strongly impressed with the idea that the Liberal party 
was far in the majority ; and I must confess, that, against my wish, I have had that opinion 
shaken. That the majority of the wealthy people were in favor of the empire, I think no well- 
informed and unbiassed man will deny." — Life of Maximilian I., by Frederic Hall, one of his 
Majesty's Legal Advisers. 



652 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IH. 

prevent this, even if I felt so disposed, as it would be to stop the motion of 
the earth ; but I do not feel so disposed. During our late war, the officers 
and men of French and English men-of-war lying in ports in our military 
possession affiliated continually and exclusively with our enemies, as at New 
Orleans and Norfolk ; and yet it was not thought necessary to communicate 
with them on the subject. They were permitted to choose their own asso- 
ciates." 

On NoA% 13, 1865, the constitutional term of service of President Juarez 
terminated. In the distracted state of the country, it was impossible to holl 
a new election. According to the constitution, General Ortega, president 
of the supreme court, was entitled to the presidency until there could be 
another election. Juarez and his friends thought that a change of leaders at 
that moment would prove disastrous. Appealing to the law of necessity as 
justification, Juarez issued a decree depriving Ortega of his constitutional 
claim, and extending his own presidential term until a new election should 
be held. 

General Ortega vehemently protested against this bold act of usuipation, 
declaring the "dictatorship of Juarez illegal, arbitrary, unjust, an insult to 
the Mexican people." Affairs were now in a hopeless state of confusion. 
France, threatened with war by the United States, was disposed to withdraw, 
and abandon the enterprise, as England and Spain had done. The expedi- 
tion had already cost her, according to French official returns, one hundred 
and thirty-five million dollars. By disease, and war's ravages, France had lost 
over eleven thousand men. Maximilian was in great trouble. In his vast 
empire beyond the lines of his army, there was nothing but anarchy. He 
could place but little dependence upon the loyalty of the fickle-minded 
Mexicans. The very men who at one hour would be shouting " Vive I'Empe- 
reur!" the next hour might be found heading a band of guerillas to attack his 
trains. The priests had turned against his liberal policy : the pope was dis- 
pleased by his want of exclusive devotion to the Catholic Church. He wished 
to fill his cabinet with Mexican officers ; but in all Mexico he could not find 
a financier capable of conducting a bankrupt treasury. It was clear that 
France must abandon him, or be drawn into a war with the United States. 
Mexico was impoverished. Maximilian had no means of raising money to 
pay his soldiers. The guerilla bands, everywhere sweeping the country, liv/>d 
by plunder.* It is often said, that, in this sad world of ours, sorrows go in 

* " No reverses seemed to intimidate the guerilla bands. A party of four hundred seized the 
Vera-Cruz Railroad at Tejeira, a few miles from" Orizaba. The trains were stopped, and the 
passengers taken some three miles from the station, where the Spanish, Mexican, German, and 
American travellers were released; while the French, civil and military, were put to death after 
several hours of dreadful torture. ' The Journal ' of Orizaba says, — 

" ' It ai)pears that the French seized by the guerillas were fourteen, — five officers, seven ser- 
geants and soldiers, and two civilians. All have suffered a most horrible death, preceded by 
some hours of agony. The pen will not describe the barbarous outrages committed on these 
unfortunate men ; and decency imposes complete silence. After suffering the fate of Abelard, 
and remaining in that condition for some time, they were riddled by stabs, and then cut to 
pieces.' " — American Annual Ci/clopcedia, 186.'5, p. 558. 



MAXIMILIAN AND HIS THRONE. 653 

troops. To add to tlie afflictions of Maximilian and Carlota, they received 
the intelligence of the death of her father, Leopold I., King of Belgium, who 
died in December, 1865. To them both it was a great grief. A better father 
never lived. 

Under these circumstances, Carlota, the youthful empress, undertook a 
voyage to Europe as a confidential agent of her husband at the courts of 
Fiance and of Rome. As she took leave of her friends, she asked for tlieir 
prayers, saying, "I shall need them." Her husband accompanied her some 
distance on her way to Vera Cruz; and there they took a tearful leave of 
each other, little supposing that they never were to meet in this world 
again. Anxious for her husband, whom she almost adored, alarmed by the 
menacing attitude which the United-States Government was assuming against 
him, and unsuccessful in her mission (for Napoleon could not listen to her 
entreaties to furnish her husband with funds and troops without exposing 
France to the peril of war with the United States), her mind sank beneath 
the load ; and poor Carlota became hopelessly insane. 

The sad intelligence reached Maximilian on the 8th of October, 1866. 
Crushed by the blow, he immediately repaired to a country-house at 
Chapultepec, and surrendered himself to uncontrollable grief. For ten days, 
he confined himself closely to his room, scarcely seeing any one. There 
seemed nothing now before him in the future but misfortune and woe. 




CHAPTER XXXIX. 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF MAXIMILIAN. 

Gathering Gloom. — Guerillas. — Insanity of Carlota. — Menacing Attitude of the United 
States. — Withdrawal of French Troops. — Proclamation of Marshal Bazaine. — Statement 
of Napoleon III. — Heroic Resolve of Maximilian. — His Call for a Congress. — Besieged 
in Queretaro. — Treachery of Lopez. — Capture of the Emperor. — Scenes in Prison. — 
Trial. — Execution. — The Results in Mexico. 

T was still confidently asserted that the great majority of the 
Mexican nation was in favor of the empire. Maximilian was 
well aware that a minority, well armed, could overawe and 
silence a large majority. He had no wish to remain in Mexico, 
unless it were clearly the wish of the nation. 

He had been persuaded that such was the wish before he 
would accept the crown. He now, in these days of gathering gloom, began 
to apprehend that he might have been deceived. Under these circumstances, 
he issued the following proclamation : — 

" Mexicans, — Circumstances of great magnitude relating to the welfare 
of our country, and which increase in strength by our domestic difficulties, 
have produced in our mind the conviction that we ought to reconsider the 
power confided to us. 

" Our Council of Ministers by us convoked have given as their opinion that 
the welfare of Mexico still requires our presence at the head of affiiirs ; and 
we have considered it our duty to accede to their request. We announced 
at the same time our intention to convoke a national congress on the most 
ample and liberal basis, where all political parties can participate. 

" This congress shall decide whether the empire shall continue in the 
future ; and, in case of assent, shall assist in framing the fundamental laws to 
consolidate the public institutions of the country. To obtain this result, our 
councillors are at present engaged in devising the necessary means, and at 
the same time in arranging matters in such a manner that all parties may 
assist in an establishment upon that basis. 

" In the mean time, Mexicans, counting upon you all, without excluding 
any political class, we shall continue with courage and constancy the work 
of regeneration which you have placed in the charge of your countryjnen. 

" Maximilian." * 

* " When the sagacious ruler of France saw, that, while no good could be done in Mexico, ha 
was endangering his friendly relations with the United States, he courageously decided to with- 
654 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF MAXIMILIAN, 655 

The distracted state of the couutry and the antagonism of the hostile 
parties rendered it impossible to convene this congress. On the 16th of 
December, 1865, the French Government were informed that friendly rela- 
tions between France and the United States would be placed in "imminent 
jeopardy" if France did not " desist from the prosecution of armed interven- 
tion in Mexico," and that the United States would not recognize Maximilian 
even if the French troops were withdrawn from Mexico. Marshal Bazaine, 
who had succeeded to the command of the French troops, in the folloAving 
farewell proclamation announced their withdrawal. This was in February.^ 
1866. 

"In a few days, the French troops will leave Mexico. During the four 
years which they have passed in this beautiful city, they have had no reason 
to complain of any lack of sympathy between them and the inhabitants of 
this city. In the name, then, of the French army under my command, at the 
same time acting from feelings of personal regard, I, the marshal of France, 
commander-in-chief, take leave of you. Our common voice is for the happi- 
ness of the chivalric Mexican nation. All our eiForts have tended to the 
establishment of peace in the interior. Rest assured, in this moment, of 
separation, that our mission has never had any other object, and that it has 
never entered into the intention of France to impose upon you any form of 
government contrary to your wishes." 

The attitude assumed by the United States undoubtedly had a powerful 
influence upon this decision. It would have been very unwise to plunge into 
a war with the United States for the sake of attempting to rescue from a 
state of arwrchy eight millions of half-civilized Mexicans ; but there was 
another reason, independent of a war with the United States, which was 
amply sufficient to induce this withdrawal. 

The emperor found that the Mexican agents who had pleaded so earnestly 
for his intervention had deceived him, though perhaps unintentionally. He 
found the state of disorganization, ignorance, and debasement in Mexico far 
greater than he had expected. He had supposed that nearly all the intelli- 
gent men wei-e earnest in their desire for foreign aid. It Avas thought that 
Juarez himself would gratefully co-operate in the measure, as apparently the 
only possible way of rescuing his country from weary years of misery. 
Maximilian, immediately upon his arrival, sent to Juarez and the Republican 

draw his array, and abandon his laudable efforts to open Mexico to the commerce of the world. 
Every form of persuasion was exhausted to induce the doomed Maximilian to throw away his 
mock sceptre, and return to his stricken wife and cheerless palace at Miramar ; but in vain. The 
chief ground of his refusal was noble, and will embalm his memory. He staid, and he strug- 
gled to save from the vengeance of a barbarous government the handful of men who had bravely 
clung to his desperate fortunes. Alas that so much courage and devotion should only whet 
the fury of his merciless assassins ! Maximilian has been wantonly murdered. The sentiments 
of this humane age have been cruelly lacerated, and an outrage has been committed against the 
IJnited States that calls for punishment. The people of this country gave all their sympathy to 
the so-called Republican faction, and the remonstrances of our government have restored it to 
power ; and the only guerdon we asked was mercy for Maximilian, whose misfortunes had con- 
doned his errors. His death is not merely an act of inhumanity, but of ingratitude. It is 
not only a crime, but an insult." — Mr. Henry Wlckoff, in " The New -York Times." 



656 LITE OF NAPOLEON III. 

leaders a very friendly letter, inviting them to a conference in the city ol 
Mexico, assuring them of protection, that they might discuss together the 
plans best to be adopted to restore peace to the country ; but Juarez and 
his leaders returned a contemptuous refusal.* 

It will be remembered that Count Lorencez, surprised by the stubborn 
resistance which his troops encountered before the walls of Puebla, said in 
a proclamation to the troops, after the battle, — 

"You were told a hundred times that the city of Puebla called you witli 
anxiety, and that the inhabitants would rush to embrace yodi, and crown you 
with flowers. You have been deceived, as well as his Majesty the emperor: 
but deceived France will know how to recognize her error; for your 
sovereign is too great to do wrong. He himself has said, 'Justice every- 
where accompanies the French flag.' " 

In the summons which General Zaragossa sent to Count Lorencez for a 
capitulation at Orizaba, it will be remembered that the Mexican general 
said, — 

"I have reason to believe that you, and the ofilcers of the division under 
your command, have sent a protest to the Emperor of the French against 
the conduct of Minister Saligni, for having brought an expedition against a 
people, which, up to the present time, have been the best friends of the 
F'rench nation." 

In accordance with these views, it was now apparent that France was 
expending money and treasure in a hopeless enterprise, — an enterprise 
which perhaps might have resulted differently, could the United States have 
given it their cordial support. But the emperor has never cast the blame of 
the failure upon the hostile action of the Government of the United States. 
In his address at the opening of the French Chambers on the 14th of 
February, 1867, he said, — 

" In another part of the globe, we have been obliged to employ force for 
the redress of legitimate grievances ; and we have endeavored to raise an 
ancient empire. The happy results at first obtained were compromised by 
an inauspicious occurrence of circumstances. The guiding idea of the 
Mexican expedition was an elevated one. To regenerate a people, and 
implant among them ideas of order and progress ; to open vast outlets to 
our commerce, and leave the recollection of services rendered to mark o«r 
path, — such was my desire and yours. But, as soon as the extent of our 
sacrifices appeared to me to exceed the interests which had called us across 
the ocean, I spontaneously determined upon the recall of our army corps." 

On the 6th of February, 1866, the French troops left the city of Mexico. 
Maximilian was earnestly entreated to accompany them. He wished to do 
so. His stricken wife claimed his attention. There was nothing for him in 
beggared Mexico but toil and trouble. But, with magnanimity characteristic 
of the man, he felt that he could not abandon those friends who had rallied 
around him in Mexico, unless he could claim for them some pledge of protec- 
tion. He sent a message to Juarez, promising to leave the country with all 

♦ American Annual Cyclopcedia, 18C7, p. 503. 



THE OVEETHEOW OF THE THEONE OF MAXIMILIAN, 657 

his European supporters if a general amnesty shovikl be granted to those 
Mexicans who had espoused the cause of the empire. Juarez, the slave of 
his ferocious partisans, spurned the application* As they captured the 
officers, foreign or Mexican, who had fought in the imperial cause, they were 
immediately shot. 

Under these circumstances, Maximilian resolved to remain, and share the 
fate of liis friends. In addition to the pleadings of a sick and suffering wife, 
there was every consideration — dignity, wealth, and position — to draw him 
back to Europe. The beautiful castle of Miramar, with its library, its 
gardens, its enchanting scenery, awaited him. The powerful Emperor of the 
French was his bosora-fi'iend ; the Queen of England was his cousin ; the 
Emperor of Austria, his brother; the King of Belgium, the brother of his 
bride. All the wealth heart could desire was at his disposal; and there was 
not .0 court in Europe in Avhich he would not be received as an honored guest. 
All this Maximilian renounced to remain in convulsed and war-scathed 
Mexico, to share in the almost hopeless fortunes of his friends, 

Maximilian still believed that the majority of the nation, could its voice 
be heard, was in favor of the empire. He thought it not improbable, that, 
upon the withdrawal of the foreign troops, the native population, no longer 
influenced by the popular cry against "foreign invasion," would more 
unanimously rally in favor of the empire. He therefore again urged that a 
convention should be called of representative men, without any distinction 
of party, to deliberate upon the state of affairs, and to decide by vote what 
form of government the interests of Mexico required. He published a 
document, urging this, on the 2d of March. 

"My prevailing thought," he said, "continues to be the calling of a con- 
gress, which I always thought to be the only means of founding the future 
on a durable basis, and to form a point of cohesion where may be united all 
the parties which now cause the ruin of our unfortunate country. 

"A congress elected by the nation, a real expression of the majority, with 
full powers to work, and a complete liberty to deliberate, is the only possible 
means of terminating the civil Avar, and of stopping the effusion of blood 
so ])rolonged. A.s sovereign and chief, called by the nation, I shall submit 
with pleasure to their will, having the most ardent desire to terminate 
promptly this desolating struggle," 

The only reply Juarez and his party made to this proposition was to shoot 
all the leading Imperialists they could capture. "They have responded to 
me," said Maximilian sadly, " by ordering loyal and distinguished citizens to 
be executed; they have repulsed the fraternal hand which was extended; 
they have worked as blind partisans who know no other means of governing 
but the sword." f 

The leading cities of Mexico, the capital. Vera Cruz, Puebla, and several 
smaller places, were still in the' hands of the Imperialists. Jua:ez liad estab- 
lished his headquarters and his court at San Luis Potosi. He had captured 

* American Annual Cyclopaedia, 1867, p. 499. 
t Life of Maximilian I., by Frederic Hall, p. 172. 



658 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

his rival Ortega, and was holding him a close prisoner. There was a force 
of about eight tlionsand Imperialists, under two Mexican generals, — Mlramon 
and Mejia, — in Queretaro, about one hundred and seventy miles north-west 
from the city of Mfci.ico. A Republican force of about thirty thousand, under 
General Escobedo, was sent to besiege them. Maximilian, with a force of 
about eighteen hundred men, repaired to Queretaro to the aid of his friemls. 

About ten o'clock in the morning of the 19th of February, he entered 
Queretaro. His reception was grand and imposing. He was greeted as ever 
with the most enthusiastic demonstrations of confidence, gratitude, and 
affection.* 

On the 14th of March, the Liberals made a desperate attack upon Queretaro, 
and were repelled. The emperor shunned no danger, but was ever at the 
point where his presence was most needed. On the 22d, General Marquez 
was sent by Maximilian, with a thousand mounted men, to the city of Mexico, 
to obtain re-enforcements. Marquez did not return. Thus Maximilian was 
enfeebled, not strengthened. On the 14th of April, the emperor found him- 
self with but six thousand men, surrounded by tliirty thousand. There had 
been several fierce battles, in all of which the emperor's forces were victorious. 
But the overpowering numbers of the enemy prevented Maximilian from 
deriving any special advantage from the transient victories. The whole force 
of the emperor in Queretaro consisted of Mexicans, with the exception of 
about two hundred foreign ers.f 

Famine began to gnaw the vitals of the besieged. There was no hope for 
them but in a desperate attempt to cut their way through the beleaguered 
lines. Preparations were made for the sortie at twelve o'clock in the morn- 
ing of the IGtli of May. In making preparations for this bold enterprise, the 
emperor was busy all the night of the 14th, and until one o'clock in the 
morning of the 15th. He then retired for a little rest. 

An officer of his staflT — General Lopez, one in whom the emperor had 
reposed unlimited confidence — turned traitor. About two o'clock in tlie 
morning, Lopez silently crept out of his quarters, and, tlireadlng his way 
through the dark and silent streets, met by appointment a small party of the 
advance guard of Escobedo. He conducted them into the city through a 
breach in the wall, which was left unguarded. He led them along until he 
placed them in command of one of the most important posts of the city, 
ordering the Imperial troops there to other positions. Thus he proceeded in 
the darkness, leading bodies of the enemy to other points, till the troops of 
Escobedo were placed in possession of all the posts under the control of 
Lopez. 

The night was dark; the loyalty of Lopez was not doubted; and the dre.>^s 
of the two armies was so similar, that no one suspected the movement. At 
half-j^ast three o'clock, nearly half of the city was placed in possession of 
Escobedo. Then suddenly they commenced ringing all the bells violently. 
There was great bewilderment. No one knew what it meant. The eni])ei-or 
was asleep in the Convent of La Cruz. An adjutant of Lopez — Yablouski, 
who was in the treasonable plot, and who yet did not wish any harm to the 

* Life of Maximilian I., by Frederic Hall, p. 169. t Ibid. 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF MAXIMILIAN. 659 

emperor — hastened to the convent, and entering the room of Don Jose Blasio, 
the emperor's secretary, said to him, "The enemy are in the garden ! " Blasio 
hastened to the room of the emperor with the aLarraing intelligence. 

A few of the friends of Maximilian hurriedly assembled in his room, when 
it was found that the convent was in possession of the enemy, and that the 
Imperial troops were withdrawn. They succeeded, however, in the darkness, 
in leaving the convent; and the emperor was proceeding on foot to another 
part of the city, when the traitor Lopez rode up, and exclaimed in accents 
of affected grief and surprise, " All is lost ! See, the enemy is upon us ! Your 
Majesty must enter tliis house : there is no other way to save yourself." 

The emperor refused to hide, and ordered all the force which could be 
mustered to be assembled at the hill El Cerro. The emperor's horse was 
now brought to him ; but Maximilian declined mounting as long as his 
companions, General Castillo and others, were on foot. They proceeded, the 
unsuspected traitor Lopez with them, to El Cerro, where they found about 
a hundred and fifty men gathered. Soon the " Regiment of the Empress " 
reached the hill. General Mendez also endeavored to join the emperor ; but 
his troops were surrounded by the foe, and were mercilessly slaughtered. 
The general liimself was taken captive, and immediately shot. 

General Miramon, alarmed by the ringing of the bells, rushed into the 
streets ; when he found himself surrounded by troops, whom he supposed to 
be his own men. He told them he was General Miramon. An officer 
immediately fired at him, and the ball struck his cheek. ' A running fight 
ensued; but the general, weak from the loss of blood, was soon seized, bound 
with ropes, and dragged to the Convent of Terrecitas. 

The emperor stood with his little band upon the hill. Two batteries 
of the enemy opened fire upon him. Maximilian saw that his case was 
hopeless. In that dark and despairing houi-, he courted death. All his noble 
aspirations were blighted. His wife, grief-stricken, was crazed. Capture 
would expose him to insult and death. " Oh for some friendly shell ! " he 
exclaimed ; but the missiles of death upon the field of battle ^eem ever to 
avoid those who would welcome them. 

Colonel Gonzales soon arrived with his regiment, and reported that Mira- 
mon was wounded and captured. The emperor then held a briet aonference 
with Generals Castillo and Mejia, inquiring if it were possible to break the 
lines of the enemy. General Mejia surveyed with his glass the positions of 
the foe who surrounded them, and said, — 

" Sire, it is impossible; but, if your Majesty orders it, we will try. For my 
part, I am ready to die." 

After a moment's reflection, the emperor ordered a wliite flag to be raised. 
The firing soon ceased. A squadron of Escobedo's cavalry rode up ; and the 
ofticer demanded with coarse and profane ej^ithets where the emperor was. 
Maximilian stepped out, and said, "I am he." The surrender of the emperor 
and of all his ofiioers was demanded. Maximilian rei^lied, — 

"If you require anybody's life, take mine; but do not harm my officers. 
1 am willing to die if you require it ; but intercede with General Escobedo 
for the life of my officers." 



660 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

General Escobedo soon arrived; and the captive emperor was placed in the 
same room which he had previously occupied in the Convent of La Cruz 
This apartment was like the cell of a prison, with brick floor and plastered 
walls. Here the captive remained four days, suffering much from sickness, 
the result of fotigue and toil. Six of his officers were confined in the same 
convent. His enemies had no sense of magnanimity. To blight liis charao. 
ter, they forged in his name a miserable proclamation. On the fifth day, they 
were all removed to the Convent of Terrecitas. Here they remained seven 
days ; when they were taken to the Convent of Capuchinas, where all the 
officers of the Imperial army were imprisoned.* 

This convent is an enormous structure, upon which, through generations, 
vast labor has been expended. In its massive and gloomy walls it resembles 
those castles of feudal times which served alike for a prison, a fortress, and a 
palace. The emperor's room was about eighteen feet square and twenty feet 
high. It had one door and one window, both opening into the corridor, 
through which alone light and air could enter. An iron bedstead, two pine 
tables, and a few chairs, constituted all of the furniture. Generals Miramon 
and Mejia were in rooms near by. The three captives were allowed to visit 
each other, and to sit together in the corridor. 

An American jurist, Mr. Frederic Hall, by request of the emperor, called 
upon him to assist as his legal counsel. Mr. Hall was first introduced to the 
apartment of the emperor on Wednesday morning, May 29. In this 
interview, the emperor said to him, — 

" I came to Mexico with the sincere belief that I was called by the will of 
a majority of the people. I told the Mexican deputation, when they first 
visited me in the fall of 1863, that I could not accept the tliTone until satis- 
fied that the majority would sanction it. The deputation said that they 
believed that the majwity were in favor of my coming. The evidence was 
inadequate to convince me. When the deputation appeared the second time, 
in the following April, they presented proof which left no doubt upon my 
mind. My consent to accept the crown was based upon that belief. When 
I ai'rived at Vera Cruz, and witnessed the demonstration in my fiivor, which 
demonstration continued until I reached the capital of the nation, I was more 
convinced than ever of the truth of the statement made by the Mexican 
deputation. I never in all Europe saw a sovereign received with such 
enthusiasm as greeted us." f 

Benito Juarez, who, in opposition to Ortega, was claiming the office of 
President of the Republic, ordered a court-martial to be immediately con- 
vened to try Maximilian and the Mexican generals Miramon and Mejia. The 
court consisted of seven Mexican officers, and two law-officers to conduct 
the accusation. The president of the court held merely the rank of lieuten- 
ant-colonel, and the remaining six were captains. All legal minds will proba- 

* "I asked the emperor if he thought he would have been able to sally out of Queretaro if 
he had not been sold by Lopez. He replied, ' Yes.' He believed that he would liave been suc- 
tessful in reaching Vera Cruz. He observed that he had at that time five thousand men in 
Queretaro. He did not seem to have any doubt that he would have fought his way through." — 
Life of Maximilian L, by Frederic Hall, p. 210. t Ibid. 



THE OVEETHKOW OF THE THKONE OF MAXIMILIAN. GGl 

bly assent to the statement, that the trial was a farce. The doom was decreed 
before the trial commenced. Eleven charges were brought against tlie 
emperor: first, that he had been the principal instrument of the Fiench 
intervention ; second, that he had aided that intervention without any other 
title than the armed force of the French, and the few votes which he pre- 
tended to call the national will; third, that he had voluntarily accepted tlie 
responsibilities of a usurper ; fourth, that he had disposed of the lives, rights, 
and interests of the Mexican people ; fifth, that he had made war against the 
Mexican Republic ; sixth, that he had invited foreigners to enlist under his 
flag; seventh, that he had commanded prisoners, without regard to their rank, 
to be executed; eighth, that he had audaciously assumed that the president 
had abandoned the Mexican territory ; ninth, that he had attempted to main- 
tain his title of emperor after the French had withdrawn ; tenth, that, having 
abdicated the title of emperor, he had abdicated only when he would have 
been conquered ; eleventh, that he had pretended to be entitled to the con- 
Bideration due to a sovereign, when he was no sovereign.* 

The defence consisted of a protest, which simply stated the facts in the case, 
— that a commission from Mexico had sought him out in his home at Miramar, 
and had informed him that the people of Mexico had voted to re-establish 
the empire, and had chosen him emperor ; that he, anxious for proof that this 
was the unbiassed wish of the Mexican nation, had declined accepting the 
crown until the question could be fairly submitted to the whole Mexican 
people by universal suffrage ; that subsequently the Mexican Assembly of 
Notables presented him with documents which fully satisfied his mind that it 
was the wish of the great majority of the Mexican j)eople that he should accept 
the crown ; that, thus influenced, he had for two years administered the govern- 
ment of Mexico, recognized as its lawful sovereign by the nations of Europe. 

On the 13th of June, the court-martial met in the Iturbide Theatre. About 
fifteen hundred spectators crowded the house. The court occupied the stage. 
Three stools were placed for the accused. The two Mexican generals — Mira- 
mon and Mejia — were on the stage. The emperor did not appear in court, 
"If they intend to convict me," said he, " they will do it, whether I am present 
or absent." 

Just after midnight of the 14th of June, after a trial of two days, the 
court declared Maximilian, and also his two generals, Miramon and Mejia, 

* One of the Liberal journals of Vei-a Cruz, "La Sociedad," of May 25, 1866, which was 
opposed to the emperor, says, " Before the Emperor IMaxirailian arrived in this country, when 
the Assembly of Notables in the capital proclaimed the monarchy, and elected him the arbiter 
of the destinies of Mexico, he wished to know the will of the entire country, or at least of the 
localities occupied by the French Mexican army ; and a call was made on the inhabitants of 
those localities, the only object of which was to know the true opinion of the Mexicans. 

" In fact, in each locaWij, a declaration was made which was subscribed by thousands of citi- 
zens ; and among them certainly very few figured who were not in feeling favorable to the new 
order of things. 

" The Archduke Maximilian, in view of these acts, — which we cannot deny were numerous, — 
ftccepted the imperial crown which the Mexican deputation, who were sent for that purpose, 
offered him at Miramar. 

" We believe ourselves obliged to confess, that, if any ruler ever had reason to believe himself really 
called by the people, the Emperor Maximilian had in the highest degree." 



662 LIFE OF KAPOLEON III. 

guilty, and condemned them to be shot. Escobedo, the general in com- 
mand at Queretavo, approved of the verdict, and ordered them to be shot 
at three o'clock in the afternoon of the next day, — the 16Lh. A very eai'nest 
appeal was made by the counsel of Maximilian to Juarez for a pardon for the 
three condemned i^ersons. He replied, " The petitions cannot be acceded to." 
He, however, consented to postpone the execution for three days, — from Sun- 
day the 16th to Wednesday the 19th, — "that the condemned may have the 
necessary time to arrange their business." 

On the 15th, the emperor was informed, incorrectly, that authentic informa- 
tion had just reached Queretaro that the Empress Carlota had died. Maxi- 
milian immediately wrote to his friend Baron Largo, the Austrian chargi 
d\iffaires, whom Escobedo had ordered away from Queretaro, — 

"I have just learned that my poor wife has died; and though the news 
affects my heart, yet on the other hand, under the present circumstances, it is 
a consolation. I have but one wish on earth ; that is, that my body may be 
buried next to that of my poor wife. I intrust you with this as the repre- 
sentative of Austria. I ask that my legal heirs take the same care of those 
who surrounded me, and of my servants, as though the empress and I had 
lived." 

The next day, the 16th, the first appointed day for his execution, and when 
he supposed that he was about to be led out to be shot, he took from his 
finger his marriage-ring, and gave it to his physician, requesting him to carry 
it to his mother, the archduchess, in Vienna. Upon receiving news of the 
reprieve, he again placed the ring upon his finger. The next day, the 17th, 
he wrote again to Baron Largo as follows : — 

"Dear Baeon, — I have nothing to look for in this world. My last 
wishes are limited to my mortal remains, which soon will be free from suffer- 
ing, and under the care of those who outlive me. My physician, Dr. Basch, 
will have my body transported to Vera Cruz. Two servants, Gull and Tudas, 
will be the only ones who will accompany him. I have given orders that my 
body be carried to Vera Cruz without any pomp. I await death calmly, and 
I equally wish to enjoy calmness in the coffin. So arrange it, dear baron, 
that Dr. Bascli and my two servants be transported to Europe in one of the 
two war- vessels. 

"I wish to be buried by the side of my poor wife. If the report of the 
death of my poor wife has no foundation, my body should be deposited in 
some place until the empress may meet me through death. Have, likewise, 
the goodness to do all you can to have the widow of my faithful companion- 
in-arms, Miramon, go to Europe in one of the two war-vessels. I rely the 
more upon this wish being complied with, inasmuch as I have recommended 
her to place herself under my mother at Vienna. 

"Again I give you my most cordial thanks for all tlie inconveniences which 
I cause you ; and am, with the greatest good will, 

" Yours, " Maximilian." * 

* " While he was sitting up in bed one day, the name of Lopez came up in conversation. 
The wife of Prince Salm Salm was present, who remarked to me, ' What do you think ! — a few 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE THRONE OF MAXIMILIAN. G63 

Again the Prussian minister, on the 18th, made an attem^it to move the 
compassion of the Juarez Government. He sent the following telegram to 
the government late in the evening of Tuesday the 18th: — 

" Having reached Queretaro to-day, I am sure that the three persons con- 
demned on the 14th died morally last Sunday, and that the world so esti- 
mates it, as they had made every disposition to die, and expected every 
instant, for an hour, to be carried to the place where they were to i-eccive 
death, before it was possible to communicate to them the order suspending 
the act. 

" The humane customs of our epoch do not permit, that, after having 
suifered that horrible punishment, they should be made to die the second 
time to-morrow. 

"In the name, then, of humanity and Heaven, I conjure you to order their 
lives not to be taken ; and I repeat to you again, that I am sure that ray 
sovereign his Majesty the King of Prussia, and all the monarchs of Europe 
united by the ties of blood with the imprisoned prince, — namely, his brother 
the Emperor of Austria, his cousin the Queen of the British Empire, his 
brother-in-law the King of the Belgians, and his cousins the Queen of Spain 
and the Kings of Italy and Sweden, — will easily understand how to give his 
Excellency Sefior D. Benito Juarez all the requisite securities that none of the 
three pi'isoners will ever return to the Mexican territory. 

" A. V. Magnus." 

The reply was instantly telegraphed back, that President Juarez did not 
deem it possible to pardon Maximilian. 

The English, the Austrian, the Prussian Governments, and all the other 
European powers who had been represented at the court of Mexico, exerted 
themselves to the utmost to save the life of the deceived and betrayed prince. 
Tiie American Government, conscious that its interposition had delivered 
Maximilian into the hands of his enemies, solicited as a personal favor that 
the life of the unfortunate emperor might be spared. But it was all in vain. 
The exultant barbarians, flushed with victory, bade defiance to the sym2:)athies 
of the civilized world, and clamored for his blood. 

In the afternoon of the day before his execution, Maximilian sent the 
following telegram to President Juarez : — 

" I desire that you may spare the lives of D. Miguel Miramon and D. 
Thomas Mejia, who day before yesterday sufiered all the tortures and bitter- 
ness of death ; as I manifested, on being taken prisoner, that I should be the 
only victim." 

days ago, his Majesty heard that some man was in pursuit of Lopez to kill him ; and his Majestj 
sent a person to inform Lopez of the fact, and to be on his guard.' I looked at the emperor, and 
ohscrvcd, ' Did your Majesty do that? ' He smiled, blushed a little, and answered, ' Yes, I did.' 
I then said that was more than I could have done to a man that had sacrificed me. He made 
some remark to the effect that he supposed but few persons would have done it." — Life of Maxi 
viilian L, by Frederic Hall, p. 210. 



664 LirE OF NAPOLEON III. 

, The emperor passed a restless night, having a troubled sleep of but two 
or three hours. At a little past three o'clock, he rose and dressed. At four, 
the priest came, and the emperor engaged in a season of devotion. Again he 
gave his marriage-ring to Dr. Basch, to be given to his mother, still under the 
impression that the empress was dead. He then wrote the following letter 
to President Juarez : — 

" QuERETARO, June 19, 1867. 

" Senor Benito Juakez, — About to receive death in consequence of 
having wished to prove whether new political institutions could succeed in 
putting an end to the bloody civil war which has devastated for so many 
years this unfortunate country, I shall lose my life with pleasure if its sacri- 
fice can contribute to the peace and prosperity of my new country. 

"Fully persuaded that nothing solid can be founded on a soil drenched 
in blood and agitated by violent commotions, I conjure you in the most 
solemn manner, and with the true sincerity of the moments in which I find 
myself, that my blood may be the last to be spilt; that the same perseverance 
which I was pleased to recognize and esteem in the midst of prosperity — 
that with which you have defended the cause wliich has just triumphed — 
may consecrate that blood to the most noble task of reconciling the minds 
of the people, and of founding in a stable and durable manner the peace and 
tranquillity of this unfortunate country. " Maximilian." 

At half-past six on the morning of Wednesday, the 19th, three carriages 
stood before the door of the convent to convey the condemned to their 
execution. As Maximilian came out, he looked up at the serene skies, and 
said, — 

" What beautiful, clear heavens ! It is such as I desired for the liour of 
death." Maximilian and Father Soria, a priest, entered the first carriage ; liis 
two companions, the others. The emperor was dressed in a black frock-coat, 
vest, and pants, and wore a wide-brimmed hat. Five mounted men witli a 
company of infantry preceded the carriages as a military guard. A battalion 
of infantry flanked each side of the road, parallel with the vehicles. In the 
rear there followed a guard of two hundred and fifty mounted men. 

Slowly this funereal procession moved about a mile and a quarter north-west 
of the city to a bleak hillside where were the crumbling remains of the stone 
wall of a fort. 

" While the cortege advanced to the place of execution, tlie faces of the 
surrounding multitude were pictured with sorrow. Crowds up9n crovrds 
rushed along, mournfully looking at the victims for the sacrifice, shedding 
tears, ofiering up prayers, and holding up the cross as the true emblem of 
consolation. Could one have dropped suddenly from the clouds among 
that gathered concourse, he would have thought that a whole nation was in 
mourning. If ever there were proof of true afiection from a whole people 
for living man, it was then." * 

* Life of Maximilian I., by Frederic Hall, one of his Majesty's Legal Advisers, p. 297. 



THE OVERTHKOW OF THE THRONE OF MAXBIILIAK 6U5 

In about twenty minutes, they reached the phice of death. Maximilian 
stepi^ed out of the carriage, and gave his handkerchief and hat to his servant, 
to be conveyed to his mother and brother ; then, with a firm step, he 
advanced to the spot designated for liim to take his stand. About three 
thousand soldiers enclosed the ground on three sides, with the crumbling, 
wall occupying the rear. Plis companions also took their places. 

With deep emotion, the victims embraced each other; the emperor saying 
'We shall meet in heaven." He then said to Miramon, " Brave men are 
respected by sovereigns : pei'mit me to give you the place of honor." Thus 
saying, he gave General Miramon the central post, while the emperor took 
his stand upon the left. Three days before, when he had expected to die on 
tlie 16th, he gave Lieutenant-Colonel Margain seven twenty-dollar gold- 
])ieces with his profile upon them, to be presented, one to each of his seven' 
executioners. The victims had each the privilege of making a farewell 
address. The emperor said, — 

"Persons of my rank and birth are brought into the world either to insure 
the welfare of the people or to die as martyrs. I did not come to Mexico 
from motives of ambition : I came at the earnest entreaty of those who 
desired the welfare of our country. Mexicans, I pray that ray blood may be 
the last to be shed for our unhappy country ; and may it insure the happiness 
of the nation ! Mexicans, Ions: live Mexi 



xico 



I" 



General Mejia said nothing. General Miramon said a few words. The 
emperor then placed his hand upon his breast, and, fixing his eyes upon his 
executioners, said, " Fire!" At each victim the soldiers fired simultaneously. 
The two generals were instantly killed. Four balls pierced the emperor; 
three entering the left breast, and one the right. Three of the balls passed 
through his body, and came out at the shoulder. Maximilian reeled, and fell. 
Still clearly retaining consciousness, he exclaimed faintly, yet so as to be 
distinctly heard by those near him, '■'• Homhre ! llombre !'''' ("O man! O 
man ! ") Some at a little greater distance thought that the words he uttered 
were, " Poor Carlota ! " This is not probable, as he supposed Carlota to be 
dead. A soldier immediately advanced, and fired a ball into his stomach. 
A spasm showed that he felt the wound. Another advanced, and sent a ball 
through his heart; and there lay Maximilian upon the sod, motionless in gory 
death. 

Thus terminated this sad tragedy, one of the most melancholy in the 
records of this sorrow-stricken world. Well might the dying Maximilian 
exclaim, " O man ! O man ! " Of all the woes which have desolated this 
globe since our race began to inhabit it, there are none to be compared 
with those which man inflicts upon his brother man.* The lifeless body was 

* On the 20th of June, but one day after the execution of Maximilian, the correspondent of 
" The New- York Times " wrote as follows from the city of Mexico : " Blood, blood, blood 3 
Nothing but executions, imprisonments, and extortions have thus far marked the new era 
which has dawned upon Mexico by the destruction of the empire, and over which so many 
promising prophecies were made. Eighteen hundred men, strangers and Mexicans, have been 
shot at Queretaro since the capitulation of that city. Not an evening has come, or a m3ruing 
broken, but the clang of rifles is heard at the different public squares. Whenever we hear 
84 



666 LIFE OP KAPOLEON III. 

t 

taken back to the convent. A few friends gathered to gaze upon the pallid, 
blood-stained corpse. Some Mexican physicians of but little skill undertook 
the process of embalming the remains ; for European physicians were not 
allowed to perform that office. Baron Magnus, the Prussian minister, 
implored the government that the remains might be surrendered to him, that, 
in accordance with the will of the deceased, they might be conveyed in an 
Austrian ship to his mother and his brothers in Austria. 

Juarez replied, through his minister, "The government of the Republic 
believes, that, for various considerations, it cannot permit the mortal remains 
of the archduke to be carried to Europe." 

Then Dr. Basch sohcited very earnestly that the remains might be con- 
fided to him; saying, "As private physician to the deceased Archduke 
Maximilian, I was charged by him to carry his body to Europe, with the 
object of delivering it to his family." Juarez replied, " The President of the 
Republic has determined, that, for various and grave considerations, the peti- 
tion cannot be acceded to." 

At length, the Austrian admiral Tegethoff arrived in the war-steamer 
" Elizabeth." He was permitted to pass to the capital. There he solicited, 
in the name of the mother of the archduke and of his brother the Emperor 
of Austria, permission of the Republic to carry to his friends the remains of 
the Archduke Maximilian. Again Juarez refused to comply with the request, 
stating that he had already refused a similar application " from Baron Largo 
charge d''offaires of Austria near Maximilian, from Baron Magnus, Prussian 
minister, and from Dr. Basch, physician of the archduke ; " and that, before 
deciding whether he would surrender the body, he must have for considera- 
tion "either an official document from the government of Austria, or an 
express one from the family of the archduke." More than two months passed 
away, when another Austrian frigate brought the request to Juarez in due 
form. It stated that — 

" His royal apostolic Majesty has the very natural desire that the mortal 
remains of his unfortunate brother may find their last repose beneath the 
vault that covers the ashes of the princes belonging to the house of Austria 
The father, the mother, and the remaining brothers of the avigust deceased 
share in this desire with an equal earnestness, as likewise do all the members 
of the imperial family." 

The request was then complied with. On the 10th of November, the 
remains were escorted, by a Mexican force of a hundred men, from the city 
of Mexico to Vera Cruz. After many religious solemnities, and all possible 
demonstrations of respect, the body was received on board the Austrian 
steamer "Novara," — the same steamer which had conveyed Maximilian and 
Carlota, blooming with health and radiant with joy, on their mission for the 
regeneration of an empire in ruins. 

these reports, at eventide or sunrise, we know that some unconilemnetl Frenchmen, Germans, or 
Mexicans, are being pierced through and through by bullets. No trial allowed ; but death, 
death, blood, blood, are demanded by this so-called Uheral government. No foreigner can live 
here. The persecutions upon all of them, Americans as well as others, have begun in 
earnest. ' Leave the country, we don't want you here,' are the greetings given to all foreign 
residents." 



THE OVEETHROW OF THE THRONE OF MAXIMILIAN. 667 

Tims the plan of rescuing Mexico from anarcliy, and of givinir it an 
honorable place among the nations of the earth, by re-establishing the 
empire, utterly failed. What has been the result ? The correspondent of 
" The New-York Times," writing from the city of Mexico in May, 1868, mves 
the following picture of the present state of affairs in that wretched nation. 
The view is abundantly confirmed by the correspondents of "The New- York 
Herald " and "The New-York World." 

"At last, the state of the country has fallen back into its normal condition 
of anarchy and bloodshed. Commerce, internal and external, is now dead 
beyond redemption ; security to life and property there is none ; the courts 
are a farce; the prosecution of all public improvements has ceased; the 
mines are but partially worked ; agriculture has been almost entirely 
abandoned ; money is scarce ; credit and confidence are lost ; all forei^-n 
capital is being rapidly removed from the country, — native capital buried 
beyond the reach of discovery ; while starvation, murder, and robbery stalk 
broadcast over the land. There is nothing but revolution, — revolution here, 
revolution there, revolution everywhere." 

The editor of " The Times," commenting upon these facts, says, " We would 
that we could see some hope for civilization, civil order, constitutional gov- 
ernment, and regulated freedom, in Mexico ! We would that we could see 
some sign of that magnificent country emerging from the anarchy under 
which it has been desolated ever since it broke the Spanish yoke ! We should 
not be very particular about forms, methods, or agents, so long as any one 
of them gave promise of securing the ends for which governments are estab- 
lished, 

"It was universally supposed in Europe, that, after our government had 
expelled the French invaders, we would ourselves step in, and attempt the 
work we had forbidden them from carrying on. The English were anxious 
that we should do so. The French were not unwilling ; and there was no 
one who had the least desire to interfere with us. But we found the business 
unadvisable on our own account. We had difKculties enough of our own, 
and could not afford external complications of an equally troublesome 
character." 

The opposition of the United States probably prevented the success of 
the intervention of the Emperor of the French. Under these circumstances, 
no other European power will think of aiding Mexico to establish a stable 
government. The United States, embarrassed by the perplexing questions 
resulting from the civil war, and the conferring of the rights of citizenship 
upon nearly four million slaves, cannot assume the control of eight million 
superstitious, ignorant, half-civilized Mexicans. We cannot receive them 
into our Union ; we cannot govern them outside of the Union. It is to be 
feared that there are still before Mexico gloomy years of revolutions and 
anarchy. 




CHAPTER XL. 



THE RESULTS OF THE EMPIRE. 

The International Exposition. — The Royal Guests. — Influence of the Exposition. — The Em- 
peror's Address to the Comnilssioners. — Letter to the Minister of the Interior. — Aims of 
the Emperor. — His " Life of Julius CiBsar." — The Prosperity of France. — Fi-eedom of De- 
bate. — Decree of Jan. 19, 18G7. — Efforts to create Stable Institutions. — The Constitu- 
tions of England, America, and France. — Prosperity of France under the Empire. 

N the 1st of April, 1867, the great International Exposition 
was opened in Paris by the emperor and empress in person. It 
was by far the most memorable event of the kind in the world's 
history. The emperoi', by autograph-letters, had invited all the 
reigning princes of Europe, many of Asia and Africa, and the 
President of the United States, to visit the Exposition.* Ire- 
naeus, the distinguished editor of " The New-York Observer," wrote from 
Paris, under date of June, 1867, as follows: — 

** Such a confluence of crowned heads, such a constellation of crowns, such 
a council of sovereigns, probably the world never saw at any one j^lace 
before. And what is more remarkable still is the fact, that peace, not war, 
nor even peace at the end of war, brings them together. They come to a 
feast of peace, to see the arts of peace, to enjoy the hospitalities of a city 
that opens its gates to the whole world to come in and study the things 
which make for peace. 

" It is the greatest triumph yet achieved by the nephew of his uncle, by 
the third of the Napoleons. A few years ago, he was an exile, and then a 
prisoner. To-day, he is the emperor of a mighty people; and the emperors 
of the earth, the proudest kings, the Oriental monarchs, whose etiquette for 
untold ages has forbidden them to leave their dominions, now flock to his 
capital and j^alace, and lay their tribute of respect at his imperial feet. And 
this <listinction, unequalled by that of any sovereign preceding him, Louis 
Napoleon has won without the swoi'd ; and not a drop of human blood mingles 
with the sacrifices of this great festival. He early proclaimed the empire to 
be peace. To this policy he has, with few changes, steadily adhered ; develop- 
ing the resources, embellishing the cities, stimulating the industry, and im- 
proving the condition, of France, until he has brought her into such a state, 

* American Annual Cyclopaedia, p. 320. 




;» 







'^ 









THE EESULTS OF THE EMPIRE. 669 

that he invites the world to come and see lier greatness and her beauty 
assembled in Paris, lier capital." 

The Emperors of Russia and Austria, the King of Prussia, the Sultan of 
Turkey, the Viceroy of Egypt, the brother of the Tycoon of Japan, honored 
the occasion with their presence. The influence upon the peace of the world 
of this friendly meeting of the sovereigns can scarcely be exaggerated. It 
must have inspired them all with renewed desires to develop those industrial 
resources of their own countries which peace alone can foster. At the close 
of this, the greatest of all tlie festivals of earth, the emperor received the for- 
eign commissioners of the Exposition, and, in response to their congratulatory 
address, said, — 

" Like you, we shall ever remember with pleasure this great international 
festival. As representatives of the principle of labor in all parts of the world, 
you have been able to acquire the conviction that all civilized nations now 
tend to form a single family. I thank you for the wishes you express for the 
empress and my son. They also share my gratitude for your exertions, my 
sympathy for your persons, and my wishes for the i^eace of the worlds 

In July of this year, elections took place for the councils-general. The 
strong hold which the government had upon the afiections of the nation may 
be inferred from the fact, that, out of six hundred elections, the Opposition 
secured but twenty-one.* 

The great object of the emperor has been to render France rich, prosperous, 
and happy. War impoverishes. Surrounded as France is by ambitious 
dynasties, the only way to secui-e peace has been to be prepared for war. 
Thus the military organization of France has ever been regarded by the 
emperor as a peace measure, — as one of the essential means of securing that 
peace without which there can be no prosperity. In accordance with these 
views, the emperor has been unceasing in his devotion to internal improve- 
ments ; and there is no country in Europe which has made such progress 
during the last sixteen years as France has made in every thing which tends 
to enrich a nation. On the 15th of August, the empei'or addressed a letter to 
the minister of the interior, containing the following sentiments : — 

"I have already given instruction to the minister of public works to 
pursue the examination and prepare the concession of new lines of railway. 
lie will at the same time seek the means of improving our canals and the 
navigation of our rivers, which are modifying counterpoises to railroad 
monopoly. But our efforts must not be confined to this alone. The agricul- 
tural commission has demonstrated in an evident manner that the construc- 
tion of a complete network of parish roads is an essential condition of the 
prosperity of the country, and of the well-being of those rural populationa 
■who have always shown me so much devotion. 

" Pre-occupied with the realization of this project, I had instructed you to 
examine, in concert with the minister of finance, a series of measures which 
might permit our completing within ten years the network of parish-roads, 
by the triple concurrence of the* communes, th(j de])artments, and the 
ptate." 

* Annual Cyclopaedia, 1867, p. 320. 



670 LIFE OF KAPOLEON IIL 

A new session of the Chambers was opened on the 18th of November. The 
emperor in his address said, — 

" The Universal Exposition, which nearly all the sovereigns of Europe have 
attended, and where the representatives of the laboring-classes of all coun- 
tries have met, has drawn closer the ties of fraternity between the nations. 
It has disappeared ; but its traces will leave a deep impression upon our 
age : for if, after having majestically risen, the Exposition has only shone with 
momentary brilliancy, it has desti'oyed forever a past of prejudices and of 
errors. The shackles of labor and of intelligence, the barriers between the 
different peoples as well as the different classes, international hatreds, — these 
are what the Exposition has cast behind." 

In allusion to the great change which had taken place in Germany, the 
emperor said, — 

" Notwithstanding the declaration of my government, which has never 
varied in its pacific attitude, the belief has been spread that any modification 
in the internal system of Germany must become a cause of conflict. It is 
necessary to accept frankly the changes that have taken place on the other 
side of the Rhine; to proclaim, that, so long as our interests and our dignity 
shall not be threatened, we will not interfere in the transformations effected 
by the wish of the populations. The disquiet that has been displayed is 
difficult to explain at a period in which France has offered to the world the 
most imposing spectacle of conciliation and peace." 

Such is the position of France at the present time. The empire of Napo- 
leon is established in the affections of the Frencli peoi^le, not only by the 
souvenirs of the past, but by sixteen years of such peace and prosperity as 
France never enjoyed before. France has taken a position second to that 
of no other nation upon the continent of Europe, in influence, wealth, and 
power. By general admission, Louis Napoleon is the ablest of all the sove- 
reigns who now guide the destinies of the nations. Tireless in industry, 
frugal in his liabits, and with a mind furnished and disciplined by long years 
of intensest study, the Emperor of the French is making it his high ambition 
to promote the moral and physical welfare of the French people. With 
enlarged views of policy, and a noble spirit of humanity, he desires also that 
other nations should be enriched and ennobled. " In the state of civilization 
to which we have arrived," says the emperor, "this truth, which consoles and 
assures huraaTiity, is every day more clear, — that the richer and more prosper- 
ous any one country is, the more it contributes to the riches and prosperity 
of others" 

It is surprising that the emperor, while carrying so heavy a burden of care, 
can find time for the pursuits of literature. "The Life of Julius Coesar," which 
has been written amidst all the toils of empire, is a monument of laborious 
research, and will ever occupy a high position among the contributions to 
historical knowledge. The emperor in this work attempts to prove — and few 
will question the success of his attempt — that Caesar was the representative, 
not o( aristocratic privileye, hnt of the popular cause. It was this devotion 
to the interests of the whole people, and not to that of an exclusive class, 
which gave him his popularity, his power, his renown. It is for this that the 
emperor honors Ciesar. 



THE EESULTS OF THE EMPIRE. 671 

"Let US not," says he, "continually seek little passions in great souls. The 
success of superior men (and it is a consoling thought) is clue rather to the 
loftiness of their sentiments than to the speculations of selfishness and cun- 
ning. This success depends much more upon tlieir skill in taking advantage 
of circumstances than upon that presumption which is blind enough to 
believe itself capable of creating events which are in the hands of God alone 
Certainly Caesar had faith in liis destiny, and confidence in his genius. But 
faith is an instinct, not a calculation ; and genius foresees the future without 
understanding its mysterious progress." 

In si)eaking of his object in writing the work, the emperor says, " The 
object is to prove, that when Providence raises up such men as Coesar, 
Charlemagne, Napoleon, it is to mark out to the people the path which they 
should follow, to stamp with the seal of their genius a new era, and to 
accomplish in a few years the labors of many centuries. 

" In fine, neither the death of Cresar nor the captivity of St. Helena has 
been able to destroy so as to prevent the return of the two popular causes 
overthrown by a league disguising itself under the mask of liberty. Brutus, 
in killing Caesar, plunged Rome into the horrors of civil war. He did not 
prevent the reign of Augustus ; but he rendered possible the reigns of Nero 
and Caligula. The ostracism of Napoleon, by conspiring Europe, has not 
prevented the resuscitation of the empire ; and yet how far are we fiom those 
great questions resolved, those passions appeased, those legitimate satisfac- 
tions granted to the people, by the first empire ! 

" Thus, every day since 1815, we have seen verified this prophecy of the 
captive of St. Helena, — '■How many stmggles tnust there be, how much blood 
shed, how many years mustekqjse, before the benefits which I wished to confer 
•upon humanity can be realized! ' " 

The German war, which we have briefly described, astonished Europe and 
the world. On the 14tli of February, 1867, Napoleon opened the French 
Chambers, as usual, with an address. On that occasion, he thus expressed his 
views in relation to that event : — 

" Since your last session, serious events have arisen in Europe. Although 
they may have astonished the world by their raj^idity and by the importance 
of their results, it appears, that, according to the anticipation of the first 
emperor, there was a fatality in their fulfilment. Napoleon said at St. 
Helena, — 

"'One of my great ideas has been the agglomeration and concentration of 
the same nations, geographically considered, who have been scattered piece- 
meal by revolutions and policy. This agglomeration will take place sooner 
or later by the force of circumstances. The impulse is given ; and I do not 
think, that, after my fill and the disappearance of my system, there will be 
any other great equilibrium possible than the agglomeration and confederation 
of great nations.' 

"The transformations which have taken place in Italy and Germany pave 
the way for the realization of this vast programme of the union of the 
European States in one sole confederation. The spectacle of the efforts 
made by the neighboring nations to assemble their members, scattered abroad 



672 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL ' 

for so many centuries, cannot cause disquiet in such a country as ours, all tlio 
parts of which are irrevocably bound up with each other, and form a 
homogeneous and indestructible body. 

" We have been impartial witnesses of the struggle which has been waged 
on the other side of the Rhine. In presence of these conflicts, the country 
strongly manifested its wish to keep aloof from it. Not only did I defer to 
this wish, but I used every effort to hasten the conclusion of peace. I did 
not arm a single additional soldier ; I did not move forward a single regi- 
ment : and yet the voice of France had influence enough to arrest the con- 
queror at the gates of Vienna. Our mediation effected an arrangement 
between the belligerents, which, leaving to Prussia the fruit of her successes, 
maintained the integrity of the Austrian territory with the exception of a 
single province, and, by the cession of Venetia, completed Italian inde- 
pendence. 

" France is respected abroad. The army has displayed its valor: but the 
conditions of war, being changed, require the increase of our defensive forces; 
and we must organize ourselves in such a manner as to be invulnerable. The 
bill upon this subject, which has been studied with the greatest care, lightens 
the burden of conscription in time of peace, offers considerable resources in 
time of wai*, and redistributes burdens between all in a fair proportion, an 1 
thus satisfies the principle of equality. It possesses all the importance of an 
institution of the country, and, I feel convinced, will be accepted with patriot- 
ism. The influence of a nation depends upon the number of men it is able 
to put under arms. 

"Do not forget that neighboring States impose upon themselves far heavier 
sacrifices for the effective constitution of their armies, and have their eyes 
fixed upon us to judge, by our resolutions, whether the influence of France 
shall increase or diminish throughout the world. Let us constantly keep our 
national flag at the same height. It is the most certain means of preserving 
peace, and that peace must be rendered fei-tile by alleviating misery and 
increasing general prosperity. 

" Heavy trials have assailed us in the course of the last year. Inundations 
and epidemics have desolated some of our departments. Benevolence has 
assuaged individual suflTering, and credits will be asked of you to repair the 
disasters caused to public property. Notwithstanding these partial calamities, 
the progress of general prosperity has not relaxed. During the last financial 
period, the indirect revenue has increased by fifty million francs, and foreign 
commerce by upwards of one million. The general improvement of our 
finances will soon allow us to give satisfaction upon a large scale to agricul- 
tural and economic interests, brought to light by the inquiry opened in all 
parts of the country. Our attention must then be turned to the reduction 
of certain burdens which weigh too heavily upon the landed property, 
and which prevent the speedy completion of the channels of interior navi- 
gation of our ports, our railways, and especially of the cross-roads, — the 
indispensable agents for the eflfective distribution of the produce of the soil." 

In reference to popular education, and its results in allowing the safe 
expansion of liberty, the emperor said, — 



THE RESULTS OF THE EMPIRE. 673 

" Bills upon primary education and upon co-operative societies were sub- 
mitted to you last session ; and I do not doubt that you will approve the 
arrangements they set forth. They will improve the moral and material 
condition of the rural population, and of the working-classes in our great 
cities. Each year thus opens a new horizon to our mediation and our efforts. 
Our task at this moment is to form the public manners to the practice of 
more liberal institutions. Hitherto, in France, liberty has only been 
ephemeral. It has not been able to take root in the soil, because abuse has 
immediately followed use, and the nation preferred to limit the exercise of 
its rights rather than to endure disorder in ideas as in things. It is worthy 
of you and me to make a broader application of these great principles, which 
constitute the glory of France. Their development will not, as formerly, 
endanger the necessary prestige of authority. Power is now firmly based; 
and ardent passions, the sole obstacle to the expansion of our liberties, will 
become extinguished in the immensity of universal suffrage, I have full con- 
fidence in the good sense and the patriotism of the people ; and strong in 
the right which I hold from them, strong in my conscience, which is solely 
desirous of good, I invite you to march with me with a firm step in the 
path of civilization." 

It will probably be the testimony of every intelligent and well-informed 
man, that there is no country where, at the present time, property and life are 
more secure than in France; where justice is more impartially, promptly, and 
economically administered ; where crime is less frequent ; where the people 
are more united in support of the government ; and where the general con- 
dition of the community is more contented, prosperous, and happy, Paris is 
the most attractive metropolis in the world. Its police regulations are unsur- 
passed by those of any other city. Its streets are crowded by those who seek 
enjoyment from all parts of Europe, America, and even from Asia. Equality 
of rights and the fraternity of man are here recognized in a high degree. 
France, after having been tossed for ages upon the sea of insurrections and 
revolutions, enjoys under the reign of Napoleon III. almost uninterrupted 
tranquillity, with scarcely an attempt at insurrection or even a riot. While 
the United States have been scathed by one of the most awful civil wars 
which ever desolated any land ; while England has been agitated by the 
fiercest political convulsions, the people struggling for rights which they have 
never been able to secure, — the overwhelming majority of the French people^ 
the nation as a bod>/, has rallied around the emperor of its choice as its 
protector and its friend, and has enjoyed perfect internal peace. There is 
not a sovereign in the world, under whatever title he may reign, who is with 
more unanimity sustained by the popular voice than is the Emperor of the 
French. There is no country where the individual has both more liberty to do 
right, and less liberty to do wrong, than in France. 

No one who reads the reports of the proceedings in the Legislative Corps, 
accurately published for the perusal of all France, will question the freedom 
with which the measures of the government are assailed by its opponents. 
Neither upon the floor of the United-States Congress, nor from the benches 

85 



674 LIFE OF KAPOLEON in. 

of the Opposition in the British Parliament, have there ever been uttered 
more merciless denunciations than are uttered in the French Chamber of 
Deputies. These facts show the freedom with which the measures of the 
government are attacked in the legislative bodies. But it is to be remem- 
bered that those very able men who manifest such hostility to the 
empire, and who often speak with vehemence which arrests the attention 
of foreign nations, are the leaders of small antagonistic pai'ties. They do not 
represent the people of France. 

On the 19th of January, 1867, the emperor issued a decree, accompanied by 
an explanatory letter addressed to the Minister of State, containing the 
following sentiments : — 

" For some years past, the question has been asked, whether our institutions 
have attained their limit of improvement, or whether new improvements are 
to be realized. Up to the present time, you have had to strive courageously 
in order to repel inopportune demands, and to leave with me the initiative 
of useful reforms when the time should arrive. And now I believe that it is 
possible to give to the institutions of the empire all the development of which 
they are capable, and to the public liberties a new extension, without compro- 
mising the power which the nation has intrusted to me. 

"The plan which I have traced out to myself consists in correcting the 
impei'fections which time has revealed, and in admitting that progress which 
is compatible with our habits ; for to govern is to profit by the experience 
which has been acquired, and to foresee the wants of the future, 

" The object of the decree of the 24th of November, 1860, was to associate 
the Senate and the Corps Legislatif more directly with the policy of the 
government; but the debate on the address has not led to the results 
which were to be expected from it. It has sometimes needlessly excited 
public opinion, given rise to sterile discussions, and occasioned a loss of time 
most precious for the affairs of the country ; and I believe, that, without any 
diminution of the prerogatives of the deliberative powers, the address may 
be replaced by the privilege, prudently regulated, of putting questions to the 
government. 

"Another modification has appeared to me necessary in the relations of 
the government toward the great bodies of the State. I have considered, 
that by sending the ministers to the Senate and to the Corps Legislatif, to 
take part in certain debates, by virtue of a special commission, I sliould better 
utilize the strength of the government, without deviating from the terms of 
the constitution, which admits no solidarity among the ministers, and makes 
them dependent only upon the chief of the State. 

" But the reforms which it is fitting to adopt must not stop there. A law 
will be proposed for assigning the jurisdiction over offences against the press 
law, exclusively to the correctional tribunals, and thus suppress the discre- 
tionary power of the government. It is equally necessary to regulate legis- 
latively the rights of assembly, while restraining it within the limits which 
public safety demands. 

" I said last year, that my government wished to walk upon ground consoli- 



THE RESULTS OF THE EMPIRE. 675 

dated, and capable of sustaining power and liberty. By the measure I have 
just pointed out, my words become realized. I do not shake the ground 
which fifteen years of calm and prosperity have consolidated : but I increase 
the strength by rendering my relations with the great public powers more 
intimate ; by securing to the citizens, by law, fresh guaranties ; by completing 
the crowning of the edifice erected by the national will." 

From the commencement of the reign of Napoleon IIL, the avowed object 
of the government has been to extend popular liberty just so fiist as it could 
be done consistently with the public safety. The action of the government 
has ever been in accordance with these avowals. 

Another unceasing object of the emperor has been to build up institutions 
in France, so that the government might repose upon the stability of institu- 
tions, and not upon the ephemeral life of a single man. To the attainment 
of this all-important end, the emperor has consecrated his most unwearied 
endeavors. The constitution, Avitli its clearly-defined limits and obligations, 
the imperial throne, the Council of State, the Senate, the Corps Legislatif, and 
the Arrondissement Councils and Councils Municipal, are abiding organizations 
stable, yet pliable, which may bless France for ages. It is not probable that 
the death of the emperor would now cause any fatal shock. Though his 
unquestioned ability is so remarkable, that every cabinet in Europe would be 
sensibly affected by his removal, still the institutions he has conferred upon 
France are so well consolidated, and their adaptation to promote the happi- 
ness of France so clearly proved by expei'ience, that, even should the 
Bourbonists or Orleanists succeed in jDlacing upon the throne one of their 
candidates, — which is improbable in the extreme, — the constitution, now in 
such successful operation, would probably not meet with any radical change. 

Napoleon I. established the empire upon its democratic foundation of equal 
rights for all men, thus taking a step even in advance of the United States ; 
for our fundamental principle, practically, if not avowed, was " equal rights 
for all ^^A^7e men." The empire thus established — a throne surrounded by 
republican and democratic institutions — was hailed with enthusiasm by 
almost the whole population of France. 

Foreign dynasties, unrelentingly hostile to its democratic principles, com- 
bined for its overthrow. In a series of long and bloody wars, in which all 
the feudal thrones of Europe were allied against the French Empire, it was 
finally overwhelmed, and upon its ruins foreign armies erected anew in 
France the old throne of aristocratic privilege. 

But, just as soon as the Y vanch. jjeojole were again able to make their power 
felt, they demolished the Bourbon throne, and then tore down its slight 
modification in the Orleans throne, and, with great unanimity and enthusi- 
asm, reconstructed the democratic empire of Napoleon. Providence had, 
through the long discipline of suffering, prepared one of the most extraordi- 
nary of men for the crisis, who now for sixteen years has consecrated all his 
vast abilities and his tireless energies in consolidating these institutions, so 
that France may be saved from future convulsions. Would any one learn 
the result, let him look at France, one of the most contented, prosperous 



676 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

nations on the continent of Europe ; let him look at Paris, a city which 
stands without a rival. 

It is not necessary that all governments should be founded upon the same 
model. France has been a monarchy for centuries. The people are accus- 
tomed to monarchical forms, and attached to them by all the associations of 
their past history. The Roman-Catholic system of Christianity, whicli is 
embraced by nine-tenths of the population of France, favors monarchical 
institutions. France is surrounded by powerful monarchies, and cannot be 
cordially welcomed into that fraternity of nations, unless in some degree in 
harmony with them in governmental regime. Unfortunately for Republican- 
ism, particularly French Red-Republicanistu, it has assumed the attitude of 
antagonism to all other forms of government whatever. It "has boldly pro- 
claimed its desire to overthrow every other government, to demolish every 
throne, and upon the ruins of revolutionized Europe, regardless of the wishes 
of the majority of the people, to establish republics. Thus Republicanism 
is not only not in accordance with the manners, the customs, the taste, the 
inclinations, of the French people, but, if adopted, would sever France from the 
sympathies of the surrounding governments. 

The empire of Napoleon meets these difficulties. By an imperial throne, 
it places France in harmony and in sympathy with the great powers which 
encircle it. By planting that throne upon universal suffrage, by surrounding 
it with republican institutions, and by having the whole nation, through the 
voice of universal suffi-age, represented in the Legislative Corps, without 
whose assent no law can be passed, the rights of the people are eflectually 
secured. There is no earthly government Avhich is perfect, which is not more 
or less liable to abuse. Nearly eight millions of French voters have declared 
that they consider the empire as the best government for France.* They never 
assume that it is the only good government, or that it is the best govern- 
ment for other nations. And were the question this day propounded to 
the whole French peoj^le, to be decided by universal suffrage, whether the 
empire should be retained, or whether they would raise again tlie Bourbon 
throne or the Orleans throne, or would attempt the establishment of a 
republic under any of the various forms proposed by the discordant and 
antagonistic leaders of moderate Republicanism, Socialism, Red-Republicanism, 
and ultra Democrats, there can be but little doubt as to what the decision 
would be. Those, then, who admit that the ^people have a right to choose 
toeir own institutions, ought to respect the institutions which the peo}>le have 
chosen. 

In America, the people choose a republic ; it is adapted to our position, to 
our customs, to our inclinations : and republican forms in the United States 

* " The Emperor Napoleon III. was invested with ahiiost absolute power by the vote of an 
immense majority of the French people. Napoleon has taken the people's liberties merely for 
safe custody. Not only did he profess himself ready at any time to make restitution upon a 
proper application, but he has recently expressed his anxiety to anticipate all demands ; and 
measui-es which were hailed as liberal were actually proposed by himself. There has been 
hitherto nothing but a partial and almost personal opposition, — factious and even querulous in 
the press and the Chambers." —London Times, Aug. 13, 1867. 



THE RESULTS OF THE EMPIRE. 677 

have developed a very wealthy, intelligent, and powerful nation. Still it 
was found in our late civil war that there were millions of Americans 
opposed to our government, who were willing to deluge the land in blood in 
their attempts to demolish it. 

In England, it is not at all probable that a popular vote could be carried to 
exchange their monarchy for either the republic of the United States or for 
the empire of France. Under the British monarchy, as rich, intelligent, and 
powerful a nation has risen as this woi'ld has ever known. The British people 
unquestionably prefer their monarchy to any other form of government. 

It is very certain that the French have no wish to exchange their empire 
for either of the governments of England or America. France, in her 
schools of learning, in her arts of elegance and industry, in her wealth and 
power, in the comfort and contentment of her population, does not stand 
abashed in the presence of any nation upon the globe. If London and New 
York can teach some lessons of wisdom to Paris, Paris can also teach them 
some useful lessons in return. 

These three great nations, which are peculiarly brought into social and 
commercial relations with each other, could do much towards the elevation 
of humanity and the harmony of the world by cherishing, each for the in- 
stitutions of the others, sentiments of respect and sincere good will. We 
are not surprised when the Chinese assume that theirs is the Celestial Empire, 
and that all others are " outside barbarians." We simply smile at the folly ; 
and, when it becomes annoying by action, we chastise the insolence. 

But America, France, and England constitute a peculiar brotherhood 
among the nations. They are constantly interchanging friendly visits. And 
it should not be forgotten that France receives more visits than she returns. 
Americans and Englishmen crowd the avenues, the boulevai'ds, the woods, of 
Boulogne. They find there, under the reign of the emperor, sources of social 
and intellectual enjoyment which they can find nowhere else. They freely 
saunter through the halls of the Louvre, visit without charge the magnificent 
trophies of science and art which adorn the city, and listen delighted to the free 
lectures from the most highly cultivated men upon all branches of human 
knowledge. 

The American ambassador is received with honor at the French court: 
every utterance of the government breathes the spirit of respect and friendly 
feelings for America. Our president, whatever may be his failings, and our 
institutions, however unfortunate under peculiar circumstances may be their 
workings, are ever treated by the French press with courtesy. Our dis- 
tinguished families are welcomed as guests to the hospitalities of the 
Tuileries. Thus does the Republican Empire of France, based upon universal 
suffi-age, present the hand of friendship to the Democratic Republic of 
America, based also upon the same foundation. 

If it be possible for spoken words and documents and administrative acts 
to prove any thing, they prove that the Emperor of the French earnestly 
seeks not only the prosperity and happiness of the French people, but also 
the welfare of the whole brotherhood of man. The Bourbonist, the Orleanist, 
the Socialist, the Red-Republican, may each be sincere in the belief that his 



678 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

views would be more conducive to that great end ; but no impartial man 
can read the foregoing narrative, and doubt that the emperor is sincere also 
in his conviction that the empire is, for the pi-esent at least, the best govern- 
ment for France. And, since he is sustained in this belief by nearly eight 
MILLIONS of the voters of France, it cannot be arrogant to say that their 
decision merits the respect and the friendly recognition of the whole civilized 
world ; and no man can deny, that, during all the centuries which have 
passed away, France has never enjoyed sixteen years of such tranquillity, 
prosperity, and happiness as have been enjoyed during the sixteen years of 
the reign of the Emperor Napoleon III. 




CHAPTER XL! 



THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 

The Rhine Boundary. — Intrigue of Charles X. — Subserviency of Louis Philippe. — Character 
of the Treaties of 1815. — Views of Louis Napoleon. — Vast Growth of Prussia. — Views of 
the French Imperial Government. — Addresses of the Emperor. — Exposure of the Northern 
Frontier of France. — Ambitious Plans of Count Bismarck. — Prince Leopold. — Cause of the 
Franco-Prussian War. — Efforts of the Emperor to avert it. — Unanimity of the French 
People. — Remarks of Hon. J. T. Headley. — Preparation of Prussia. — Commencement of 
Hostilities. — Constant Disaster to the French Arms. — Proclamation of tke Empress. — The 
Disaster at Sedan. — Captivity of the Emperor. 

I EARLY five years have passed away since the writing of the 
last chapter. We now record the wonderful events, which, 
during that period, have taken place. History can furnish no 
greater marvels. 

From time immemorial, the River Rhine has been regarded as 
the natural boundary between France and Germany. In the 
dreary ages of the past, many a hideous battle was fought between the ancient 
Gauls and Germans in the valley of this beautiful stream, as barbaric armies on 
either side invaded each other's territories with fire and sword. In the over- 
throw of the empire of the first Napoleon by the allied monarchies of Eui'ope, 
large jjrovinces on the French bank of the Rhine were wrested from France, 
and placed in the hands of Prussia. These provinces contained some of the 
most important fortresses upon the French frontier to protect France from 
Germanic invasion. This transference of the Rhine provinces of France to 
Prussia was done with the express and avowed object, that should the French 
again attempt to overthrow the aristocratic institutions of feudal depotism, and 
re-establish a government upon the principles of equal rights for all men, the 
armies of the allied dynasties might have an ahuost unobstructed path into the 
heart of France. 

This spoliation of French territory by the celebrated treaties of 1815 was 
an intense mortification to the French people. The Bourbons, however, who 
entered P^-ance in the rear of the artillery of the allies, and who were sus- 
tained upon the throne by foreign armies, assented to the arrangement, since 
they regarded it as their sole protection against the uprising of the democracy. 
The people, however, were exceedingly indignant. It was to them an ever- 
present insult and degradation. Their murmurs were loud, and continually 

679 



6 so LIFE OF NAPOLEON ILL 

increasing ; so much so, that Charles X., upon his accession to the throne, 
commenced diplomatic intrigues for the recovery of the lost boundaries. 

Viscount Chateaubriand, who was his minister of state, testifies that Charles 
X., just before his overthrow, had entered into a secret engagement with 
Russia, that he would aid the czar in his endeavors to get possession of Con- 
stantinople if Russia would aid France in her endeavor to regain the lost 
provinces on the Rhine. 

Louis Philippe, who could claim the throne neither by the popular vote nor 
by the doctrine of legitimacy, endeavored to secure the support of the sur- 
rounding dynasties by pledging himself to make no effort to recover the 
Rhine j^rovinces. Thus the house of Orleans, under Louis Philippe, became 
more subservient to the old feudal monarchies of Europe than was the Bour- 
bon dynasty under Charles X. Louis Blanc, referring to this action of the 
government of Louis Philippe, writes, — 

" The first thought of the new government had been to obtain recognition. 
It therefore thought to base its policy upon the maintenance of the treaties 
of 1815. His accession was therefore hailed with joy by the sovereigns who 
had in 1815 divided the spoils of France between them, appropriating the 
secondary nations like cattle, that they might do as they pleased."* 

In reference to the secret negotiations to which we have alluded between 
the cabinet of Charles X. and the Russian court, Sir Archibald Alison 
writes, — 

" The result was a secret agreement that Russia should support France in 
the eventual extension of its frontier to the Rhine, and that France should 
countenance Russia to Constantinople. Prussia was to be indemnified for the 
loss of its Rhenish provinces by the half of Hanover ; Holland, for the sacrifice 
of Belgium by the other half But this agreement, how carefully soever veiled 
in secrecy, came to the knowledge of the British Government ; and it was the 
information which they had gained in regard to it which led to the immediate 
recognition of Louis Philippe." f 

Indeed, the subserviency of Louis Philippe to the dictation of the feudal 
dynasties rendered him the most unpopular monarch who ever sat upon the 
French throne. Upon his downfall in 18^8, Ledru Rollin and Louis Blanc, 
the leaders of the brief republic, apprehensive that monarchical Europe might 
again combine against France, issued a circular to placate those monarchies. 
In this document they pledged themselves that France would not, for the 
present, involve Eui-ope in war by the attempt to regain her Rhenish provinces. 
They promised that France would, under existing circumstances, remain con- 
tent with the territorial limits assigned by the treaties of 1815. 

"The treaties of 1815," it is written in this circular, "do not exist in right 
in the eyes of the French people ; but war does not necessarily follow from 
that declaration. The territorial limits fixed by those treaties are the bases 
which the republic is willing to take as the point of departure in its external 
relations with other nations." 

* France under Louis Philippe, vol. i. p. 290. 

t Alison's History of Europe, vol. vi, p. 165; also France under Louis Philippe, vol. i. p. 88, 



THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 681 

When Louis Napoleon was chosen president, the allies became greatly 
alarmed. They feared the restoration of the empire, with its strong and 
consolidated government. It could hardly be expected that imperial France 
would submit to leave those northern provinces, which had formerly been 
her protection, in the hands of a foreign power, with the undisguised design, 
that, in case of war, that power might march unobstructed into the heart of 
the French territory. 

But Louis Napoleon was a man of peace. He wished to promote the 
wealth, the hapj^iness, and the prosperity of the French people, by cultivating 
all the industrial arts, and developing the resources of the empire. But when 
Prussia, in total disregard of the treaties of 1815, seized upon Schleswig and 
Holstein, and by her stupendous victories crushed Austria, annexing millions 
to her population, and thus became the most powerful and warlike nation in 
Europe, all France was alarmed. 

There had thus suddenly arisen upon her northern borders a nation of forty 
millions of people, — the most warlike nation earth had ever seen ; every man 
capable of bearing arms being a trained soldier. Still Napoleon was for peace. 
He was in fxvor of the union of the German people under one government, 
as Napoleon I. had been. Though it was appalling to contemplate the fact, 
that those fortresses which commanded the entrances into France were in the 
hands of this formidable power, still it was hoped, that by friendly diplomacy, 
and not by the horrors of bloodshed, the Rhine might be recognized as the 
natural boundary between the two great nations. 

The opposition to the government of the second empire, headed by M. 
Thiers, bitterly assailed that government for not preventing by force of arms 
the consolidation of the German people, as one nation, under the Prussian 
king. The Emperor Napoleon IH. said, in allusion to these censures, in an 
address at the opening of the Chambers on the 18th of November, 1866, — 

"Notwithstanding the declaration of my government, which has never 
varied in its pacific attitude, the belief has been spread that any modification 
of the internal system of Germany must become a cause of conflict. It is 
necessary to accept frankly the changes which have taken place on tlie other 
side of the Rhine ; to proclaim, that, so long as our interests and our dignity 
shall not be threatened, we will not interfere in the transformations effected 
by the wish of the populations." * 

Again : when the news reached France of the astounding victories and vast 
acquisitions made by Prussia, Napoleon III., again addressing the Chambers, 
said, — 

" Since your last session, serious events have arisen in Europe. Although 
they may have astonished the world by their rapidity and by the importance 
of their results, it appears, that, according to the anticipation of the first 
emperor, there was a fatality in their fulfilment. Napoleon said at St. 
Helena, — 

"' One of my great ideas has been the agglomeration and concentration of 
the same nations, geographically considered, who have been scattered piece- 

* La Politique Imperiale. 



682 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

meal by revolution and policy. This agglomeration will take place sooner or 
later by tlie force of circumstances. This impulse is given ; and I do not 
think, that after my fall, and the disappearance of my system, there will be any 
other great equilibrium possible than the agglomeration and confederation of 
great nations.' 

" The transformations which have taken place in Italy and Germany pave 
the way for the realization of this vast programme of the union of the Euro- 
pean States in one sole confederation. The spectacle of the efforts made by 
the neighboring nations to assemble their members, scattered abroad for so 
many centuries, cannot cause disquiet in such a country as ours, all the parts 
of which are irrevocably bound up with each other, and form a homogeneous 
and indestructible body. 

"We have been impartial witnesses of the struggle which has been waged 
on the other side of the Rhine. In presence of these conflicts, the country 
strongly manifested its wish to keep aloof from it. Not only did I defer to 
this wish, but I used every effort to hasten the conclusion of peace." * 

France had felt uneasy in having the left banks of the Rhine garrisoned by 
Prussian troops when that kingdom was a feeble power, numbering but eigh- 
teen millions. The alarm was greatly increased when Prussia suddenly sprang 
into the most formidable military power in Europe. Her helmeted troops, 
heirs of the renown of the Great Frederic, had scattered the armies of Aus- 
tria as sheep driven by wolves. Prussia, an organized camp, with every man 
a drilled soldier, every sword sharpened, and all her arsenals and magazines 
full to repletion, held both banks of the Rhine, opening a very inviting path 
for the march of her troops into the very heart of France. There was nei- 
ther mountain nor river as a barrier to oppose her advance. And yet France 
could not make any military move to recover her lost provinces without 
imminent danger of failure, and without the almost certainty of combining 
all monarchical Europe against her. 

Such was the posture of affairs when the sagacious Bismarck formed the 
plan of placing a Prussian prince, Leopold of Hohenzollern, upon the vacant 
throne of Spain. The accomplishment of this plan would have been the 
revival of the ancient empire of Charlemagne. Spain would have been 
merely a province of Germany. The feelings which agitated France in view 
of the vast accession of influence and strength by Prussia may be inferred 
from the following extract taken from the French journal, "Le Gaulois:" — 

" Let us look back a little. Prussia seized Schleswig and Holstein : we 
said nothing. Prussia accomplished Sadowa: we were silent. Prussia made 
fresh annexations : we held our peace. Prussia occasioned the serious diffi- 
culty about Luxemburg: we were conciliatory. Prussia enthroned a Hohen- 
zollern in Roumania : we said nothing. Prussia violated her engagements at 
the treaty of Prague : we do not resent it. 

" Bismarck has now prepared for us a candidate for the throne of Spain, to 
cut our hamstrings, and to crush us between him and the Spaniards as he 
crushed Austria between Germany and Italy. If we had submitted to this 

* Speech at the opening of the French Chambers, Feb. 14, 1867. 



THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 683 

last affront, there is not a woman in the world who would have accepted the 
arm of a Frenchman." 

All parties in France were alike opposed to allowing Prussia virtually to 
annex Spain to her domain. This would leave France entirely at the dis- 
posal of Prussia. Influenced by such considerations, the imperial government, 
after anxious deliberation, commissioned their minister, the Duke of Gram- 
mont, to give oificial notice to the Prussian court, that France could not per- 
mit a German prince to ascend the throne of Chai'les V, The most intense 
agitation pervaded all France. All parties seemed to adopt the conviction, 
that it was now no longer safe for France to allow Prussia to hold both banks 
of the Rhine. It was said that the law of self-preservation imperiously 
required that France should demand the restoration of her ancient boundary. 
The communication of the Duke of Grammont was made to the Prussian 
Government on the 11th of July, 1870. 

The next day, July 12, it was announced that Prince Leopold was with- 
drawn from the candidature. But Prussia refused to give any pledge that 
she would not at the first favorable opportunity place the crown of Spain 
upon the brow of some other scion of the Prussian royal family. France 
replied, — 

" It is not to Leopold personally that we object. We demand of Prussia 
the pledge that she will not place amj of her 2yrinces on the Spanish thi'one. 
0:ie Prussian prince is just as dangerous as another. Moreover, these en- 
croachments of Prussia show the peril of France. Since Prussia has 
trami)led the treaties of 1815 beneath her feet in her enormous encroach- 
ments, a regard to our own safety imperatively demands that we should hare 
surrendered back to us the provinces which Prussia holds on the south bank 
of the Rhine." 

The French ambassador. Count Benedetti, bearing these remonstrances, 
was refused an audience by the King of Prussia under circumstances which 
France regarded as defiant and insulting. On the other hand, the King of 
Prussia accused the count of seeking to present his message at an unseemly 
time and in an insolent manner. Thus, on both sides, there was increasing 
cxasj^eration. 

On the 15th of July, 1870, by the united vote of the Senate, the Legislative 
Corps, and apparently sustained by the enthusiastic acclaim of the whole 
French peoide, the imperial government declared war against Prussia. The 
war-ciy which resounded through France was, " On to the Rhine!" Many 
in our own country and in Europe took the ground that France was entirely 
unjustifiable in this appeal to arms. " The London Times " said, — 

"France, without the shadow of excuse or justification, plunges Europe 
into war." 

On the other hand, "The New-York Herald," with, as we think, a more 
correct appreciation of the facts, says, — 

" Regarding the situation from an impartial standpoint, it does not appear 
that France is without justification. So far from it, it appears that France 
could not, without humiliation, stand in any other position than that which 
she now assumes. It was not merely the candidacy of Ilohenzollern 



684 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

France objected to : it was the appearance of Prussia beyond the Pyrenees ; 
it was the assumption of Prussia to take possession of Spain, as if it were a 
German duchy. France was fully justified in making an indignant protest 
against this." 

The Emperor Napoleon IIL had ever been the earnest advocate for peace. 
He had urged upon all the courts of Europe that they should disband their 
enormously-expensive standing armies. To show his sincerity, he commenced 
by disbanding the armies of France. But Prussia refused. She organized 
her whole kingdom into a military camp. Rome in her proudest days could 
scarcely have brought forward legions so numerous and well-drilled. In allu- 
sion to the failure of these pacific measures on the part of the French em- 
peror, the Duke of Grammont said, in a circular published in the "Journal 
Officielle," — 

" If Europe remains armed, if a million of men are on the eve of the shock 
of battle, it cannot be denied that the responsibility is Prussia's, as she re- 
pulsed all idea of disarmament when we caused the proposal to he made, and 
hegan by giving the example. The conscience of Europe and history will 
say that Prussia sought this war by inflicting upon France — pre-occupied 
with the development of her political institutions — an outrage no nation 
could accept without incurring contempt." 

The emperor, finding his pacific endeavors unavailing, and perceiving 
France to be menaced by so tremendous a military power, then urged, as a 
painful but necessary measure of defence, tliat France should also arm. But 
all the opponents of the imperial government, — Legitimists, Orleanists, Re- 
publicans, and Communists, — ever ready to combine to thwart any measures 
of the government, presented such determined resistance, that this measure, 
upon which the life of France seemed to depend, could not be carried. Thus 
France was left at the mercy of her warlike foe. 

It is said that the empei-or was so far aware of the unpreparedness of 
France for war, that he was strongly opposed to the declaration of hostilities; 
but the rush of the nation was so impetuous, that he could not resist it. A 
very intelligent American gentleman then in Paris, who was a strong Repub- 
lican, wrote, — 

" In respect to this war, it seems hardly fair to hold Napoleon responsible 
for it ; since he said — so it is stated — that he was opposed to it at the out- 
set, but that the French people slipped away from him ; and that he was 
obliged to go with them, or lose hold of them entirely." 

In a brief speech which the emperor addressed to the Senate on the occa- 
sion, he said, " War is legitimate when it is made with the assent of the 
country and the approbation of its representatives. You are right in recall- 
ing the words of Montesquieu, '•The true author of a war is not he who 
declares., hut he who renders it necessary ' " 

In allusion to the origin of the war, "The Moscow Gazette" said, "A war 
with France was absolutely necessary for the unification of Geriiiany. Prus- 
sia had felt this fatal necessity hanging over her for more than three years, 
and at last had seized the opportunity when it was ripe. The war was pre- 
pared by the astute policy of Berlin, not only at home, but also in the enemy's 



THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 6S5 

camp; and when all was ready, and when France was quite incapable of 
entering on a great war, she was goaded into fighting, in such a manner that 
it seemed as if the provocation came from France herself." 

The unanimity of the French people in reference to the necessity of the 
war is manifest from the fact that the Corps Legislative, chosen by universal 
suffrage, sustained the war by a vote of two hundred and forty-six to ten. 
The Senate, composed of two hundred and fifty of the most illustrious men 
in France, supported the war, it is said, without a single dissentient vote. 
A hundred million dollars were in a few hours subscribed to the war-fund, 
and a hundred thousand volunteers joined the army almost in a day. 

The unanimity and enthusiasm on the part of Prussia were no less univer- 
sal. Her whole population eagerly responded to the call to arms. What a 
comment on the frailty of man ! Forty millions of Germans and forty mil- 
lions of Frenchmen were hurling themselves against each other in the most 
desperate and bloody conflict, each party feeling that its cause merited the 
approbation of Heaven ! Public sentiment throughout Christendom was, per- 
haps, equally divided. 

A very interesting article appeared in "The New-York Observer" from the 
pen of Hon. J. T. Headley, the eloquent author of " Napoleon and his 
Marshals," who probably is as familiar with the politics of Europe as any 
other American. In this article Mr, Headley says, — 

" That Bismarck anticipated, nay, desired, war, there can be but little 
doubt. His object was twofold, — first to consolidate Germany, second to 
secure a safe frontier against France. Most people may have forgotten that 
the question of placing a German prince on the throne of Spain was raised a 
year ago, and demanded an explanation. Bismarck ridiculed the whole thing 
as a fable. 

" From that moment, at least, he knew that an attempt to bring about such 
an event would result in war. Then why did he allow such a firebrand to be 
thrown into France ? He knew, from the conduct of the French minister a 
year before, that war would follow ; and, if he did not desire war, he could 
easily have prevented Prim's proposition from being offered or made public. 
Moreover, Prim had no authority or power to make it ; showing conclusively 
that the whole thing was concocted between him and Bismarck to bring 
about just what happened. 

'^ To make this still more apparent, note, that from the time, a year before, 
when the manner in which the rumored proposition was received foretold 
the result, he commenced putting Germany on a war-footing. Cars for the 
express purpose of transporting troops were built, and lay in trains along the 
various railroads of the State. More than this, the result proved, that, before 
the shell that had been prepared exploded, he had called out and concen- 
trated his troops so near the frontier, that while Bonaparte, by his sudden 
declaration of war, and advance to the Rhine, expected to be eight or ten 
days ahead of his adversary, he was more than that time behind him. 

" Such an accumulation of circumstantial evidence furnishes incontestable 
proof of a deep, well-laid plot on the part of Bismarck to provoke war." * 

* New- York Observer, Oct. 21, 1870. 



686 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

The armies of Prussia were found all to be thoroughly equipped, provis- 
ioned, and ready for the move. One week after the declaration of war, 
vast military bands, numbering several hundred thousands, were rendezvoused 
on the French or left side of the Rhine, between the almost impregnable 
fortresses of Coblentz and Mayence. The next day, July 23, this army, 
advancing from Saar-Louis, crossed the imaginary line which was the only 
boundary between the two nations, and unopposed, invading the French ter- 
ritory, marched rapidly towards St. Avoid, On the 26th, King William left 
Berlin for the seat of war. At the railroad station, to which he was accompa- 
nied by the queen, he was enthusiastically cheered by an immense multitude 
gathered there. 

Two days after this, on the 28th, the Emperor of France, taking with him 
his son, the prince imperial, then fourteen years of age, left St. Cloud for the 
seat of war. In a brief address to the Legislative Corps upon his departure, 
he said, — 

"We have done all in our power to avoid this war; and I can say that it 
is the entire nation which has, in its irresistible impulse, prompted our resolu- 
tion." 

He seemed mournfully conscious of the terrible struggle upon which 
France had entered. A })ensive strain pervaded all his utterances. Not a 
word of exultation escaped his lips. The thoughtless advocates of the war, 
who anticipated an easy victory, censured him severely for saying in his |iroc- 
lamation to the army, "The Avar which now commences will be long, and 
hardly contested ; for its theatre will be places hedged with obstacles, and 
thick with fortresses." 

On the 31st of July, there was skirmishing between the advanced posts of 
the two armies near St. Avoid. The French were repulsed. But, on the 2d of 
August, the French, receiving re-enforoements, drove the Prussians back across 
the frontier, and advanced upon Saarbruck. The conflict, though short, — 
lasting from eleven o'clock, a.m., to one o'clock, p.m., — was quite severe. The 
emperor and his son were both on the field, exposed to the fire. This con- 
flict at Saarbruck was rendered memorable by a telegram which the emperor 
sent to the empress, congratulating her upon the heroism displayed by their 
child : — 

"Louis has just received his baptism of fire. He behaved with admirable 
coolness. A division of General Frossard took the heights which overlook the 
left bank of Saarbruck. The Prussians made a short resistance. We were 
in the first line. The balls and bullets fell at our feet. Louis has kept a 
bullet which fell near him. Some of the soldiers wept on seeing him so 
calm." 

There were many who censured the emperor severely for taking his son 
into a scene of such danger, and ridiculed the despatch as absurd. Others 
took a different view of the matter. " The London Standard " said, — 

" The stern ordeal with which the prince imperial was confronted was a 
state necessity. The baptism of war is a sacrament which the French nation 
regard with peculiar devotion. When we are told that many soldiers we))t 
at seeing him so calm, we perceive that the incident may have its theatri- 



THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 687 

cal side to English eyes; but to Frenchmen it is an episode not easily for- 
gotten. And it may be, that, in after-years, the memory of the baptism of fire 
at Saarbruck will serve the prince better than all the traditions of his house." 

Thirty thousand French troops had advanced to Weissenbourg. More than 
fi hundred thousand Prussian troops came rushing upon them from the 
immense fortresses of Landau, Manheim, and Mayence. The battle was 
fought desperately, with awful carnage upon each side. The French were 
overpowered, routed, put to flight. The Crown Prince of Prussia led the 
German troops. Marshal MacMahon led the French. He was vigorously 
pursued in his retreat to Woerth, where, gathering around him thirty-five 
thousand men, he made another stand. The Prussians, a hundred and forty 
thousand strong, flushed with victory, rushed i]|pon him.* 

Another scene of awful slaughter ensued; and the French were again put 
to flight. The emperor was a few leagues distant, at Metz. And now the 
great tide of German invasion, of appalling magnitude, began to roll across 
the frontiers into France. The world was amazed to see so suddenly from five 
to eight hundred thousand men in perfect military array, and thoroughly 
equipped with all the material of war, on the rapid march, sweeping all op]io- 
sition before them. The vast fortresses on the Rhine aflTorded them a perfect 
base of operation. The well-informed saw at once that the cause of France 
was hopeless. 

In this desperate struggle the French fought with their characteristic reck- 
lessness and impetuosity. The correspondent of "The London Times" of 
Aug. 9, who was with the Prussian army, writes, — 

" The fighting of the French was grand. The Prussian generals say they 
never witnessed any thing more brilliant. But the Prussians were not to be 
denied. With tenacity as great, and a fierce resolution, they pressed on up 
the heights, where the vineyards dripped with blood, and, though checked 
again and again, still pressed on with a furious intrepidity which the enemy 
could not withstand in that long fight of six hours, during which the battle 
raged in full vehemence. It lasted, indeed, for thirteen hours." 
• Eleven times the French charged the Prussians, breaking through their 
lines only to find fresh troops behind. Nearly all of MacMahon's staff were 
killed. The marshal, after being fifteen hours in the saddle, was unhorsed, 
and thrown into a ditch. He entered Nancy covered with mud, his clothes 
torn with bullets, one of his epaulets having been shot away. His face and 
hands were so blackened with powder, that he could scarcely be recognized. 
Nothing can be conceived more horrible than the flight of thirty thousand 
men, pursued by four times their number hurling upon them shot and shell. 

In two bands the French retreated, — one towards Metz, the other towards 
Nancy. A gentleman in Berlin wrote, in reference to the enormous number 
of troops invading France, — 

" There are now in France over seven hundred thousand effective German 



* " It is positively ascertained at the ministry of war in Paris that Marshal MacMahon had 
only thirty-five thousand men at the battle of Woerth, and that the Prussians numbered a hun- 
dred and forty thousand." — Correspondence of the London Times, Aug. 6, 1870. 



688 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

fortnight they will be where they ai'e most needed. These new armies will 
raise the effective German force to something over a million. There are, 
besides, enough trained and experienced soldiers here to double that number 
if there should be even a suspicion of their necessity." 

There was now almost a constant battle raging incessantly by day and by 
night. Wherever the French made a brief stand, they were immediately 
assailed, and almost invariably routed, by the overwhelming foe. The vic- 
tories of the Prussians were uninterrupted, but very dearly bought. Not 
three weeks had passed since the conflict commenced ere it was announced 
that two hundred thousand Prussian soldiers had been lost in killed, 
wounded, or prisonei'S. The Prussians were advancing in resistless strides. 
Terrible was the alarm in Par^. The empress, who had been intrusted with 
the regency during the absence of the emperor at the front, issued the follow- 
ing proclamation : — 

"Frenchmen! the opening of the war has not been in our favor. Our 
arms have suffered a check. Let us be firm under this reverse, and let us 
hasten to repair it. Let there be among us but a single party, — that of 
France ; but a single flag, — the flag of our national honor. Faithful to my 
mission and my duty, you will see me first where danger threatens, to defend 
the flag of France. I call upon all good citizens to preserve order. To dis- 
turb it would be to conspire with our enemies. " Eugenie." 

IMarshal Bazaine, at Metz, was appointed commander-in-chief of the armies 
on the Rhine. He had in all but two hundred and thirty thousand men with 
whom to repel three times that number of German troops. Marshal 
MacMahon, with about thirty-five thousand troops, was driven into Nancy, 
thirty miles south of Metz. The Prussians occupied all the passes of the 
Vosges Mountains, laid siege to Strasburg, encompassed the fortress of 
Bitche, and, with an immense force of cavalry, approached Metz. At the 
same time an army of cavalry advanced on Luneville, a few leagues south- 
Avest from Nancy. MacMahon retreated as rapidly as possible towards Paris. 
The Prussians were within two hundred and twenty miles of the city. 

Marshal Bazaine, who had taken refuge in the renowned fortress of Metz, 
had with him a hundred and fifty thousand men whom he could bring into 
the field. Prince Charles, in command of the Prussian force, speedily sur- 
rounded him with two hundred and thirty thousand troops, rapidly throwing 
up intrenchments over every avenue of escape. Day after day the horrid 
clangor of battle deafened the ear, drenching the soil with blood, and cover- 
ing it with gory corpses and smouldering ruins. The slain were counted by 
tens of thousands. The hospitals were crowded with the mutilated victims 
of this horrid strife. 

An intelligent gentleman in Berlin wrote in " The London Globe " of Aug. 
15, "A very reliable informant states, that, within one week, Germany will 
have an effective army of a million two hmidred thousand men. I should 
feel great caution in giving currency to these figures were it not that I am 
certain that my informant is in a position to know." 



THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 689 

Great military sagacity as well as bravery marked all the movements of 
the Prussians. They occupied all the passes of the Vosges, while they 
cleared the country behind them of all military obstructions. Their numbers 
were so immense, that, while a victorious army marched directly upon Paris, 
they had all the forces they needed to conduct the sieges of Metz, Strnsburg, 
Bitche, and sundry other fortresses which they encountered on their way. 

" The dismay and distress occasioned in the homes of the peasantry and in 
the villages, as these apparently countless thou'sands of Prussians swept tri- 
umphantly along, cannot be imagined. Vast numbers — men, womcMi, and 
children — fled from their homes, abandoning every thing, and in utter desti- 
tution sought refuge in the wailed towns. God alone can comprelicnd tlie 
amount of misery inflicted. As on the field of battle the missiles of war 
strewed the ground with the mangled bodies of the slain, far away, amid the 
vineyards of Germany and the thatched cottages of France, the woe was 
re>luplicated as wives and mothers and loving maidens sui'rendered thttn- 
selves to a lifelong woe." * 

Prince Frederic William, heir to the crown of Prussia, a humane man, 
said to a French officer, who was his captive, — 

" I do not like war. If I ever reign, I will never make it. I went yesterday 
over the field of battle. It is frightful to look at. If it only depended on me, 
this war would be terminated on the spot. It is indeed a terrible war. I shall 
never offer battle to your soldiers without being superior in numbers : without 
that, I should prefer to withdraw." t 

General Trochu was appointed by the emperor governor of Paris. Stras- 
burg contained eighty-four thousand inhabitants. A terrible bombardment 
was soon opened upon them from the immense siege-guns which the Prussians 
brought from their fortresses on the Rhine. MacMahon retreated to Chalons, 
fifty miles west of Metz. Bazaine was hopelessly shut up in Metz, with his 
provisions and ammunition rapidly disappearing. The crown prince, at the 
head of a hundred and fifty thousand of as perfectly drilled troops as earth 
has ever seen, was on the almost unobstructed march to Paris. Many cities 
and villages were reduced to ashes. Triumphant bands of Prussian cavalry 
were scouring the country in all directions, emptying the granaries and barn- 
yards of the peasants, and imposing enormous contributions on the towns 
that were captured. Terror, desolation, and misery were everywhere. 

The emperor was at Chalons, endeavoring to form a new army. There was 
no longer any force in the field capable of arresting the march of the Prussians. 
The military power of France was crushed. Such a sudden collapse of a 
power so formidable was perhaps never before witnessed in the history of the 
world. In one short fortnight, France had been stricken down ; and tliis 
was done by a nation which but one century before numbered but five million 
inhabitants. 

The object of Prussia in this war, as expressed by Count Bismarck and 
by all the leading Prussian journals, after having entered upon it, was so to 

* Abbott's Prussia and Franco-Prussian War. 
t London Daily News, Aug. 15, 1870. 



690 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

weaken France, by wresting from her additional territoiy, that she would never 
venture upon an attempt to recover her lost Rhine provinces. The little band 
under Marshal MacMahon at Chalons soon broke up its camp, and retired 
towards the north, — to the more rugged country around Rheims. 

On Sunday, Aug. 25, the Prissian scouts had reached Mieux, within 
twenty-five miles of Paris. On Tuesday, the 30th of August, an army of 
Prussians under the crown prince attacked MacMahon's corps a short distance 
north of Rheims. After enormous slaughter on each side, the French were 
driven in utter route towards Sedan. The emperor was with Marshal 
MacMahon. Thus far the prince imperial, notwithstanding his youth, had 
accompanied his father, sharing all the fatigues and perils of the campaign. 
The marshal, foreseeing that he would be surrounded by resistless numbers, 
enti-eated the emperor to withdraw with his son ; but Napoleon resolved to 
remain, and share the fate of the army. The prince imperial he sent to 
Mezieres, and thence into Belgium. 

MacMahon had gathered from various points between eighty and a hun- 
dred thousand men. On the morning of the 1st of September, he found 
himself cut off from all possibility of retreat. His troops were crowded into 
a narrow space. An army of two hundred and thirty thousand enclosed them, 
and, at five o'clock in the morning, opened upon them a terrific fire from five 
hundred pieces of artillery. It was an awful day of tumult, carnage, and 
misery, without a hope to cheer the beleaguered troops. In the first hour of 
the battle, Marshal MacMahon was struck by the fragment of a shell, and was 
so severely wounded as to be utterly disabled. General Wimpffen assumed 
the command. 

A correspondent of a London journal, who witnessed the conflict, wrote, — 

"All describe the conduct of the emperor as that of one who either cai-ed 
not for death, or actually threw himself in its way. In the midst of the scene 
of confusion which ensued upon the eruption of the panic-stricken French 
into Sedan, the emperor, riding slowly through a wide street swept by the 
German artillery, and choked by the disorderly soldiery, paused a moment to 
address a question to a colonel of his staff. 

"At the same instant a shell exploded a few feet in front of Napoleon, leav- 
ing him unharmed; though it was evident to all around that he had escaped 
by a miracle. The emperor continued on his way without manifesting the 
slightest emotion, greeted by the enthusiastic vivats of the troops. Later, 
while sitting at a window inditing his celebrated letter to the King of Prussia, 
a shell struck the wall just outside, and burst only a few feet from the 
emperor's chair, again leaving him unscathed and unmoved." 

At three o'clock in the afternoon. General Wimpffen sent an ofiicer to the 
emperor, urging him to escape by taking a column of troops, and, surrounded 
by them, to cut his way through the enemy. Napoleon refused to save him- 
self by the sacrifice of so many men as this measure would necessarily involve. 
After twelve hours of conflict, it was manifest to all that further resistance 
was in vain. The King of Prussia was with his troops at Sedan. The emperor 
ordered the white flag to be raised upon the citadel, and addressed the follow- 
ing note to his Prussian Majesty: — 



THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR. 691 

" Sire, my Brother, — Not having been able to die in the midst of my 
troops, it only remains for me to place my sword in the hands of your Majesty 
"I am of your Majesty the good brother, 

" Napoleon." 

To this the Prussian king immediately replied with the courtesy becoming 
the man and the occasion : — 

" Sire, my Brother, — Kegretting the circumstances under which we meet, 
I accejit the sword of your Majesty ; and I pray you to name one of your 
officers, provided with full powers to treat for the capitulation of your army, 
which has so bravely fought under your command. On my side, I have named 
General Moltke for this purpose. 

" I am of your Majesty the good brother, 

" William." 

General Wimpffen immediately repaired to the Prussian headquarters, where 
he met General Moltke. The French general was in agony of suffering at the 
thought of surrendering his emperor and an army of nearly a himdred thou- 
sand men to the victorious foe. But the calamity in which he found himself 
involved was irretrievable. General Moltke said to him, in a statement whose 
truthfulness could not be denied, — 

" Your army does not number more than eighty thousand men. We have 
two hundred and thirty thousand, who completely surround you. Our ar- 
tillery is everywhere in position, and can destroy the place in two hoars. You 
have provisions for only one day, and scarcely any more ammunition. The 
prolongation of your defence would be only a useless massacre." * 

It was manifest that the army must accept the hard terras exacted by the con- 
queror, which were virtually an unconditional surrender. General Wimpffen 
returned sadly to Sedan. A council of general officers was called, at which 
thirty-two were present. It was decided that a prolongation of the con- 
flict would only lead to the slaughter of the whole French army, and that 
capitulation was a dire necessity. There were but two dissentient voices. 
The terms of sui'render were signed, and the emperor became a captive in the 
hands of the Prussians. 

Our distinguished countryman. Dr. J. Marion Sims, was present at the battle 
of Sedan as surgeon-in-chief of the American ambulance-corps. He Avrites 
as follows respecting the scenes of which he was an eye-witness : — 

"It was impossible for the French to do otherwise than surrender. The 
emperor was not to be blamed. It was simply an act of humanity to have 
surrendered. The newspaper reports of the cruelty of the Prussians are not 
in the least exaggerated. The particulars are not fit for j^ublication. Some 
eighty thousand French mai'ched from Sedan before the Prussian lines to 
the little peninsula formed by the river, where they were halted after the 
capitulation. It was the saddest day in my life when I followed the poor 
French prisoners; and, if I live a hundred years, I could never forget what I 

* Campngne de 1870. Des causes qui ont amend la capitulation de Se'dan. Par un officier 
attache' a I'e'tat major-ge'ne'ral. 



692 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

saw them endure. They were several days there on that piece of land, dying 
of sickness and starvation. 

" The Bavarians utterly destroyed Bazeilles, a town of three thousand in- 
habitants. They say they were fired upon from the windows of the houses. 
In their rage they fastened the doors, and set fire to each house, burning a 
great number of women and children. The smell of charred human flesh for 
several days afterwards was sickening. The Bavarians also shot a priest there, 
and some nuns and school-girls, besides a number of citizens. 

"I think the emperor never looked better than on the day of his surrender. 
It is a great mistake to suppose that he is a decrepit old man. His intellect 
was never more vigorous; and his physical health is perfect, with the excep- 
tion of some mere infirmities. He is occasionally subject to sciatica, but 
to no disease that threatens life. 

" It is said that the prince imperial is a scrofulous boy. That is another 
great mistake. He is strong and rosy, in perfect health, and very intelligent, — 
a splendid boy, take him all in all. When he was ill a few years ago, and re- 
ported scrofulous, he simply had an abscess, the result of pressure in taking 
horse-riding lessons, — nothing connected in the least with the bones or jo' its. 

" They say the emperor has millions : I sincerely hope thai; it may be so ; but 
I have it on the highest authority that he is poor. The empress has property ; 
and the prince imperial has pi'operty, left him two years ago by an Italian lady 
who died in Paris : but the emperor is not a rich man." * 

* Testimony of Dr. Sims in the New- York Times of Nov. 4, 1870, 




CHAPTER XLII. 

THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE, AND DEATH OF THE EMPEROR. 

Letter from the King of Prussia. — The Castle of Wilhelmshohe. — Scenes in Paris. — Tri- 
umph of the Mob. — Escape of the Empress. — Sacking the Tuileries. — Combination of 
Parties against the Empire. — New Governments organized in Different Cities. — The Com- 
promise of the Empire. — Remark of Hon. W. H. Seward. — Testimony of Hon. John A. 
Dix. — Powerlessness of France. — Views of the King of Prussia and of Count Bismarck. — 
Testimony of " The London Sunday Times." — Remarks of the Captive Emperor. — State- 
ment in " The New- York Herald." — Retirement to Chiselhurst. — Death and Burial. 

HE King of Prussia immediately wrote the following letter to 
Queen Augusta, narrating to her the wonderful scenes wlilch 
had transpired. The letter confers honor ujDon the Prussian 
monarch and his imperial captive: — 

"You already know through ray three telegrams the extent 
of the great historical event which has just happened. It is like 
a dream, though one has seen it unroll itself hour after hour. On the morning 
of the 2d I drove to the battle-field, and met Moltke, who was coming to obtain 
my consent to the capitulation. He told me that the emperor had left Sedan 
at five o'clock, and had come to Douchery. As he wished to speak to me, 
and there was a chateau in the neighborhood, I chose this for our meeting. 
At one o'clock I started with Fritz, escorted by the cavalry staff. I alighted 
before the chateau, whei-e the emperor came to meet me. We were both 
much moved at meeting under such circumstances. What my feelings were, 
considering I had seen Napoleon only three years before at the summit of his 
power, is more than 1 can describe." 

It is the testimony of those who were present at this interesting and mel- 
ancholy interview, that the King of Prussia treated his illustrious prisoner 
with all the consideration which his terrible reverses would excite in any 
noble mind. The Emperor of France, though saddened by the overwhelming 
misfortunes which had overtaken him, preserved an attitude of the utmost 
dignity. The interview was brief There were but few words to be inter- 
changed. Napoleon III. was a prisoner of war; and the place of his captivity 
was to be assigned to him. The King of Prussia did not degrade himself by 
throwing his helpless captive into a dungeon. 

Near the city of Cassel, upon a commanding eminence, there is one of the 
finest mansions in Europe, called the Castle of Wilhelmshohe. It is said to 



694 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

have cost about ten millions of dollars, and was built by the money which 
England paid for the Hessian troops which she hired to fight her North- 
American colonies. 

A grand avenue leads to the palace through the magnificent park which 
surrounds Lt. The spacious castle, rising in architectural grandeur from the 
summit of the hill, is built of white sandstone resembling marble. The 
garden, spreading out fi'om the foot of the tower, is renowned throughout 
Europe for its picturesque beauty. 

To this splendid abode the illustrious captive was conducted. Many of his 
friends accompanied him ; all his wants were supplied; and he was surrounded 
by a guard of honor. Thus the chains which held the prisoner of Avar, 
though strong, were invisible. 

The tidings of this terrible calamity soon reached Paris. The agitation 
which ran along the streets, pervading the bosoms of its excitable population, 
surpassed all bonnds. There was in the city, among the lower and more des- 
perate classes of the people, a formidable number of what were called Red 
Republicans. The only weapons they could wield were those of terror; and 
those they wielded with appalling power. The energies of the empire, ever 
consecrated to securing repose to tumultuous France, held them in check. 
These desperate and unthinking masses deemed the present a favorable 
moment for the overthrow of the government, that they might grasp the 
reins of power. An American gentleman then in Paris wrote, under date of 
the 4th of September, — 

" Paris is in a state of riotous excitenaent. Crowds are tearing down the 
imperial arms, and destroying the golden eagles of the empire. Fears are 
entertained that the city will soon be at the mercy of mobs." 

Immense bands of men rushed half intoxicated through the streets, shout- 
ing, "Down with the Empire!" "Live the Republic!" Both the Legitimists 
and the Orleanists were more or less in sympathy with these Red-Republican 
bands. They knew full well that the overthrow of the government, by 
taking advantage of these awful reverses, and thus co-operating, as it were, 
with the Prussians, would introduce a period of anarchy. Yet each party 
hoped from that anarchy to spring into power. The government needed the 
adliesion and support of every patriotic Frenchman. That alone could 
rescue France from the appalling perils which surrounded it. There was no 
material power iii Paris to maintain order. The army and its able and 
devoted generals were absent, either in captivity to the Prussians, or fleeing 
helplessly before them. 

Every hour the tumultuous throng became more menacing; and the officers 
of police were compelled to have recourse to fire-arms to disperse it. But, 
wlien the populace was scattered from one quarter, they soon appeared in 
another. The Legislative Corps, corresponding with the American House of 
Rei)resentatives, and chosen by universal suffrage, was holding an anxious 
and agitated session. The gi'eat majority of the members were fiiends of 
the empire; and in these perilous hours they found themselves without any 
adequate support. General Trochu, a firm friend of the government, who was 
in command of the few soldiers left in Paris, recoiled from the horror of 



THE OVERTHKOW OF THE EMPIRE. 695 

sweeping the thronged streets with grape-shot when the ignorant masses 
were rushing to and fro in almost a delirium of alarm. 

The population of Paris was over a million and a half. The spacious 
Place de la Concorde, in the very heart of the city, presented an impenetra- 
ble mass of almost frantic men. It was soon manifest that the mob had con- 
trol of the city ; and the shouts of " Down with the Empire " showed too 
plainly in what direction its sympathies were flowing. The friends of the 
government found it necessary to conceal their feelings, and the more promi- 
nent of them to hide themselves. The police were soon overpowered, and 
their arms wrested from them and thrown into the river. 

At one o'clock in the afternoon, more than a huudi-ed thousand men, and 
brawling women more ferocious than the men, surrounded the building of 
the Legislative Corps. All its avenues were crowded with the converging 
throng, and the air was rent with their frantic shouts. They were armed with 
muskets, revolvers, swords, and such other weapons as they could lay their 
hands upon. Terror had commenced its horrible reign ; and the friends of 
order, unable in those awful hours to combine their forces, were compelled to 
seek safety in flight. 

The mob burst open the doors of the legislative hall ; and the blouses of 
the lowest orders of workmen and laborers filled the whole room, thronging 
the aisles, swarming over the platform and around the presidential chair, and 
crowding the deputies from their seats. There are few things on earth more 
appalling than the rush and roar of a Parisian mob, — men, women, and 
boys, in a state of maniacal fury, ready for the perpetration of any conceiva- 
ble outrage. The friends of order escaped as they could. The president, 
surrounded by the infuriate mass, turned pale, artd trembled in his chair. 
Feebly he attempted to call to order; but his voice was lost in the general 
uproar. Several of the radical speakers, the known advocates of that 
extreme democracy called Red Republicanism, hoped that the mob would 
listen to them. But their attempts were in vain : they were speedily hooted 
down. 

M. Thiers, the unrelenting foe of the empire, whose eloquent and powerful 
opposition to all its measures had contributed not a little to this state of 
affairs, was strongly opposed to Republicanism. He had hoped to re-intro- 
duce the Orleans regime, to the overthrow of which dynasty he had formerly 
contributed. Jules Favre was an intense Republican, and was opposed alike to 
king and emperor. A correspondent of " The Boston Journal," then in Paris, 
wrote under date of Sept. 5, 1870, — 

"What the minister of war would have said, what M. Thiers, or even Jules 
Favre, would have said, remains to be imagined ; for the people would not hear, 
but yelled '■'■ Decheance'''' so savagely, that nothing else was heard. The 
crowd kissed the jubilant leaders of the left, and hurrahed until the hall rang. 
The president, putting on his cap to announce that such proceedings could not 
be tolerated, received such a blow on the head from a club, that he fell covered 
with blood, and was led away moaning, while other infuriated workmen were 
striving to hit him again. Enthusiastic blouses at once set off up the boule- 
vards, bearing huge placards announcing that the republic Avas proclaimed 



696 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

by a hundred and eighty-five votes against a hundred and thirteen. But there 
really was no voting at all." 

The empire was established by the almost unanimous vote of the French 
people ; the vote being taken in all the departments of France, in Algiers, in the 
army, and in the navy. As has been mentioned, 7,864,180 votes were cast in 
its favor. It is generally estimated, that, where all the males over twenty-one 
years vote, there is one voter to about five of the population. This vote in 
favor of the establishment of the empire would consequently represent a 
population of 39,320,900. Such unanimity as this was probably never 
before manifested in the establishment of a government; and yet the mob 
in Paris, taking advantage of the invasion of France by more than a million 
German soldiers, overthrew this government in an hour, and established 
what was called the republic. 

" In these hours of tumult and terror, the deputies being all dispersed by 
the vast riot, the Empress Eugenie was at the Tuileries. All were bewil- 
dered by the sudden outbreak of lawlessness and violence. "Worn down with 
care and sorrow, she listened appalled to the clamor which was surging 
through all the streets. Tidings came that the mob was advancing to sack 
the Tuileries. Her woman's heart shrank from ordering the body-guai-d to 
shoot them down. The conflict between the small body-guard and the mob 
would be bloody, and almost certainly unavailing. The only safety for the 
empress was in immediate flight, with as few attendants as possible, that she 
might avoid observation. 

" The empress had but just retired through a private door when the mob 
came surging through the gravelled alleys of the garden, burst open the doors 
of the palace, and rioted unrestrained through all its apartments. The flag of 
the French empire was hauled down, and insulting sentences were scribbled 
upon the statues and the walls. Hundreds of degraded women, foul and drunk- 
en, ransacked the apartments of Eugenie, — that empress who for twenty years 
had proved that the children of sorrow could never appeal to her in vain. 

" They broke into the private cabinet of the emperor, and the Babel confu- 
sion of their songs and shouts resounded far and wide through the streets."* 

The Democratic party was composed of men of a very wide variety, and 
even diversity, of political creed. There were Socialists and Communists, and 
Red Republicans and Moderate Republicans. These were all ready to com- 
bine for the overthrow of the empire; and then they were ready to fight 
among themselves for the attainment of power. The Orleanists also, and the 
Legitimists, not unwillingly co-operated with the Democrats for the over- 
throw of the government. Thus M. Thiers the Monarchist, and M. Rochefort 
the Communist, could fight side by side against what they deemed a common 
foe. 

While the deputies were fleeing for their lives, and a mob held possession 
of the city, M. Gambetta, one of the most prominent of the Democratic 
leaders, and a few other men who were in sympathy with him, met in one of 
the apartments of the Hotel de Ville to organize, on their own responsibility, 

* Prussia and the Franco-Prussian War, p. 250. 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE. 697 

a new government foi' the forty millions of the people of France. M. Gam- 
betta, taking but two men to support him, repaired to the office of the minis- 
ter of the interior, and demanded the books. The imperial officers, aware 
that Gambetta had but to utter the word, and the whole mob of the city 
would come rushing to his aid, deemed resistance unavailing, and withdrew, 
leaving him in full possession of the office. 

The scenes of confusion which ensued cannot be distinctly described. 
Changes like the transformations of the kaleidoscope were occurring every 
hour. Out^ide of the walls of Paris there was a population of thirty-eight 
millions. The ecclesiastics were, almost to a man, in favor of the empire. 
The peasantry, loving any government which would give them order and 
security, were Imperialists. The prevailing sentiment in the army was 
strongly in favor of the empire. And yet the embarrassment into which all 
France was plunged by the Germanic invasion, the captivity of the emperor, 
and the dispersion of the Legislative Corps by the mob, enabled a few men 
in Paris, supported by that mob, to grasp the reins of power. 

The Democratic spirit was found mainly in the cities ; and the Democratic 
leaders in Lyons and Marseilles, and other large places, were not disposed to 
allow their brethren in Paris alone to become the undisputed rulers of 
France. At various important points, consequently, committees were organ- 
ized, who assumed that France had become a republic, and that they consti- 
tuted its government. Thus simultaneously five distinct governments arose, 
each claiming to be the controlling power of the French Republic. 

First there was the self-constituted Committee of National Defence, 
which held its session in one of the apartments of the Hotel de Ville in 
Paris. In the city of Tours there was another small body, who proclaimed 
themselves the government of the French Republic. At Marseilles there 
was organized a very energetic Committee of Public Safety, under the 
intrepid dictator Alphonse Esquiros. Lyons also, and Grenoble, each affiarded 
its committee, demanding to be recognized as the government of France. 
Thus France, in losing one government, had gained five. 

Theie was no disguise about the empire. It was an openly avowed 
attempt at compromise. It assumed that France needed, first of all, and at 
whatever sacrifice, a strong government, which would preserve order, and 
pi-otect the nation from mob violence and sanguinary revolutions. It re- 
nounced all aristocratic privilege, and inscribed upon its banner " Universal 
Suffrage, and Equal Rights for all Men." Monarchical forms were established, 
while those forms were carefully surrounded by republican institutions. The 
Honorable William H. Seward visited France when under the government of 
the so-called empire. Some years after, he was again in France, when, the 
em])ire being overthrown, it had a government professedly republican, with 
M. Thiers as its supreme executive. With a veiy correct appreciation of the 
posture of affairs, he wrote, — 

" Some years ago I was in France, under a republic which they called an 
empire: now I am here under an empire which they call a republic." 

General John A. Dix, who was for several years the American ambassador to 



698 LIFE OF NAPOLEON" IIi: 

the French Empire under Napoleon III., in his parting speech to the Ameri- 
can residents in Paris said, — 

"It speaks strongly in fovor of the illustrious sovereign who for the last 
twenty years has held the destinies of France in his hands, that the condition 
of the people, materially and intellectually, has been constantly improving ; 
and that the aggregate prosperity of the country is greater, perhaps, at the 
present moment, than at any former period. 

"As you know, debates in the Corps Legislative on questions of public 
policy are unrestricted. They are reported with great accuracy, and 
promptly publislied in the official journal and other newspaper presses. 
Thus the people of France are constantly advised of all that is said for and 
against the administrative measures which concern their interests. In liberal 
views, in that comprehensive forecast which shapes the policy of the present 
to meet the exigencies of the future, the emperor seems to me decidedly in 
advance of his ministers, and even of the popular body chosen by universal 
suffi-age to aid him in his legislative labors." 

The armies of Prussia were triumphant, and France was helpless at the feet 
of her conqueror. She could here and there make slight resistance ; but it 
was manifest to all that France was helplessly prostrate. There was, how- 
ever, no government that even France recognized with which Prussia could 
confer upon terms of peace. Count Bismarck refused the slightest recogni- 
tion of any of those committees who assumed to be the government of the 
French Republic. Scornfully he called them all "the gutter democracy." 

M. Thiers was in anguish in view of the terrible ruin which was overwhelm- 
ing his country. He was anxious to arrest the march of the Prussian armies 
upon almost any terms. And yet there was not one of these ephemeral gov- 
ernments whose authority he was willing to recognize, or with whom he was 
willing to act. As these committees were self-constituted, laying no claim to 
the principle of legitimacy, and also unsustained by popular suiFrage, there 
was not a government in Continental Europe which would recognize any one 
of them. 

Tlie energies of the armies of France were utterly paralyzed by the anni- 
hilation of the government following its amazing reverses. The marshals 
and generals, and nearly all the officers, were Imperialists. Marshal Bazaine, 
beleaguered at Metz, refused any recognition of the authority of the Com- 
mittee of Paris. The leaders of the Democratic party generally were unbe- 
lievers in, the Christian religion. They were even more hostile to the altar 
than to the throne. The pi'iesthood had in France, as in all Papal countries, 
almost boundless sway over the minds of the peasantry. Remembering the 
terrors of the revolution of 1789, they feared the uprising of the old Jaco- 
binical spirit, and dreaded the infidel Democrats more than they did the 
invading Piussians. 

Wlien Garibaldi, who had rendered himself obnoxious to the Catholics by 
his utter rejection of Christianity, was intrusted with an important command, 
many of the soldiers refused to serve under him ; and the peasants, influenced 
by the priests, could not be induced to enlist under any such banner. 

Thus France was apparently doomed to ttestruction. There was no ac- 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE. 699 

knowledged government, no harmony of counsel, no unity of action. Her 
armies Avere dispersed ; her provinces were phindered; many of her cities were 
in flames; and the empire was widely overrun by the most terrible invasion. 
But few words reached French ears from England or America but those of 
contumely and scorn. Thus France seemed destined to drain the cup of 
misery to its dregs. Even Bismarck himself was appalled by the magnitude 
of the calamity with which France was overwhelmed. 

It had not been his intention to destroy the empire ; and he had supposed, 
that, should the imperial government by any chance be overthrown, it would 
be succeeded by the Orleans or the Bourbon dynasty. Either of these he 
would have prefen-ed to the empire, because the empire was imbued with the 
principles of republicanism ; and a republic was the object of his unmiti- 
gated aversion. But now he saw, that, instead of the monarchists, the ultra 
democrats were leaping upon the vacant throne, and seizing the sceptre of 
power. 

The Hon. J. T. Headley, alluding to the views of Bismarck at this time, 
writes, "A republic stares him in the face. He knows, from the effect of the 
last French republic on Germany, that another one established to-day will 
threaten the stability of his government more than Strasburg or Metz ever 
did or can ; that a republic surging up to the borders of Germany is a more 
fearful menace than a hundred thousand French troops stationed along the 
Rhine. This very fact may furnish the key to his conduct in insisting on the 
overthrow of Paris. He knows that Paris is not Fratice ; and, though 
the city may vote for a republic, the entire country has just cast an over- 
whelming vote in favor of an empire. 

"Therefore, could he once occupy the capital, so that, on the one hand, it 
could not overawe the provinces, and, on the other, give free scope to the mon- 
archists to electioneer among the people, a similar result would follow, and 
thus France become an empire. With this he could accomplish a double 
object, — secure Europe from the dreaded effect of a vast republic rising in its 
midst, and obtain also such a frontier as he desires. Such a plan would be 
Avorthy of this prince of diplomatists." 

The misfortunes of the empire animated its foes to new assaults upon the 
emperor. Political virulence seemed to destroy every sentiment of magna- 
nimity and honor. Perhaps never before in the history of the world were 
slanders so unscrupulous, malignant, and baseless heaped upon any man, if 
we except the contumely with which the coalesced despotisms of Europe 
assailed the memory of Napoleon I. after they had crushed their victim. 
Even the noble mother o/ Napoleon HI., Queen Hortense, whose life had 
been one of the saddest of earthly tragedies, was assailed in the vilest terms ; 
his grandmother, Josephine, was also exposed to the same vulgar abuse ; and 
the Empress Eugenie, as pure and lovely in character as any one who ever 
passed through the splendors of regal life, was held up to the scorn of the 
world as one whose very touch was pollution. 

It was one of the maxims of ancient Rome, that fraud and nioknce were 
alike legitimate in wai-. Acting upon this principle, and fearful that the 
same popular suffrage which had established the empire miglit again rally to 



700 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

its support, resort was had to all the poisoned weapons of calumny to pre- 
vent that result. Political documents were fabricated which it was pre- 
tended came from the pen of the emperor. Even private correspondence 
was forged, under pretence that the letters had been found in the cabinet of 
the Tuileries, which the mob had ransacked. The imperial palace, where the 
purest and the noblest of the gentlemen and ladies of England and America 
had ever found a hospitable welcome, and where even an indecorum was 
never witnessed, was represented as a warehouse of infamy, whose orgies of 
pollution surpassed those of Sodom and Gomorrah. 

A writer in "The London Sunday Times" of Aug. 14, 1870, in allusion to 
these atrocious accusations, says, "I feel constrained to lift up my voice in 
humble but earnest protest against the splenetic, malevolent, and contemptu- 
ous tone adopted by too many of your contemporaries in their allusions to 
the present monarch of the great French nation. The culmination of adver- 
sity should at least impose some restraint upon scorn and resentment, even 
though it fail to awaken compassion and sympathy. The Emperor of the 
French may have been at fault in permitting his ministers to hurry him into a 
causeless and awful war. It is not of legitimate comment and criticism that 
I now venture to complain. I protest against violent, scornful, unjust, and 
vulgar abuse ; I protest against irritating sneers and vindictive insolence, 
against lying vituperation and swaggering impertinence. Let it not be said 
that I exaggerate." 

After quoting from « The Daily News," " The Pall-Mail Gazette," and " The 
London Times," extracts which abundantly sustained his statements, he 
adds, — 

"Now, of whom is all this written? Of a man, who, during the whole 
period of his ascendency, has been the self-sacrificing friend and faithful ally 
of this country. For years after he assumed the chief direction of affairs in 
France, he was treated every day and every week by nearly the whole 
English press with foul and scornful reprobation. Yet, under provocations 
which would have goaded almost anybody else to madness, he sustained those 
onslaughts with marvellous patience. He never once resented them. In 
great enterprises he has co-operated with us, maintaining a candor, a courtesy, 
a consideration, and delicacy of respect, which all who have had directly to 
deal with him have had occasion gratefully to acknowledge. We owe vast 
expansions of our trade to his sagacity in framing and instituting the com- 
mercial treaty. Say what we will, nnder his auspices the material interests 
of France have undergone a marvellous development. Have we any reasons 
for hunting down a monarch who has established t^he most venerable claims 
on our respect and gratitude ? " 

On the 18th of October, 1870, a gentleman from England, a former 
friend of the emperor, had an interview with him at Wilheluishohe, the 
castle of his imprisonment. He found Napoleon in a small room very 
much resembling his private cabinet at the Tuileries. He was seated at a 
desk covered with books and documents. The visitor gave quite a minute 
account of the interview in "The London Telegrajsh" of 1870. He 
writes, — 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE. 701 

"I reminded him, that, when I last saw him, he had spoken to me of the 
Ilohenzollern incident, which he had regarded as finished. 

" 'Yes,' the emperor replied. '"Man proposes, but God disposes." I had 
no wish to make war; but fatality willed that it should be so. Public opin- 
ion was roused in its favor, and I was obliged to acquiesce in the popular 
wish.' 

" The emperor confidently rehes upon the verdict of history to exonerate 
him from all the charges heaped upon his head. He alluded without bitter- 
ness to the numberless calumnies of which he is the object in many parts of 
France. He spoke in despondent terms of the present distracted condition 
of France, — a prey to a foreign foe without, and anarchy within. 

"When I ventured to ask him if the time would not soon come when he 
would be authorized to make some movement by his own initiative to retrieve 
his fortunes, he at once replied, 'The sole aim of France must now be to 
drive out the invader of her soil; and I would never by word or deed throw 
any obstacles in the way of accomplishing that task.'" 

At Wilhelmshohe, Napoleon was not allowed to feel that any restraint was 
imposed upon his movements. He had free intercourse with the numerous 
friends who accompanied him, and traversed at will the spacious apartments 
of the palace and the grounds which surrounded it. Neither the King of 
Prussia nor Bismarck cherished any personal antagonism to Napoleon : they 
regarded him with decidedly friendly feelings. The war had been waged, 
not against him, but that Prussia might obtain the entire control of both 
banks of the Rhine. It is true that they both were hostile to the principles 
of popular liberty which Napoleon was introducing into the government of 
France. But it was now greatly to be feai-ed that the overthrow of his gov- 
ernment would introduce the reign of anarchy; and anarchy in France was to 
be dreaded by all Europe. The victors, therefore, treated their captive with 
the utmost consideration, and would gladly have seen him re-instated upon the 
throne. 

On the 9th of November, 1870, a correspondent of "The New-York 
Herald " was favored with an interview with the emperor. He gives the fol- 
lowing very interesting account of the conversation which took place. 
Though some journals have questioned the authenticity of the narrative, it 
has generally been received as true. Certainly the sentiments expressed are 
in entire accord with every report from the prisoner at Wilhelmshohe. 

In the course of a long and very frank conversation, the emperor said, — 

"All must admit that the press is a powerful institution. In France it has 
worked much good, and also much injury. When I consented to its being 
freed entirely from censorship, it was seized by demagogues and unscrupulous 
pohticians, who openly preached disobedience to the laws ; and they were 
but too successful in perverting the minds of the people. The same intel- 
ligence does not prevail in France that is found in the United States. The 
seditious arguments advanced by the press, when in the hands of pretended 
reformers, easily influences the untutored minds of the people. 

" I suppose that Americans would naturally sympathize with republican 
institutions. But all the conditions requisite to a truly republican form of 



702 LIFE OF NAPOLEON- IIL 

government are absolutely wanting in France. Those who boldly grasp the 
reins of power have already discovered their utter inability to establish such 
a government. Tliat for which they blame me most they have been com- 
pelled to do themselves, and in a form still more obnoxious. The restraint 
imposed upon the press, for instance, was the constant theme of the most 
violent attacks upon my government. But while I made but moderate use of 
this law ; while fines and punishments were rare, and were preceded by mild 
systems of avertissements., — they have suppressed a number of journals 
because they did not chime in with their fantastic ideas of republican sympa- 
thies. 

'' The republic of America and the republic of France are as different as 
white is from black. Your country submits to law : public sentiment and pub- 
lic spirit, based upon general intelligence and morality, dictate the control of 
society. In New York and Boston, the theatres are allowed to perform such 
plays as they deem fit. Suppose they should treat the public to impure and 
ofl:ensive pieces. The press would denounce them. Nobody would go to see 
them. They would be condemned by the verdict of the public. But, in 
France, the greater the departure from morality and decorum, the greater will 
be the crowd flocking to delight in it. It is no easy work to curb such a 
depraved and extravagant spirit in a country so often shaken by revolution. 
It requires the utmost energy to build up any thing, — any form of state gov- 
ernment. 

" I know the American people to be a frank-hearted, generous nation ; and I 
cannot believe that they approve of the slanderous accusations now preferred 
against me. Have you read the vile statement published in the ' Independ- 
ance Beige' and other journals, that I had appropriated the public funds, 
and conjured up war to conceal such an illegal transaction? I wish to state 
emphatically, that such a breach of trust under my government in France is 
an utter impossibility. Not a single franc is expended without severe checks 
on the part of the administration. This fact is well known to every intelli- 
gent person in France. I could hai'dly attempt to contradict all these vile 
calumnies, though I have denied a few of them." 

The question was asked, " Will your Majesty have the goodness to explain 
why the Provisional Government so obstinately refuses to hold an election for 
representatives in the Constituent Assembly ? " 

"In my opinion," the emperor replied, "it is because it is afraid of the 
Reds." 

"May they not," it was asked, "have as much reason to apprehend that a 
large number of Bonapartists may be retui'ned?" 

The emperor replied, " I do not think so. The discordant elements of 
socialism, communism, and anarchy, have spread terror throughout the coun- 
try, and gotten the upper hand. It is very difficult to contend with such 
Utopian and seductive influences." 

The question was raised, whether there was not some probability that the 
people, so soon as their wishes could be made known through the voice of 
universal suffl-age, would cause the re-establishment of the empire and the 
re-enthronement of the emperor. 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE. 703 

Napoleon replied, " When I consider the uncertainty lurking on the road 
to such an end, when I consider the vast impediments to be removed, I really 
feel but little ambition. I would rather be independent. I would rather be 
as I now am, a prisoner, and never step again on French soil. Not even for 
my son could I wish that he should be placed upon the throne of France. I 
love him too much to desire for him chances of such dread uncertainty. He 
would be far happier in private life, without the overwhelming responsibilities 
attaching to such a station, and that, too, in France, which can never forget its 
humiliation." 

While the emperor was a prisoner at Wilhelmshohe, the Empress Eugenie, 
having crossed the English Channel, had found a retreat at Cliiselhurst. 
This was a small rambling village in the county of Kent, about a half-hour's 
ride by rail from Charing Cross. She and her suite occupied a modest but 
commodious mansion called Camden House. It was built of red and yellow 
brick, three stories high; and was surrounded by a pM'k and ornamental 
grounds, tastefully laid out. General John A. Dix, who had enjoyed every 
opportunity of becoming acquainted with the empress, paid the following 
beautiful tribute to her character in his parting address to the American resi- 
dents in Paris : — 

"Of her who is the sharer of the emperor's honors and the companion of 
his toils, who in the hospital, at the altar, or on the throne, is alike exem- 
plary in the discharge of her varied duties, whether incident to her position, 
or voluntarily taken upon herself, it is difficult for me to speak without rising 
above the common level of eulogium. But I am standing here to-day as a 
citizen of the United States, without official relations to my own government 
or any other; and I know of no reasons why I may not freely speak what I 
honestly think, especially as I know I can say nothing which will not find a 
cordial response in your breasts. 

" As, in the history of the ruder sex, great luminaries have from time to 
time risen high above the horizon, to break, and at the same time to illus- 
trate, the monotony of the general movement ; so, in the annals of her sex, 
brilliant lights have at intervals shone forth, and shed their lustre upon the 
stJitely march of regal pomp and power. When I have seen her taking part 
in the most imposing, as I think, of all imperial pageants, — the opening of 
the legislative chambers, — standing amidst the assembled magistracy of Paris, 
surrounded by the representatives of the talent, the genius, the learning, the 
literature, and the piety of this great empire, or amidst the resplendent 
scenes of the palace, and with a simplicity of manner which has a double 
charm when allied to exalted rank and station, I confess I have more than 
once whispered to myself, and I believe not always inaudibly, that beautiful 
verse of the graceful and courtly Claudian, the last of the Roman poets, — 

"'Divino semita gressu claruit ;' or, rendered in our own plain English, 
' The very path she treads is radiant with her unrivalled step.' " 

France was enveloped in clouds of the deepest gloom. The condition of 
Maishal Bazaine was hopeless. He was shut up in Metz with a hundred 
and fifty thousand troops. Resistless armies surrounded him, cutting off all 
possibility of escape, and effectually preventing the entrance of any supplies. 



704 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

Famine would soon render capitulation inevitable. Fifty thousand French 
troops were beleaguered in Strasburg. From the 15th of August to the 28th 
of September, four hundred heavy guns and mortars were throwing into the 
city an incessant storm of shot and shell by night and by day. 

"The sufferings in the city were awful beyond description. The bursting- 
forth of conflagrations, the crash of falling walls, the shrieks of the wounded, 
famine, sickness, misery, all combined in converting wretched Strasburg into 
a volcanic Pandemonium. There was no safety anywhere. Children were 
torn to pieces in the streets, and their gory limbs scattered far and wide over 
the pavements. Shells crushed through the roofs, and exploded in the cellars 
where mothers and maidens were huddled together in terror. One sliell fell 
in the third story of a house, and killed twelve persons, and wounded twelve 
more." During the bombardment, which lasted thirty-one days, 193,722 shots 
were thrown into the city. This was an average of 6,219 daily, or between 
four and five each minute. Some of these enormous missiles of destruction 
weighed a hundred and eighty pounds. They exploded with thunder-roar, 
scattering ruin and death far and wide. 

General Ulrich, who commanded the French garrison in the city, after a 
defence which was deemed very heroic, on the 28th of September found 
himself obliged to capitulate. During the bombardment, four hundred citi- 
zens had been killed,- and seventeen hundred wounded. Four hundred 
houses were laid in ashes. The damage inflicted upon the city, it is esti- 
mated, was fifty million dollars.* 

The committee in Paris which called itself " The Provisional Government " 
applied through M. Thiers for peace. The illustrious monarchist, while refus- 
ing to recognize this democratic committee as the government, still, patriotically 
anxious to avert the woes which were overwhelming France, repaired to the 
headquarters of the Prussian army to ascertain what terms the conqueror 
would accept. It was understood that he was acting rather upon his own 
authority, as one of the most influential of the French statesmen whose voice 
in the anarchy then reigning would probably be more potent than that of 
any other individual. "The London Times" of Sept. 14, 1870, alluding to 
this movement, says, — 

" It is understood that M. Thiers ofiered an indemnity of five hundred mil- 
lion dollars, one-half the French fleet, to dismantle the fortresses of Alsace 
and Lorraine, and to leave the Rhine provinces, for which France had com- 
menced the war, in the hands of Prussia." 

We have no official account of this interview, though it was very freely 
commented upon in the Prussian journals. According to the statements 
there made. Count Bismarck very frankly informed M. Thiers that there was 
no longer any government in France with which Prussia could form a treaty ; 
and that the security of the new German Empire wliich Prussia was organiz- 
ing demanded that France should be so weakened, that she should never 
again attempt to regain her lost provinces on the Rhine. 

The onward sweep of the Prussian armies was sublime. While three hun- 

* Testimony of Dr. Schnergaus, a member of the city council. 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE. 705 

dred thousand troops surrounded Marshal Bazaine in Metz, another army of 
four hundred thousand was cu-cling around the doomed city of Paris, so gir- 
dUng it with batteries and bayonets that there was no possibility for any of 
its inhabitants to escape. In addition to these two majestic armies, other 
armies were sent, in overpowering numbers, to capture Amiens in the north, 
and Orleans and Tours in the south. 

The enemies of the empire now ventured to assert that Napoleon had dragged 
reluctant France into the war, and that the government of the empire was 
consequently responsible for all the disasters which had ensued. This notori- 
riously incorrect statement M. Jules Favre began to urge with both voice and 
pen. "The North German Correspondent " of Berlin, a journal which was 
deemed the organ of Count Bismarck, replied, — 

" M. Jules Favre has given himself the trouble to defend this perversion of 
history and common sense in a long circular despatch. We maintain, on the 
other hand, — and our asseverations are supported by all the facts of the case, — 
that the immense majority of the French people — through all the organs of 
public opinion, in the press, the Senate, the Corps Legislative, and the army, 
nay, down to the very street-mobs of Paris — demanded war. Even the small 
minority which hold at present in their hands the reins of state are so ftir 
from honestly seeking peace, that they are doing what in them lies to make 
peace impossible." 

The two empires of France and Prussia were decidedly antagonistic in 
their fundamental principles. The French Empire was founded upon the 
doctrine of the divine right of the people. It was called into being by 
the voice of universal suffrage. It proclaimed equal rights for all men; 
repudiated all aristocratic privilege and hereditary legislation ; and was a 
government of carefully-organized institutions, with the legislative, judicial, 
and executive powers carefully separated and guarded. On the other hand, 
the Prussian Empire was founded with the express and avowed object of 
checking the uprisings of republicanism. Both in theory and in practice, 
it loudly proclaimed the divine right of kings and the exclusive privilege of 
the nobles. 

Volumes vould be required to give any thing like a minute account of the 
scenes which were now daily witnessed. The genius of General Von Moltke 
had organized and was conducting the campaign. And never was a campaign 
borne onwards to a triumphant result with more consummate ability. Paris 
Avas invested in a circuit forty miles in circumference. Formidable intrench- 
monts, bristling with artillery, were thrown up at every point where a sortie 
could strike the line. Telegraphic communication instantly announced an 
attack ; so that, in an hour, ninety thousand men could be concentrated at any 
spot which was menaced. At the same time, an incessant bombardment 
assailed the important fortresses of Montraedi, Toule, Thienville, Bitche, and 
Phalsburg. 

Seventy thousand Prussian cavalry — probably as splendid an array of 
mounted troops as was ever organized — were sweeping with whirlwind swift- 
ness and resistlessness in all directions, imposing enormous contributions 
upon cities and towns, and gathering supj^lies. The despoiled peasants were 



706 LIFE OF NAPOLEON III. 

Starving, the victorious Prussians enjoying abundance. M. Malet, a secretary 
of the English legation in Paris, had an interview with Count Bismarck. In 
the report which he published of the conversation that took place, he states 
that the Prussian minister said, — 

" We do not want money : we are rich. We do not want ships : Germany 
is not a naval power. But we know very well that we shall leave behind us 
in France an undying legacy of hate ; and that, happen what may just now, 
France will at once go into training. What we now insist upon is Metz and 
Strasburg. We shall keep them for a bulwark against French invasion, 
making them stronger than ever before. What the king and I most fear is 
the effect of a republic in France upon Germany. No one knows as well 
as we the influence of American republicanism in Germany." 

The latter part of December, M. Jules Favre, the Radical Republican, 
visited Bismarck at the Prussian headquarters at Ferrieres. He appeared in 
behalf of the National Committee of Defence in Paris, and with the ofiicial 
rank, by their appointment, of Minister of Foreign Afiairs. In a minute ac- 
count of the interview which was published in the " Moniteur " of Sept. 28, 
he says, — 

" The count maintained that the security of Germany commanded him 
to guard the territory which protected it. He repeated several times, — 

" ' Strasburg is the key to the house : I must have it. The two depart- 
ments,' he said, 'of the Lower Rhine and the Upper Rhine, a part of the 
Moselle, with Metz, Chateaux Chalins and Senones, are indispensable. 

" ' I know well,' he added, ' that they were not with us. That will impose 
an unpleasant job upon us; but we cannot help it. I am sure that in a short 
time we shall have a new war with you. We wish to make it with all our 
advantages.' 

" It is clear," writes Jules Favre, "that, in the intoxication of victory, Prussia 
wishes for the destruction of France. She demands three of our depart- 
ments, two fortified cities, — one of a hundred thousand, the other of seventy- 
five thousand inhabitants, — and eight or ten smaller ones also fortified. She 
knows that the populations she wishes to tear from us repulse her ; but she 
seizes them nevertheless, replying with the edge of the sword to their 
protestations against such an outrage of their civic liberty and their moral 
dignity. To the nation that demands the opportunity of self-consultation 
she proposes the guaranty of her cannon planted at Mt. Valerien. Let the 
nation that hears this either rise at once, or at once disavow us when we 
counsel resistance to the bitter end." 

Paris was every hour becoming more hopelessly bound by the girdle of 
batteries and bayonets bristling all around it. During the brief reign of 
Napoleon III., the city of Paris had made more progress in all that tends to 
beautify and enrich a city, and to promote the welfere of its inhabitants, than 
during the half-century which had elapsed since the fall of the first Napoleon. 
The metropolis had become, beyond all question, the most beautiful city in 
the world. Scholars, artists, gentlemen of leisure, statesmen, from all parts 
of the world, thronged its spacious avenues. The English complained that the 
attractions of Paris were such, that American travellers, crossing the ocean 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE. ^ 707 

by thousands, made London but a, stepping-stone to the French metropolis. 
Even the bitterest foes of the empire did not deny the wonderful growth of 
Paris under its fostering sway. A city can only grow in population, wealth, 
and beauty by a correspondipg growth of the country which surrounds it. 
Thus the increasing grandeur of Paris was only an index of the commercial 
and industrial prosperity which was spread all over France. 

« The New-York Tribune " of Nov. 29 says, — 

" The life of this beautiful city has been, for eighteen years, one of the most 
singular examples ever seen of an unbroken tide of material success. It has 
increased vastly in extent, in riches, in population ; and, in every department 
of luxury and art, there has been an improvement without parallel in recent 
times." 

Paris was surrounded by a massive wall, and by a cordon of very formida- 
ble forts. Thus it was only by slow approaches that the beleaguering Prus- 
sians could draw near enough to throw their shot and shell into the city. It 
was, however, manifest that two millions of people enclosed within the walls 
would soon be starved into surrender. 

On the 27th of October, 1870, King William sent the following telegram 
to Berlin : — 

" This morning Bazaine and Metz capitulated. A hundred and fifty thou- 
sand prisoners, including twenty thousand sick and wounded, laid down their 
arms this afternoon." 

For sixty-seven days the siege of Metz had continued. The beleaguered 
troops had expended nearly all their ammunition, and had eaten up their horses. 
Famine had commenced its hideous reign. The emaciate forms of the starv- 
ing tottered through the streets. Surrender was inevitable. But Marshal 
Bazaine did not fall unavenged. Forty-five thousand Prussians had perished 
during the siege. Still the capitulation was an overwhelming blow to France. 
Its vast stores of heavy guns and small arms fell into the hands of the con- 
querors. By its surrender, an army of three hundred thousand Prussians was 
released to co-operate with the three hundred thousand which already sur- 
rounded the city of Paris. 

A portion of the Provisional Government had escaped from Paris in a bal- 
loon. They repaired to Tours, many leagues to the south of the city. Here 
they re-assembled as the government of the French Republic, with M. Jules 
Favre as its president. Wishing to do every thing in their power to render 
the emperor and the empire unpopular, they issued the following proclamation 
on the 30th of October, 1870 : — 

" Metz has capitulated. A general upon whom France relied has just taken 
away from the country a hundred thousand of its defenders. Marshal Bazaine 
has betrayed us. He has made himself the agent of the man of Sedan, and 
the accomplice of the invader. Regardless of the honor of the army of which 
he had charge, he has surrendered, without even making a last effort, a hun- 
dred and twenty thousand fighting-men, twenty thousand wounded, guns, 
cannons, colors, and the strongest citadel of France. Such a crime is above 
even the punishment of justice." 

Such language as this rendered it impossible that there should be any 



708 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

cordial co-operation of the French people rising en masse to repel the in- 
vaders. The French emperor, who had been chosen by nearly eight mil- 
lion votes, was insultingly called "the man of Sedan." The officers of 
the regular army, almost without exception Imperalists, were denounced 
as knaves and traitors, deserving the most ignominious death. Nearly all the 
inhabitants of the rural districts were Imperialists. It was from these distiicts, 
from the cottages of the peasants, that the rank and file of the army came. 
And yet these men were stigmatized as the dupes of a despotic emperor and 
traitorous generals. The forty millions of the French people, who for twenty 
years had sustained the empire, were accused of the inconceivable folly of 
riveting upon their own hands and feet the chains of the most intolerable 
despotism. 

France, rising e7i masse, could bring forward seven million men to assail 
the Prussians. But the above was not the style of language which tended 
to conciliation and to combined action. The organization of these committees 
of public safety, assuming to be the government of France, and which 
Bismarck stigmatized as the " gutter democracy," rendered it impossible for 
any of the surrounding monarchies to come to the aid of the French nation. 

Victor Emanuel owed to the empire his crown and the unity of Italy. 
Gladly would he have come to its aid; but he could not enter into an alliance 
with the irresponsible populace of Paris, who had overthrown the empire, estab- 
lished a democracy, and one of whose first efibrts, if successful, would be to 
demolish his throne, and erect upon its ruins an Italian republic. 

Amadeus, the son of Victor Emanuel, soon became King of Spain. His 
own sister had married Prince Napoleon. His sympathies were naturally with 
imperial France. Spain, by a large majority, had rejected a republic, and 
established a monarchy. She could not send her armies across the Pyrenees 
to aid in overthrowing the empire, and in establishing a democracy which 
would imminently imperil her own internal peace. 

The British Government would be very unwilling to see the balance of 
power overthrown in Europe by the annihilation of her ally on the plains 
of the Crimea, and by the uprising of a colossal empire in Germany which 
could bid all other powers defiance. But the demolition of the French Empire 
by the mob in Paris was an appalling event. It might lead to entire anarchy, 
or to the Jacobinism of Marat and Robespierre, or to some other form of 
government which would disturb the time-consolidated aristocracy of Great 
Britain. 

Austria, humbled and despoiled by Prussia, was watching for an opportunity 
to gain back what she had lost, and to take revenge for her humiliation. 
Austria was just upon the eve of entering into an alliance with France, and 
marching with all her military force to her aid, when the overthrow of the 
empire rendered this policy impossible. Count Buel gives his emphatic official 
testimony to this point. Thus is it obvious that the overthrow of the empire 
by the populace in Paris, while all the military force of France was struggling 
with the foe on the frontiers, not only paralyzed all the internal energies of 
the nation, but rendered it impossible for any of the foreign governments to 
come to her aid. France, without a government, was left to her bitter doom. 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE. 709 

"Well does the " Messager de Paris" say, "The disasters which have made 
shipwreck of the empire will not cause to be forgotten the great service 
Napoleon has rendered to this nation in establishing order and developing 
the prosperity of the country." 

Count Bismarck knew full well that France never could consent, except 
by compulsion, to leave both banks of the Rhine in the hands of so gigantic 
a power as united Germany. He therefore deemed it essential to his plans 
that Prussia should not only held those Rhenish provinces which the treaties 
of 1815 had assigned to her, but that she should also wrest from France the 
Avhole remaining line from Lauterburg to Basle, — a distance of a hundred 
miles. This would transfer the magnificent provinces of Alsace and Lorraine, 
with the ancient fortress of Strasburg, to Prussia; and would so weaken 
France, that Prussia could at any time inundate her territory with Germanic 
armies, while Prussia was unapproachable. 

Terrible battles were still fought around the walls of Paris and in other 
portions of the kingdom which were swept by the wonderful armies of the 
foe. Victory was almost invariably with the invaders. By the middle of 
December, 1870, Prussia had between four and five hundred thousand troo]>s 
surrounding Paris. Another army, two hundred thousand strong, was driving 
the French general De Paladines across the Loire, and advancing upon Tours. 
Another German army, sweeping all resistance before it, and scouring the 
country in all directions with its cavalry, was approaching Amiens. 

There were now in anarchic France four prominent parties struggling for 
the supremacy. 1. There was the Bourbon, or Legitimate, party. 2. Then 
came the Orleanists. 3. There was the Democratic party, with its highly- 
antagonistic grades of Moderates, Radicals, and Communists. 4. Then came 
the Imperialists, with their endeavor to effect a compromise between monarchi- 
cal forms and republican institutions. 

With great good sense, the emperor had quietly submitted to his inevitable 
doom. He had ever cherished the belief that he was led along by influences 
entirely above his own control. Consequently, in the hour of misfortune, no 
unmanly murmurings or recriminations escaped his lips. His unscrupulous 
enemies cruelly circulated the report that he was plotting to be carried back 
to the throne of France by the arms of the Prussians or by the French army. 
This led him to make the following statement to the French people, which was 
in entire accord with every word which had ever proceeded from his tongue 
or his pen. It was dated at Wilhelmshohe on the 12th of December, 1870. 

" It would be quite well if it were publicly understood that I never intend 
to, remount the throne on the strength of a military 2)ronu}iciamento by the aid 
of the soldiery, just as little as by that of Prussia. I am the sole sovereign in 
Europe who governs, next to the grace of God, bi/ the will of the people/ and 
I shall never be unlaithful to the origin of either. The whole people, which 
has four times approved of my election, must recall me by its deliberate votes, 
else I shall never return to France. The army possesses no more right to 
place me on the throne than had the lawyers or loafers to push me from it. 
The French people, whose sovereign I am, has the sole decision." 

The bombardment of Paris was terrific. Probably nothing in the annals 



710 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

of war has ever exceeded its horrors. An eye-witness writes, about the mid- 
dle of January, 1871, — 

"The surroundings of the city are in ruins or in flames. Explosive bolts 
of iron of over two hundred pounds in weight, howling like demons in their 
destructive flight, are plunging down through the humblest roofs and grandest 
domes in the heart of the doomed metropolis. In its destructive projectiles, 
and in the warlike engines and forces employed, it dwarfs all precedents of 
ancient or modern times. 

" The remorseless siege and destruction of Carthage, we do not forget, in- 
volved the extinction of a great nation and a great people. Nor will the intel- 
ligent reader fail to recall the appalling loss of human life — eleven hundred 
thousand souls — involved in the siege and burning of Jerusalem by Titus. 
Nor do we overlook the sacking and burning of Rome by Alaric. 

" But neither Babylon, Tyre, Jerusalem, Carthage, nor Rome, furnishes any 
thing in the horrors of war more shocking to the Christian humanitarian of 
the nineteenth century than this horrible bombardment of Paris, with its blind 
and indiscriminate killing and mangling of soldiers and non-combatants, the 
strong and helpless, — men, women, and children." 

The government which the " gentlemen of the pavement " were organizing 
in Paris was as unacceptable to the Radical Republicans and Communists as 
was that of the empire. Revolutionary posters were placarded at every corner 
to rouse the mob to a new insurrection. A procession of six hundred men 
paraded the streets, clamoring for the overthrow of the Committee of Public 
Defence, and for the establishment of a more energetic democracy. 

Starvation menaced wretched Paris. Horses, dogs, cats, rats, were devoured 
by the famine-stricken people. It was mid-winter. The fuel was consumed, 
and the people were freezing as well as starving. General Trochu, in utter 
despair, resigned his oflice as Governor of Paris. There was no one found to 
take his place. 

Under these circumstances, M. Jules Favre, the most prominent man in the 
Provisional Government, sought an interview with Count Bismarck to confer 
upon terms of surrender. They met at Versailles, the headquarters of the 
Prussian army. Scornfully Bismarck refused to recognize the " Committee " 
in Paris as the government of France. He was well aware that France could 
not be bound to ratify any concessions of that Committee. He therefore 
demanded, first of all, that an election should be immediately held through- 
out all France to choose delegates to an Assembly which should be authorized 
to treat for conditions of peace. The heel of the conqueror was on tlie head 
of the conquered. The demands which Bismarck was ready to submit to the 
Assembly were humiliating and ruinous in the extreme : — 

1. France was to surrender to Prussia the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine, 
with the fortresses of Belfort and Metz. 

2. To pay as indemnity for the expenses of the war ten milliards of francs, — 
a sum equal to two thousand million dollars. 

3. To surrender to Prussia the French colony of Pondicherry ; and, 

4. To transfer to Prussia twenty first-class French frigates.* 

* London Times, Feb. 1, 1871. 



THE OVEETHEOW OF THE EMPIEE. 711 

M. Jules Favre called himself a Moderate Republican. There was another 
Committee at Tours, which was soon driven by the Prussians to Bordeaux, 
wliich called itself also the " Government." M. Gambetta, a thorough Red 
Republican, was the leader of this party. Gambetta demanded a dictatorship, 
with himself at the head. Count Bismarck, in presenting his terms to Jules 
Favre, had consented to an armistice of twenty-one days that France might 
choose its Assembly. This armistice, however, he would only consent to upon 
condition that all the troops in Paris should surrender their arms to the 
Prussians, and that the forts suri^ounding the city should also be delivered 
over to them. This was the unconditional surrender of Paris. 

M. Gambetta was very indignant that Jules Favre should have assented to 
such terms. He issued a fiery proclamation, urging the French to improve the 
short armistice by vigorous preparation to renew the fight. He also, in the 
assumption of dictatorial power, proclaimed that no member of the Bourbon, 
Orleans, or Bonaparte ftimily should be a candidate for the Assembly. It was 
his aim that none but Republicans should be elected. Several of the extrem- 
ists in the Republican ranks, such as Rochefort, Louis Blanc, and Duportal, 
were associated with Gambetta. " All the detailed conditions," writes a Lon- 
don correspondent, "laid down for the management of the elections, are grossly 
in favor of the Republicans now in power." 

The Moderate Republicans held in close siege in Paris uttered loud and 
angry remonstrances against the conduct of the Red Republicans in Bordeaux. 
The emperor, in captivity at Wilhelmshohe, contemplated with a saddened 
spirit the anarchy and misery into which his beloved France was plunged. A 
correspondent from Wilhelmshohe gives the following account of the appear- 
ance of the illustrious prisoner during these days of trial: — 

" Ever since the first despatch, announcing the commencement of the bom- 
bardment of Paris, reached the imperial prisoner, he seems to have been over- 
whelmed with grief at the misfortunes of the fair city. How very deeply it 
moved him is evident from a remarkable change irt his features; their painful 
and melancholy expression indicating how he loved dear Paris, — that city 
from which he has experienced so much wrong. 

" Of the millions in and outside of France mourning its terrible destruction, 
who has reason to be more distressed than Napoleon III. ? Are its architect- 
ural splendors and the beauty of its boulevards and noble streets not a monu- 
ment erected, as it were, to himself, and commemorating a work, to the exe- 
cution of which, during nearly twenty years, he devoted untiring energy and 
pride ? The beautiful city would have been an imperishable monument, speak- 
ing to generations to come of the so-much-abused empire in better and more 
truthful language than the journals and pamphlets of the present epoch. 

" Of the many who are discussing the probability of a return of the Napo- 
leonic dynasty, none consider for a moment that the greatest of all obstacles 
has first to be overcome ; namely, that the emperor may refuse his consent. 
The jiossibility of such an occurrence may be doubted by those who have en- 
deavored for a series of years to portray the Emperor of the French in false 
colors, and to caricature him before their contemporaries. They may doubt 
that the prisoner of Wilhelmshohe would reject that dignity of which he has 



712 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

been deprived by a comparatively small number of demagogues. Let me 
endeavor to give you a few hints respecting the aforementioned obstacles. 

" At first, there is that sentiment expressed by the emperor, spoken of in a 
former letter to you, — that the lohole people o?i/y, through their legal lepre- 
sentatives, have a right to recall the emperor. Neither the army, nor the 
Prussian Government, nor the demands of party, could induce his return. Tlie 
entire peoj^le are entitled to repair the great wrong perpetrated against his 
person by those political leaders who forced him into this war, and wlio pi-otit- 
ed by the hour of misfortune to carry out their long-prepared and sinister 
designs." 

Every day the antagonism between the " Committee " besieged in Paris 
and the Gambetta Government at Bordeaux increased in bitterness. Tlie 
election to the Assembly was to take place on the 8th of February, 1871. 
The following extracts from the journals of that day will give the reader a 
more correct idea of the state of feeling then existing than can be in any 
other way obtained. On the 7th of February, one of the Prussian journals 
said, — 

" There is but little to be expected from the Bordeaux wing of the govern- 
ment. The very power at present wielded by the fii-e-eaters who control it 
is a usurpation of the legitimate authority which really belongs to the Paris 
government. Yet from this very hotbed of the worst radicalism, misnamed 
Republicanism, which the world has witnessed in this generation, the immedi- 
ate destinies of a great nation must come forth. If the teachings of Gambetta 
and his followers prevail, the most direful results to the French people must 
follow. 

" Henri Rochefort is again coming to the surface from the obscurity into 
which the startling events of the past year had cast hiin. Now he appears 
on the stage, if report speaks truly, as an advocate of assassination. Gambetta, 
Rochefort, Flourens, — these and men of like character and similar associa- 
tions are the men who propose to regenerate France, and found what they 
call a republic, but what sensible and thinking people consider would prove 
a despotism far worse than that of the empire." 

A correspondent of "The New-York Herald," writing on the 8th of Feb- 
ruary, 1871, says, — 

" France presents the melancholy spectacle of a once proud and powerful 
nation at the mercy of a noisy, turbulent, and unprincipled crew of dema- 
gogues. Special despatches from Paris, Bordeaux, Lyons, and other points 
throughout the country, serve to show the wretched character of the majority 
of the men who are candidates for the National Assembly. It seems as though 
the very slums of Paris, Bordeaux, Lyons, and Marseilles, have thiown up their 
refuse, to be used by the unprincipled demagogues who wield temporary 
power in France. 

" While famishing people cry for bread in the streets of Paris, the mob yell 
for a Robespierre and the guillotine. In the agony of their despair the people 
suffer in silence, afraid to speak their thoughts, or raise their hands to save 
themselves from the tide of violence which threatens them with destruction. 
The mob rule, and despotism is the law. Bleeding from every pore, paralyzed 



THE OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE. 713 

in every part, humiliated, cast down, and prostrate, slie is even now, in this 
bitter hour, tormented by the dissensions and evil teachings of her children." 

Again the voice of the emperor was heard from his captivity in the follow- 
ing proclamation to the people of France. It will be seen that here, as on 
every other occasion, he proclaimed the fundamental principle of his reign, — 
the sovereignty of the people. The address was dated Wilhelmshohe, Feb. 8, 
1871. 

"Betrayed by fortune, I have kept, since my captivity, a profound silence, 
which is misfortune's mourning. As long as the armies confronted each other, 
r abstained from any steps or words capable of causing party dissensions; but 
[ can no longer remain silent before ray country's disaster without appearing 
insensible to its sufferings. When I was made a prisoner, I could not treat 
(or peace, because ray resolutions would appear to have been dictated by per- 
sonal considerations. I left a regent to decide whether it were for the interest 
of the nation to continue the struggle. 

" Notwithstanding unparalleled reverses, France was unsubdued ; but h.er 
strongholds were reduced, her departments invaded, and Paris brought into 
a state of defence. The extent of her misfortunes might possibly have been 
limited : but, while attention was directed to her enemies, insurrection arose 
at Paris; the seat of representatives was violated; the safety of the empress 
threatened; and the empire, which had been three times acclaimed by the 
people, was overthrown and abandoned. 

" Stilling ray presentiraents, I exclaimed, ' What matter my dynasty, if the 
country is saved '? ' Instead of protesting against the violation of my I'ight, 
I hoped for the success of the defence, and admired the patriotic devotion 
of the children of France. Now, when the struggle is suspended, and all 
reasonable chance of victory has disappeared, is the time to call to account 
the usurpers for the bloodshed and ruin and squandered resources. It is im- 
possible to abandon the destinies of France to an unauthoi'ized government, 
to which was left no authority emanating from universal suffrage. Order, con- 
fidence, and solid peace, are only recoverable when the people are consulted 
respecting the government raost capable of repairing the disasters to the 
country. It is essential that France should be united in her wishes. For 
myself, banished by injustice and bitter deceptions, I do not know or claim 
my repeatedly-confirmed rights. There is no room for personal ambition. 
But, till the people are regularly assembled and express their will, it is my duty 
to say that all acts are illegitimate. There is only one government in which 
resides the national sovereignty able to heal wounds, to bring hope to tire- 
sides, to re-open profaned churches, and to restore industry, concord, and 
peace." 

In the election of deputies for the Assembly, the large cities voted generally 
for " Gambetta Republicans." But the country returned a very large majority 
in opposition to the so-called republic. Gambetta complained bitterly of the 
entire want of republican sentiment on the part of the peasantry. He said, 
in an interview with a correspondent of " The Herald " on the 9th of January, 
1873,— 

" The peasants rested upon the empire as the only barrier between them- 



714 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

selves and ruin. They had no confidence in a republic, and cared very little 
about the form of government so long as they had peace and order and the 
chances to make money." 

The following reasons have been assigned for the unexpectedly strong vote 
in opposition to the republic, and in favor of some monarchical form of 
government : — 

" Why are our republican hopes once more blasted ? The answer to this 
question is not far to seek. Under the bright sunshine of the empire France 
indulged in proud memories, was happy and gay, and dreamed of no sorrow. 
What had not the empire done ? It had made France the central, the pivotal 
power of Europe. For twenty years, the word of France, spoken by the em- 
peror, was a word of authority, which no nation on the face of the earth 
could afford to despise. Did not the empire humble Russia? Did not the 
empire give Italy unity ? Did not the empire compel Prussia to halt at 
Sadowa ? Was not the empire the bulwark of the Papacy ? Was it not the 
hope of all struggling nationalities? Was it not, as it once had been, a match 
for the world in arms ? Was not Paris, adorned by the empire, the eye of the 
civilized world, even as Corinth was once said to be the eye of Greece ? 

" Since Sedan, the so-called republic, headed by men who dared not appeal 
to the French people, because they knew that French Catholics could not and 
would not trust infidels, and tliat French proprietors could not and would 
not trust Communists, has had its chance. But the failure of the so-called 
republic has been more complete, more disastrous, and, if possible, more 
ignominious, than that of the empire. It is not for us to say Avhether France 
has been just or unjust to the empire, just or unjust to the republic. We must 
accept facts." 

The Assembly met, and, with some slight modifications, ratified the humiliat- 
ing treaty of peace exacted by Prussia. The ' German armies, with waving 
banners and exultant music, marched into the heart of Paris. Napoleon was 
released from his captivity, and, crossing the Channel, took refuge with his 
wife and son at Chiselhurst. A French officer, who had an interview with 
Count Bismarck, represents him in the "Journal des Debats " as saying, — 

" I cannot predict what will befall France, or what is the future which 
awaits her; but I do know this, — that it will redound to her shame, to her 
eternal shame, in all time, in all ages, in all tongues, to have abandoned her 
em])eror as she did after Sedan. The stain which she will never wash out 
is the revolution of the 4th of September." 

" Napoleon III.," said Guizot, " was always a gentleman ; thoroughly so. 
After all, he gave us a good government." * 

This Assembly was chosen merely to arrange terms of peace with Prussia. 
It soon assumed that it was the government of France; and, having chosen M. 
Thiers its chairman, declared him to be President of the French Republic. It 
was not deemed safe to submit the question of the form of government, or 
choice of president, to the suffrages of the French people. France contained 
about eight million voters. The Assembly consisted of about six hundred 

* Correspondence of the New- York Herald, Jan. 29, 1873. 



THE OVEETHEOW OF THE EMPIRE. 715 

and fifty men. By a vote of a majority of these, the Chan-man of the As- 
sembly was declared to be President of France. Such was the foundation 
of what has been called the " Thiers Republic." 

The Communists in Paris rose in rebellion against the Thiers Republic, 
which they declared to be a republic only in name, as the majority of the 
Assembly were avowed monarchists. M. Thiers, with his single Assembly, 
had grasped dictatorial powers, which the empire never wielded. Radical 
men of every grade had crowded from all parts of France to Paris. They 
claimed that they could cast between one and two hundred thousand votes. 
They rose in rebellion against the Thiers Republic, which was in session at 
Versailles, and organized a Communist Republic in Paris, The Communists, 
with terrible energy, robbed the banks and other moneyed institutions for 
i'unds. They forced every citizen in Paris l)etween the ages of nineteen and 
forty to enter their ranks, and fight under their banner. Every press was 
demolished, and every voice silenced, which questioned their measures. 
They abolished religion, annulled all rights of private property, and pro- 
claimed the revolting principle of free love. 

Wretched France found herself in a position in which she was compelled 
to choose between these two usurpations. For two months a terrific civil war 
rnged between the armies of the two " republics." Each brought into the 
field about two hundred thousand men. The sanguinary conflict culminated 
in the streets of Paris. The atrocities perpetrated on either side were awful. 
Twelve hundred citizens were butchered because they refused to enter the 
ranks of the Communists, Priests and nuns were tied together, and shot. 
Forty of the most illustrious captives of Pai'is, who were held as hostages, 
were massacred. In their frantic, senseless rage, the Communists tore down 
the magnificent column in the Place VendOme ; applied the torch to the 
Tuilerios, the Louvre, the Hotel de Ville, the Palais Royal ; and endeavored 
to lay the whole city in ashes. 

The Thiers Government, in the intensity of its exasperation, ordered that no 
quarter should be given. By their bombardment and conflagration, property 
to the amount of two hundred million dollars was destroyed. A careful com- 
putation estimates that forty-two thousand were killed or wounded on the 
two sides. A correspondent of " The New- York Times," then in Paris, writes 
respecting the retaliatory measures on the part of the Thiers Government, 
under date of May 29, 1871, — 

"Even if killed to-morrow, I would not write one line to defend the horrid 
butcheries practised by the government troops. No man who is a man can 
stand by and see women shot, and children from ten to fourteen years of age 
put to death, and approve. Allowing that the leaders of the Commune have 
been guilty of terrible, of revolting crimes (as they have been) : it forms 
no excuse for the terrible excesses of soldiers under the command of a great 
soldier, and controlled by the will of one of the most eminent of living 
statesmen. 

" A woman is taken with arms in her hands. She is not sent ofi" for trial ; 
she is not given a moment's respite to prepare herself for eternity: she is torn 
from her children, divorced from her family, and in five minutes is as liteless 



716 LIFE OF NAPOLEON IIL 

as a stone. Mere boys have been caught in the act of firing houses and feed- 
ing burning buildings with petroleum. But they knew not what they did. 
They were wild, they were crazed, and were set on by men who should have 
been held responsible. Yet these boys have been led out, and shot. I blush 
for humanity wlien I write these facts." 

While these awful scenes were transpiring in Paris, the Emperor Napoleon 
remained quietly at Chiselhurst, contemplating with a saddened spirit the suf- 
ferings which had befallen his beloved P^rance. A correspondent of " The 
London Times," for whose trustworthiness "The Times " vouches, held an in- 
terview with the emperor. "The Times " afBrms that their correspondent 
gave in French "the exact words of the emperor," of which the following is 
a literal translation : — 

"It is pretended that the Bonapartists are conspiring. I do not believe it. 
It is only parties who feel themselves in a minority in the country who have 
recourse to occult practices. It is only those who wish to impose their views 
upon the larger number who conspire. When a man has been, as I have been, 
during twenty-three years, the head of a great nation, and when he has been 
animated by a single thought, — the welfare of the country, — he preserves the 
sentiment of his dignity, the conviction of his rights, and casts away from him 
the low intrigues which degrade those who have recourse to them. Without 
illusion, and without discouragement, I rely upon the justice of the French 
people ; and I am resigned to my fate, whatever may be the decrees of Provi- 
dence. 

"Moreover, when one has fallen from such a height, the first sentiment one 
experiences is, not the desire again to mount upon the pinnacle, but to seek 
the causes of the fall, in order to explain one's conduct, and combat calumny, 
while still recognizing one's faults. In doing this, one reviews the past rather 
than seeks to read the future, and strives much more to justify one's self than to 
accomplish a restoration. Hence the legitimate desire to employ public means 
of refuting unjust attacks, and of rectifying erroneous appreciations. To en- 
lighten public opinion by truthful statements is a duty to those whom fortune 
has struck down ; while all agitation to attempt the re-establishment of the 
imperial regime would only retard the moral re-action which has already com- 
menced. To all those who have come from France to visit me I have held the 
same language: ' I am opposed,' I have said to them, 'to either intrigues or 
plots. France needs repose to enable her to recover from her disasters.' He 
would be most culpable who should seek to foment trouble for the advance- 
ment of his personal interests. 

" The present government is merely provisional, and does not in the future 
exclude any form of government. The attempt to overthrow it would be a 
bad action, though my rights remain still intact ; and, so long as the people 
shall not have been regularly consulted, no decision of the Chamber can pre- 
vent me from being the legitimate sovereign of France. Many officers have 
written to me to ask if they should place themselves at the disposition 'of tlie 
present government, and if I consented to release them from their oath. I 
have answered, that, the question being plainly stated between order on the 
one liand, and the most frightful anarchy on the other, they should not hesi- 



DEATH OF THE EMPEROR. 717 

tntc to serve their country ; but that I could not release them from their oath, 
until, by a direct vote, the entire nation shall have chosen a definitive govern- 
ment. Thus you see, like the man in Horace, I wrap myself in my right and 
my resignation. Strong in my own conscience, I restrain the impatience of 
some, and despise the treachery and the insult of others. I observe, with a cer- 
tain degree of satisfaction, that the republic is forced to act with severity against 
the very men who during twenty-three years attacked my government, and 
to adopt many of the measures which I regarded as indispensable to the main- 
tenance of order ; but, as I am not a man of party, this feeling gives place in 
my heart to another and a stronger, — the pain with which I see the destinies of 
France delivered over to the hazard of events, the fury of factions, the weak- 
ness of the men in power, and the exactions of the foreigner." 

At Chiselhurst the health of the emperor rapidly failed. He suffered from 
one of the most painful complaints to which our earthly bodies are exposed. 
The surgical operation of lithotomy was performed while the emperor was 
under the influence of chloroform. At first, he seemed to be doing well ; but 
suddenly the symptoms changed, extreme prostration ensued, and it became 
manifest to all that his end was near. His devoted wife, a few friends, and 
several physicians, stood at his bedside, overwhelmed with grief His suflTerings 
were severe, baffling entirely the skill of his physicians. At twenty-five min- 
utes past twelve, on the 9th ef January, 1873, the emperor died. He was 
in the sixty-fifth year of his age. His son, the prince imperial, who was at a 
military school in the vicinity, did not reach home until a few minutes after his 
father's death. He is in the seventeenth year of his age. 

The death of the emperor created a profound impression throughout the 
whole civilized world. Queen Victoria immediately sent a letter of condolence 
to the empress. Nearly every court of Europe — Russia, Prussia, Austria, Italy, 
Spain, and the Pope — sent their expressions of sympathy to the Empress 
Eugenie. Many of these courts adopted mourning in memory of the illustri- 
ous sovereign who for twenty years had been the most influential ruler in Eu- 
rope. Twenty-five thousand people crowded to Chiselhurst to obtain a view 
of his remains. 

The funeral took place at half-past eleven o'clock of Jan. 15. The hearse 
was drawn by eight horses, the imperial arms being on both sides of the 
hearse, surmounted by the letter N. There were eight hundred mourners. 
A deputation of Paris workmen attended, with heads uncovered, bearing 
wreaths of immortelles. The flags in London were all at half-mast, and many 
of the bells were tolled. Sixty thousand people attended the funeral, a 
thousand policemen lining the road from the house to the chapel. The Em- 
press Eugenie, overwhelmed with grief, was unable to leave her bed. The 
prince imperial, as chief mourner, rode in an open carriage, with his head uncov- 
ered. As the cortege was returning, the crowd greeted the prince imperial 
with shouts of " Vive I'Empereur !" The grief-stricken boy rose in his car- 
riage, and, bowing to the friendly people, said, with quivering lips and a trem- 
bling voice, " L'Empereur est mort ! Vive la France ! " 



INDEX. 



Abbott's "Life of Napoleon," extracts from, 481 n., 
500 n. 

Abd-el-Kader, 503, 504. 

Abdul-Medjid, 538.— See also Crimean War. 

Aberdeen, Lord, 277, 278, 503. 

Abrantes, Duchess, remarks on Hortense, 19. 

Abric, Madame, 271, 272. 

Adelaide, Princess, 300 n. 

Aflfre, Archbishop of Paris, 346. 

African Zouaves, 557. 

Aladcnize, Lieut., 168, 170. 

Albeit, M., 308, 320. 

Albert, Prince, 421, 559, 560, 566, 567. 

Alexander I., 544; the Eastern Question, 527, 529, 
530 ; ambition to conquer Turkey, 530, 531 and n. 

Alexander n., 525,615. 

Alison, A., extracts from " History of Europe," &c., 
29 n., 42, 46, 49, 55, 61, 63, 76 n., 79, 87, 91, 95, 104, 
116, 122, 135, 136, 147, 148, 149, 152, 157, 158, 186, 
187, 196, 197, 312, 315, 317 n., 320 and n., 326, 341, 
342 n., 346, 348 and n., 354 n., 358, 359, 361 and n., 
364 n., 371 n., 379, 383 n., 397 n., 400, 402 n., 404 n., 
409 n., 414, 415 n.,416, 417 n.,425 n., 426 n., 427, 446 
n., 447 n., 453 n., 454 n., 457, 475 n., 502 n., 514 n., 
569 n. 

Algiers, 501 and n., 502 and n., 504, 516, 609, 610. 

Alibaud, assassin, 156. 

Alma, battle of — See Crimean War. 

Almonte, Gen., 628 and n., 629, 631, 632, 638, 646. 

Amelia, Princess, 291. 

Ancel, 613 n. 

Andelarre, Marquis of, 613 n. 

Angers, David A', 335. 

Angoulfime, Due d', 53, 84. 

AnncUini, 383, 384. 

Antoinette (Marie), 17, 172. 

Antonclli, Cardinal, 598. 

Antony, 335. 

Arago, M., 238, 259, 308, 320. 

Arc de Triomphe de I'fitoile, 157, 158. 

Areola, 578, 582. 

Arenemberg, 36. 

Armand, L., 115. 

Army, 430 ; secretmeetingof general officers, 426, 427. 

Artillery. — See Napoleon III., Literary Works. 

Artois, Count d'. — See Charles X. 

Augsburg College, Louis Napoleon's present to, 38. 

Aumale, Due d', 503. 

Aupick, Gen., 534. 



Austerlitz, Bridge of, conflict at, 79 ; sword of, 169, 
188 ; sun of, 363. 

Austria and the Austrians, 45, 46, 47, 67, 68, 376, 377, 
379, 383, 581. — See Crunean War, Denmark, East- 
ern Question, Holy Alliance, Italy. 

Avezzana, SS3 n. 

Aymar, Gen., 136 n., 329. 

Baden, Grand Duke of, 36. 

Baden, Duchess of. —See Beauhamais, 8. 

Banquets to discuss poUtieal affairs, 292 and n.; 
the Mammoth Banquet. — See Louis Philippe. 

Barbes, A., 163, 320, 321, 333, 551 n. 

Barillon, M., 182, 183. 

Baroche, M., 462, 463. 

Barrot, P., 181, 182, 188, 362, 363, 403. 

Barrot, O., 259, 261, 293, 294, 301, 352, 353. 

Barthe, M., 351. 

Basch,Dr.,662, 664, 666. 

Bauchart, M., 478. 

Baudinet, Capt., 438. 

Baume, 335. 

Baylen, Duke of, 256. 

Bazaine, Marshal, 655. 

Bazancourt, Baron, extracts from " Crim^e," 546 n., 
552 n., 557 n., 560 n. 

Baze, M., his arrest, 442, 443. 

Beauharnais, jfcmilie. — See Louis Bonaparte. 

Beauharnais, Eugtee, Prince, 18, 34, 35, 600, 607; as 
a carpenter, 19; first interview with Bonaparte, 
19; marriage, 34, 38; his resemblance to Louis 
Napoleon, 199 ; deepens the bed of the Po, 251. 

Beauharnais, Stephanie, Duchess of Baden, 33, 34, 39. 

Beauharnais, Viscount, A. de, marriage and execu- 
tion of, 17, 18. 

Bedeau, Gen., 342; his arrest, 441, 442. 

Bedford, Duke of, 70. 

Belgium journals against Louis Napoleon, 486. 

Beller,Col.,636. 

Belmontet, the poet, 96, 104. 

Belouino, Paul, extracts from " Coup d'litat," 399 n., 
435, 430 n., 444 n., 447, 449 n., 452 n., 454 n., 457 n., 
462 n. 

Beranger, 57, 59, 226, 227, 246. 

Berkeley Men, extracts from, 25, 40. 

Berri, Duke of, his assassination, 53, 83-85; charao 
ter of, 82, 83. 

Berri, Duchess of, history and adventures of, 82-89, 
121. 

719 



720 



INDEX. 



Berryer, M., extracts from his speech at trial of 
Louis Napoleon, 179-181, 186. 

Berthoud, 270. 

Bertrand, Abb(5, 27, 34, 35; Gen., 165, 183, 196, 518. 

Bismark, Count. — See Denmark. 

Bixio, his duel with Thiers. — See Thiers. 

Blanc, L., 47, 308, 311, 316, 318 n., 320, 321, 331, 349 
and n., 358, 371 n.; "Manifesto of the Society of 
the Revolution to the People," 508 ; extracts, 475 
n., 477 n. 

Blanqui, 318, 339 and n., 320, 321, 333. 

Blessington, Countess, 150, 280 and n.; description 
of Queen Hortense, 35; opinion of Prince Louis 
Napoleon, 198, 199. 

Bocanegra, Scnor, political prefect of Mexico, 649. 

Boirier, M., assassin, 156. 

Bonaparte, Caroline, 147. 

Bonaparte family, the, hold a secret meeting, 62; 
banished from France, 119 n., 161; decree of ban- 
ishment abrogated, 325, 355; proposal to renew it, 
327, 328, 331, 366 n. — See also Republic, French ; 
and Senate decrees. 

Bonaparte, Jerome, 322, 324, 446. 

Bonaparte, Joseph, 46, 75, 188; protest of, in favor of 
Napoleon II., 75, 76; statue of Bonaparte, 160, 161 ; 
Mexican crown oiTered to, 637 ; death and career 
of, 250-256. — See also Senate decrees. 

Bonaparte, Louis. — See Louis Bonaparte. 

Bonaparte, Pierre, 324, 350, 357. 

Bonaparte, name of, exposed to obloquy, 33. 

Bonchamp, Gen. and Madame, 390, 391. 

Bonjean, M., 332. 

Bonnechose, Cardinal, 617, 618. 

Bordeaux, Duke of, or Henry V., 52, 94, 304, 407, 408, 
410, 485 and n., 489, 490 ; nature of his claim, efforts 
in his behalf, 53-55, 69, 82-89; remonstrance 
against Louis N.ipoleon, 508, 509. 

Borghese, Prmce, 40. 

Borgo, Pozzodi, 03. 

Bosphorus, Straits of the, their geography, and im- 
portance to Russia, 526, 527. 

Bosquet, Gen., 554, 555, 556, 557, 561, 

Boujon, M., 84. 

Boulogne, 166-1S3. 

Bourbaki, Gen., 555, 556. 

Bourbons, fears of, 33,35,36; expulsion of, 41, 52; 
hostility towards, 51-53; they consider the Duke 
of Bordeaux legitimate sovereign, 53; European 
dynasties decide not to attempt restoring the, 85; 
their law of proscription against the Bonaparte 
family, 161. — See also 75, 105, 109, 288, 291 n., 311, 
312, 351, 373, 398 n., 400 n., 405, 420, 438, 443-446, 
449 n., 485, 489, 490, 518, 519, 520, 581, 602, 675, 676, 
677, and Bordeaux, Diike of. 

Bourraont, Marshal, 86. 

Bourrienne, memoir of Napoleon I., 20, 21. 

Boville, M., 432, 433; his stratagem to secure the 
printing of the president's proclamations, 437. 

Brazil, 030. 

Brea, Gen., heroic conduct of, shot by insurgents, 
character, 344, 345. 

Brjffaut, M.,336. 

Broglie, Duke of, 399. 

Brougham, Lord, 592 n.; on the Holy Alliance, 48. 

Brown, Gen., 555. 

Broylie, M. de, upon the condition of France, 155, 
156. 



Buchanan, President, 627 n., 628, 629 n. 

Buchor, 329. 

Bugcaud, Marshal, 301 and n., 302 and n., 379. 

Bullock, extract from, 032. 

Buol, Count, Austrian minister, 537. 

Cabarras, Count, 513. 

Cabot, 321. 

Cambridge, Duke of, 555, 557. 

Cambronne, Gen., 390 and n. 

Campo Franco, Count, 89. 

Canino, Prince of. President of the Revolutionary 

Assembly, Rome, 376, 378. 
Canova, 39. 

Canrobert, Gen., 453, 478, 552, 555, 558, 55T. 
Capo d'Istria, Count, 528. 
Carbonari, the. — See Italy. 
Carigan, Prince de, 577. 
Carlist party. — See Legitimists. 
Carlota, Empress, 639, 641, 656; education, charac- 
ter, 644 ; celebration of her birthday, charity, 648, 
649 ; grief at her father's death, her unsuccessful 
mission to the French court, her insanity, 653; 
incorrect rumor of her death, 662, 664. 
Carnot, M., 231, 315, 420. 
Caroline, Princess, 53. 
Carrau, 8., 646. 
Carre, F., argument in the trial of Louis Napoleon, 

178, 179. 
Carrel, M., views of, 93. 
Carrelet, Gen., 453. 
Cassagnac, Gen., 427. 
Castellon, Franc, 247-249. 
Castiglione, 578. 
Castillo, Gen., 659. 
Castlereagh, Lord, 43. 

Catherine, Empress, her desire to possess Constan- 
tinople, 530. 
Cathcart, Lord, 43, 555. 
Caudine Forks, 256 and n. 
Caussidiere, 349, 371 n. 

Cavaignac, Gen., appointed dictator, 343; the insur- 
gents, 346; defends Napoleon, character, 439; 
arrest, 440. — See also 322, 341, 342 and n., 346, 347, 
348, 366 and n., 376, 377, 378, 379, 417, 420, 425, 503, 
and Republic, French. 
Cavour, Count, 570, 572. 
Cayla, Countess of, account of, her influence over 

Louis XVni., 49, 50. 
Central America, invitation to Lpuis Napoleon, 247; 

Isthmus-of-Panama Question, 247, 249. 
Chalons, Bishop of, 394, 395. 
Chalons, Plains of, army upon the, 42. 
Chambord, Count de, or Duke of Bordeaux. — See 

Bordeaux, Duke of. 
Chambrun, 613 n. 
Champs filysees, circus of, grand celebration iu, 

427-429. 
Changarnier, Gen., 319, 366, 386, 402 n., 414 and n., 418 
n., 425, 486 n. ; character and ambition, &c.,409, 
407 and n., 409 and n., 410; his arrest, 438, 439.— 
See also Napoleon HI. 
Charlemagne, 671. 
Charles I. of England, 212. 
Charles II. of England, 204, 206. 
Charles IV., 252. 
Charles VH., 419. • 



\ 



INDEX. 



721 



Charles X., or Count d'Artois, 75, 82, 117, 118, 119,408 
n., 430, 475 and n., 521; assumes the crown, alarm 
at liberal Ideas, orderssuppressionof certain jour- 
nals and pamphlets, 50; strife, 51; battles against, 
flight of the royal family, expulsion of, abdicates, 
52, 53; in Scotland, still thinks his grandson will 
be king, his children, 53; salary of, 401; expedition 
to Algiers, 502, 503; in Bohemia, death, 162. 

Charles Albert of Sardinia, desires to expel the 
Austrians from Italy, introduces reforms, his 
sympathy with Pius IX., 568; his flight from No- 
vara, abdicates in favor of Victor Emanuel 11., 
his death, 569. 

Charles Albert, Prince of Carigan, 48. 

Charles Felix, 48; joins the Austrian army, 48, 49. 

Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. — See Napoleon 

m. 

Charlotte Augusta, Princess, 486, 

Charlotte, Princess, 644. 

Charres, Col., his arrest, 442. 

Chartist movement, 324. 

Chartres, Bishop of, attends the dying Due de 
Berri, 83, 84; Due de, 300.— See Helen, Duchess 
of Orleans. 

Chateaubriand, extract from " M^moires d'outre 
Tombe," 56, 57; his arrest, &c., 81; visits Napo- 
leon at Arenemberg, 74, 81. — See also 55, 60, 94, 
172, 173, 213, 227, 503, 509, 527 n. 

Cherbourg, works at. — See Napoleon in. 

Christian IX. of Denmark, 616, 621. 

Circassia. — See Eastern Question. 

Cissey, Col. de, 555, 556. 

" City of Edinburgh," steamer, 166, 171, 

Civita Vecchia, 379. 

Clancarty, Lord, 43. 

Clausel, Marshal, 77. 

Clement, M., 351. 

Clotilde, Princess, 571, 572, 576. 

Cochelet, Mademoiselle, 113. 

Code Napoleon, 46, 47, 101, 468. 

Colonna, Chiara, 374 n. 

Communists, 311, 337, 398, 484. 

Couneau, Dr., 132, 167, 183, 184, 322, 576; his devotion 
to Napoleon, 264-270, 274-276; his arrest, 276, 277. 

Consalvi, Cardinal, 43. 

Constant, B., 59, 213 n.; the Carbonari, 47. 

Constantinople, 526, 527. — See also Eastern Ques- 
tion. 

Cormenin, M., 230, 231. 

Corneille, 393. 

Cornwallis, Lord, 255. 

Corsica, Department of. — See Republic, French. 

Corwin, Hon. Thomas, 637 n. 

Coup d'fitat of Louis Napoleon, 431-455 ; ratification 
of, 456-473; remarks upon, &c., 458-461, 464.— 
For works relating to, see 432 n. 

" Courier des filecteurs," 159. 

Courtais, Gen., 319. 

Courtigis, Gen., 454. 

Cowley, Lord, 572, 623. 

Cremieux, M., 308, 329. 

Crcton, M.,486n. 

Crimean "War, the, loss in, question of the shrines, 
B easures of the French Government, 534, 535 ; ar- 
.ogance and ultimatum of Nicholas, co-operation 
of France and England, England, France, Aust; ia, 
and Prussia reject the ultimatum, 535-537; the 
91 



Vienna note, Sultan rejects It, 538-540; battlo 
in the Bay of Sinope between Turks and Rus- 
sians, Nicholas refuses to listen to conciliatory 
measures, and Napoleon appeals to him to avert 
further strife, 540-543; cessation of diplomatic re- 
lations between Russia and the Western powers, 
Austria as mediator, 543; war declared, Austria 
and Prussia do not join the confederacy, 545, 546; 
alliance between France and England, 546 n.; 
allied troops land upon the Crimea, battle of the 
Alma, retreat of the Russians, 550 ; allied troops 
attempt the siege of Sevastopol, battle of Inker- 
man, 553-557; allied army hold a council of war, 
loss of French troops in the trenches, 560, 561 ; bat- 
tle of the Malakofi", Sevastopol abandoned by the 
Russians, 561, 562; Austria as mediator, arrange- 
ments for a treaty of reconciliation, 563; treaty of 
peace, French influence and French army in the 
siege, 564, 565. 
Cuynat, M., 121. 

Damesne, Gen., 342, 344. 

Dardanelles, the, their geography, &c., 526, 527. 

Daru, M., 443. 

Davoust, Marshal, 390 n. 

Dayton, Mr., 651 n. 

Decazes, Duke, 174. 

Delessert, B., 121, 219. 

Demagogues, 414. 

Demarle, M., commandant of Fortress of Ham, 189, 

275, 276. 
Democrats, extreme, 484, 507, 676. 
Denmark, Schleswig, and Holstein, Bismark's plans, 

claimants, diplomatic measures, Austria, Prussia, 

and England, Napoleon's congress, war, Venetia, 

621-624. 
Derby, Lord, 572, 584 n. 
De Tocqueville, 353. 
D'Hilliers, Gen., 414. 
Dickens, C, 131. 

Dijon, inauguration of a railroad at, 416, 417 
Doblado, Sefior, 630. 
D'Orsay, Count, 150, 199, 280 n., 281. 
Douglas, Lady. — See Hamilton, Duchess of. 
Drouyn de I'Huys, E., 616, 617. 
Drouyn, Madame, 493. 

Duchatel, M., 257, 258, 261, 293, 296, 297, 301. 
Ducos, Madame, 493, 
Dufaure, M.,355, 446. 
Dufour, Gen., 37. 
Dulac, Gen., 454. 
Dumoulin, M. — See L'Advocat, 
Dumouriez, Gen., 289. 
Dupin, Chas., 276, 306, 307, 407 n., 443, 498. 
Dupin, guard at the Fortress of Ham, 269. 
Dupont de I'Eure, 308, 319. 

Dupont, L., Francis Joseph, and Maximilian, 587 a. 
Duprat, P.,332. 
Dupuytren, surgeon, 84. 
Durando, Gen., 569. 

Duroc, or Duke of Friuli. — See Hortense. 
Duvivier, Gen., 342, 

Eagles of France, 109-111, 115, 368, 487^89,492.— 

See also LabodoycJre, Col. 
Eastern Question, rise of Turkish power, fall of the 

Greek empire, 524; peril of Christendom, power 



722 



INDEX. 



of Russia, Moldavia, and 'Wallachia, 525 ; Russia 
talies the Crimea, conquers Circassia, and seeks 
conquest of new worlds, 526, 527 ; revolt of Greece, 
cruelty of the Turks, hattle of Navarino, Turks 
defeated by the allies, England, France, and Rus- 
sia, 527, 528; England's fear of Russia, 529, 530; 
Bonaparte's prophecy, 531; Nicholas tries by a 
bribe to induce England and Austria to help him 
drive the Turks out of Europe, France not asked, 
632; American sympathy for the Russians, bar- 
barity of the Turks, oppression of the Christians, 
diplomacy, 533. — See Alexander I., Crimean War. 

ficole Polytechnique, students of the, 58, 77. 

iCgalite, Philippe. — See Louis Philippe Joseph. 

Eglinton, Earl of, 150, 324 n. 

Elbeuf, workmen of. — See Napoleon HE. 

Elizabeth of England, 204, 205. 

i;iysee Palace, 366 and n. 

Empire, the, re-establishment of, 494-511. 

Encyclopaedia Americana, extract from, 43. 

England, 53, 204-210, 211-213, 486, 570 and n., 571, 
672; regarding Algiers, 602, 603.— See also Cri- 
mean War, Denmark, Eastern Question, Italy, 
Maximilian of Mexico, Napoleon in. 

Escobedo, Gen., C58, 659. 

Espinasse, M., 478. 

Eugene, Prince, Boulevard, inauguration of the, 606, 
607. 

Eug<5nie, Empress, birth and childhood, introduc- 
tion at court, character, 513-516; incident re- 
lated of, 575; marriage, 514-517; charity, 516; 
visits Queen Victoria, 558, 659; gives birth to a 
son, 563; she preserves the quill with which the 
treaty of peace between the allied powers and 
Russia was signed, 564; escape from assassina- 
tion, and heroism, 565, 566; her clemency, 566; 
emotion at parting from her husband, regent in 
his absence, 575-578, 590; religious sentiments of, 
618; Paris Exposition, 668. 

Europe in a state of ferment, 581, 582. 

Europe, sovereigns of, their respective replies to 
Napoleon's appeal, 614-616. 

Evreux, Count of, 366 n. 

Exposition, InteruationaL — See Napoleon m. 

Fallaux, M., 342 n. 

Famine, 522. 

Fauobe/, L., 338. 

Favre, Jules, 328, 333 and n., 336, 618. 

Ferdinand, King, the hoary debauchee, 46, 252; joins 
the Austrian army, 48. 

Ferdinand 11. of the Two Sicilies, 525, 581, 599 n. 

Ferronnaj-s, F. de la, 485 n. 

Fialin, M., Viscount Persigni, 104, 114,167, 322,323n., 
477, 403; defends Napoleon, 133; at Napoleon's 
trial, 182. 

Field of Mars, imposing ceremony in the, 30. 

Fieschi, assassin, 154, 173, 504. 

Fleury, Baron, remarks on Hortense, 32. 

Fleury, Gen., 585, 586, 588. 

Flocon, M., 308, 333 n. 

Foreigners, rage against, 314. 

Forey, Gen., 556, 634-636, 637, 638. 

Forte, Marquis de la, incident during the battle of 
1848, 348. 

France, invasion of, 42; failure of attempt at revolu- 
tion in, 47. — See Crimean War, Eastern Question, 
Maximilian of Mexico, 



Francis Charles, Archduke of Austria, 643. 

Francis Joseph of Austria, 546, 573, 589 n., 594, 599 
and n., 612; the campaign in Italy, 574, 678, 580, 
581, 585-588; Schleswig and Holstein, 621. 

Frederick, Duke, 621. 

Fredorica, Sophia, Archduchess, 643. 

Fresncau, M., 331. 

Friuli, Duke of. — See Hortense. 

Fuad Effendi, 636. 

Gallatin, A., 127. 

Gallic cock, the, 109. 

Gallix and Guy, extracts from Histoire, &c., 36, 159, 

160, 246, 311 n., 312, 363 n., 371 n., 403, 408 n., 412 

n., 413 n., 443 n., 450 n., 454 n., 460, 461, 476 n., 488 

n., 493, 497 and n., 506, 510 and 511 n. 
Garde Mobile, 314, 341. 
Garclla, M., 247. 
Garibaldi, 381, 383 n., 581, 599. 
Gavazzi, Father, 583, 584. 
Genlis, Madame de, 286, 287, 290. 
George I. of Greece, 616. 
Gerard, Marshal, 174. 

Germans, the, Napoleon's desire to unite, 44. 
Girardin, fimile, 303, 599 n. 
Glandives, Baron de, 55. 
Gomez, 565, 566. 
Gonzales, Gen., 659. 
Goodrich, S. G., the Coup d'iltat, &c., 433 n., 44S. 

452. 
Gortschakoff, Gen., 561, 562. 
Gourgaud, Gen., 165. 
Gousce, 328. 

Graviere, Admiral de la, 631. 
Gravisne, F., 512. 
Greco, assassin, 618. 

Greece, Crimean War. — See Eastern Question. 
Gregory XVI., 377. 
Grouchy, Viscount of, 613 n. 
Gueronnicre, A. de la, extracts from, 572 n., 594 n., 

595 n., 598 n. 
Guinard, M.,394. 
Guizot, M., 52, 64, 211, 257, 293, 296, 297, 293, 301, 

406 n. 
Gutierrez de Estrada, Senor, on Mexico, 639, 640, 641. 
Guy, M. — See Gallix, M. 

Hall, F., extracts from " Life of Maximilian," 639 
n., 645 n., 651 n., 660 n., 662 and 663 n., 664. • 

Ham, Fortress of, description of, 184, 185. 

Hamilton, Duchess of, or Douglas, Lady, 280 and n. ; 
anecdote of her when Maria, Princess of Baden, 39 ; 
Duke of, 149. 

Hauranne, D', 302. 

Helen, Louisa Elizabeth, Duchess of Orleans, 297; 
appointed regent, 303, 304; her fear of the mob, 
304, 305 ; her heroism, and flight to Claremont with 
her sons Duo de Chartres and Count de Paris, 305- 
SIO, 515 n, 

Henry IV., 388, 476. 

Henry V., 329. — See Bordeaux, Duke of. 

Hesse, Prince of, 621. 

Hodde, L. de la, 312. 

Holstein, 612. — See Denmark. 

Holy Alliance, the, treaty signed by Russia, Austria, 
and Prussia, 48 ; attack and overthrow Naples and 
Sardinia, 4S, 49, 63. 



INDEX. 



723 



Ilortense, Queen, as a seamstress, 19; person and 
character of, 19, 34, 35, 132 ; Bonaparte's attachment 
for, her attachment for Duroc, unhappy marriage 
with Louis Bonaparte, 20-22, 25 ; charge against, 
separation from her husband, displeases Bona- 
parte, 25, 26; heroic conduct, grief, presides at the 
Imperial Palace, 23; expelled from Paris, her exile 
under title of Duchess St. Leu, 33-36; partial rec- 
onciliation with her husband, 37,39; devotion to 
her son, throws herself upon the generosity of 
Louis Philippe, 67-70; in England, 70; iu Are- 
nemberg, 71; letters, 97; her mother's marriage- 
ring, 107 ; intercedes with Louis Philippe for her 
son, 121; death, burial-place, 132, 133; Dr. Con- 
neau, 183. — See also Napoleon HI. 

Hotel de Ville, 79. 

Hubaut, commissary, 440. 

Hugo, Victor, 338 ; Louis Napoleon and Gen.Cavai- 
gnac, 366 n. ; appeals to the people, 447 ; the Napo- 
leonic party, 463 n. ; manifesto of the proscribed 
democratic Socialists of France resident at Jersey, 
508. 

Hungary, excitement in, 581, 582, 583. 

Imperatori, assassin, 618. 

Indies, the, 526. 

Inkennan, battle of. — See Crimean War. 

Innocent ni., 206. 

Insurrections, 81. — See also Italy, Paris, Poland, 
Republic (French), Socialists, and the names of 
the different sovereigns. 

Ionian and Tyrian Seas, unity by a canal, 251. 

Ireland, Catholic, 518; excitement in, 532. 

Irenseus on the Paris Exposition, 668, 669. 

Irving, W., 131. 

Isambert, M., 356. 

Issal6, 276. 

Italians, the. Napoleon's desire to unite, 44, 05-67. 

Italy, insurrections, 41, 47, 62, 63; kingdoms over- 
thrown, Italians desire union, 43-46; Napoleon's 
views, the Carbonari, 44, 45, 46, 47; failure of first 
efforts againsttreaties of 1815,49; commotion upon 
the overthrow of the Bourbon dynasty, 62 ; address 
from the Revolutionary party, the patriots retreat 
before the Austrians, 67, 68; desire for escape 
from Austrian domination, revolutionary move- 
ment, 5GS, 569; British opposition, cause of discon- 
tent of the Lombardo-Venetians, 569, 570; Austria's 
tyranny, 570, 572; England to Austria, and reply, 
Sardinia, 570, 571 ; hopes in England disappointed, 
Austria's demand rejected, and her design of seiz- 
ing upon the Sardinian capital, 572, 573, 574 ; ar- 
rival of Napoleon's army, 576; French and Sar- 
dinian armies defeat the Austrians in the battles 
of Montebello, Palestro, and Magenta, 578; Napo- 
leon's proclamation to the Milanese, provisional 
government annexes Lombardy to Piedmont, Aus- 
trians driven out of Lombardy, 579, 580; battle of 
Solferino and defeat of the Austrians, Sardinia and 
Lombardy liberated, people of the several States 
rise against their governments, 580, 581 ; England 
and Prussia meditate helping Austria, 582, 583, 585; 
Napoleon consents to the peace of Villafranca, 
leaving Venetia to the Austrians, 583, 585, 586; 
reasons for peace, 583-588; England in regard to, 
584 n. ; interview between Francis Joseph and 
Napoleon, independence of Parma, Modena, and 



Tuscany, peace concluded, re-union of Lombardy 
with Piedmont, 587-589; plan of confederation, 
opposition of the pope, vote for Italian unity, 
Savoy and Nice return to Fr.ance, Rome and Ve- 
netia, 591-594; the Romagna, inflexibility of the 
papal government, the pope preferring domina- 
tion to reform, 597, 598, 599 n.; st.ate of the Italian 
Question, cry for the liberation of Venetia, sympa- 
thies of France, 611, 612; convention with France, 
019 ; secret alliance with Prussia, 620. — See also 
Charles Albert of Sardinia, Napoleon EH., Roman 
Question, Victor Emanuel II. 
Iturbide, 630. 

Jacobins, 427, 453 n., 456. — See Republican party. 

James n. of England, 206-208. 

Joinville, Prince de, 153, 154, 190, 191, 192, 196, 329, 
420, 486 n. 

Josephine, Empress, early life and marriage, 17; 
return to Martinique, to France, arrest and libera- 
tion, 13 ; marriage with Bou.iparte, 19 ; regarding 
Hortense, fear of divorce, 21 ; letters to Hortense, 
24,27,28; regarding Hortense's children, 25; death, 
29; colossal statue of, 194; virtues of, 514, 515. 

Juarez, B., President of the Mexican Republic, 629, 
631, 632, 633, 636, 637, 640,655; United States' sym- 
pathy for, 646 n., 651; deprives Ortega of his con- 
stitutional claim, and extends his own presidential 
term, 652; holds Ortega a prisoner, 658. — See also 
Maximilian of Mexico. 

Juba, conspiracy of, 160. 

Julia, Queen, 254. 

Julius Cfflsar, life of. — See Napoleon HI. 

Kann, Dr. Sumner. — See Pius LX. 

Kent, Chancellor, 131. 

Kinglake, A. W., 487 n.; extracts from "The Cri- 
mea," 536 n., 537, 538 n., 539 and n. 

Kirkpatrick, Carlota, 512, 513; Henriqueta or Coun- 
tess Cabarras,i6.; Maria, see Palafox, Countess ; 
Mr., 512. 

Labedoyere, Col., 109, 110, 111 and n.; the eagle, 

109. 
Lachasse de Verigny, Gen., assassination of, 154. 
L'Advocat, M., and Dumoulin, M., 54, 55. 
Lafayette, 52, 54, 58, 59, 75, 76 n., 77, 79, 93, 151, 152, 

160; joins the Carbonari, 47; dissatisfied with 

Louis Philippe, 78. 
Lafltte, M., 54, 55, 77, 78, 80. 
Lagrange, M., 298; arrest, 442. 
Laity, M., publishes "Prince Napoleon" at Stras- 

burg, and is arrested, 133, 135; Prince Napoleon 

writes to, 133, 144. 
Lamarque, Gen., 76-78, 80; bloody conflict at the 

funeral of, 78. 
Lamartine, 229-234, 259, 292 n., 298, 306, 308, 311,312, 

313, 314, 318, 319, 320, 321, 326, 333 n., 337, 342, 352, 

353, 354 and n., 358, 414, 415, 592. 
Lamoriciere, Gen., 302, 342, 344, 425, 486 n., 503; hii 

arrest, 441, 442. 
Landamann, M., 138. 

Landor, W. S., upon Louis Napoleon, 2So, 281. 
Lannac, M. de, 335. 
Laplace in Fortress of Ham, 269, 276. 
Largo, Baron, 666. — See also Maximilian of Mexico. 
Las Casas, 165, 630; extract from, 44, 45. 



724 



INDEX. 



Lascazes, M. de, 259. 

Lavalette, Marquis de, 534. 

Lebas, M., 35. 

Label, M., 120. 

Leblond, M., 353. 

Lebobe, M.,411 n. 

Le Clerc, Gen. V. E., 40. 

Le Clerc, M., 336. 

Lecomte,Capt., 279, 280. 

Legitimists, 53, 54, 75, 76, 81, 82, 89, 102, 292,300,336, 
371, 388, 395, 398, 403, 407, 408 aiid n., 409 n., 414, 
427, 485, 509, 522 n. 

Lempriire, C, extract, 627, 628 n. 

Leon, Sefior V. de, 646. 

Leopold I. of Belgium, 486 and n., 644; his death, 
653. 

Leopold n. of Belgium, 644. 

Lerat, M., 438, 439. 

Leroux, P., 321. 

" Letters from London," extracts from, 148, 149. 

Levasseur, Gen., 453, 454. 

Liberal party. —See Republican party. 

Lincoln, A., 369, 581. 

Lobau, Gen., 59. 

Lodi, 578, 582. 

Lombard, M., 114, 183. 

Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, 45. — See also Italy. 

Lombardy, crown of, 255 n.,256. 

London Exposition, 427-429, 608, 609. 

Londonderry, Marquis of, 42, 342 n. 

Lopez. — See Maximilian of Mexico. 

Lorencez, Gen., 631, 632. 

Louis Bonaparte, attachment to Emilie Beauhamais, 
and disappointment, 20, 21; character, 21,25, 26, 
38 n. ; marriage with Hortense, and separation, 22, 
25; paralysis, vindicates Hortense, 25; abdicates, 
a wanderer, 33; new domestic troubles, his title 
of Count St. Leu, 38 n., 75; victimof dejection, 75; 
writes upon his son's arrest, 173 n., 250; dying 
desire to see his son, 257-262; death and wishes, 
279. — See also Hortense. 

Lotus PMlippe, sixth Duke of Orleans, adherence to, 
64; character, 54, 55, 102 n., 291, 292; appointed 
lieutenant-general, fear and anxiety, proclamation, 
58, 59, 69, 159; menaces of the Republicans, his 
opinions, 59, 60; enthronement, treaties of 1815, 
regarded as arresting the revolution, &c., 61, 63; 
called usurper, 69; title disputed, efforts to de- 
throne hun, insurrections, 76-81; desertion of 
old friends, 78; his system, 81; at death-bed of 
Due de Berri, treatment of Duchess de Berri, 84, 
86, 89 ; his unpopularity, 100, 102, 121 ; his course 
in regard to Louis Napoleon, 121, 122, 135, 258, 259, 
261; Lafayette's power and dismissal, 151, 152; 
makes arrests, attempted assassination of, 152- 
154, 156, 157 ; prisoner in his own palace. Arc de 
rfitoile, Bj-mpathy with the dynasties, 157-159; 
consents to the removal of Bonaparte's remains, 
and rendershomageto them, 164,194,196; arrests 
Bonapartists, and severity to Bonaparte family, 
172, 279 n. ; childhood and youth, exile, 288, 289, 
290, 291 ; visits King of Sicily and marries Princess 
Amelia, becomes king of France, 291; receives 
sobriquet of "The Target-King," 292, 565; mam- 
moth banquet, 292-294; public feeling against, 
insurrection, 294-310; dismisses his ministers, 
296, 297; organizes a new ministry, insulted by 



the National Guard, abdicates in favor of his 
son, disguise, flight and refuge in Claremont, 
301-305; his government, 312; his wealth, avarice, 
and efforts against Louis Napoleon's government, 
401, 475-477 and n. ; warfare with Algiers, 503; 
his efforts to secure a royal alliance for his son, 
514 and n., 515 n.; his salary, 401; death, &c., 407 
and n., 211, 408 n., 430, 486, 487, 521. 

Louis Phihppe Joseph, or Philippe £galitt5, character 
and execution, 288-290. 

Louis XTV., 207, 208. 

Louis XV., 366 n. 

Louis XVT., 366 n., 385. 

Louis XVn., 511 n. 

Louis XVHI., 49, 53, 84, 85, 110, 408 n., 430, 475, 511 
n., 520, 521; character, 49; Countess de Cayla, 49, 
50; death, 50. 

Louise Maria, wife of Lepold I., 644. 

Lourmel, Col. de, 454. 

Louvel, assassin, 83, 85. 

Louvre, the, held by the royal troops, 79. 

Ludre, M. de, 354, 355. 

McMahon, Gen., 562. 

Magenta, battle of, 582, 589 and n.— See also Italy. 

Magnan, Gen., 427, 429, 437, 445, 446, 449 n., 453 and 
n., 454, 493; Mademoiselle, 493. 

Magnus, A. V., Prussian minister, 666. — See also 
Maximili.an of Mexico. 

Malakoff, battle of the. — See Crimean "War. 

Manuel, M., a leader of the Carbonari, 47. 

Marat, 152. 

Marchal, M., 330, 331. 

Marcoletta, M. de, 256. 

Marengo, 578. 

Margain, Lieut. -Col., 665. 

Maria. Christina, Queen, 513. 

Maria, Dona, Queen. — See Portugal. 

Maria Louisa, 514; abandons Bonaparte, 28; prio- 
oner in Austria, 29, 45. 

Maria, Princess of Baden. — See Hamilton, Duch- 
ess. 

Maria, M., 320, 338, 339, 342 n. 

Market-women of Paris, ball to the, 492, 493. 

Marmont, Gen., 52, 531 n. 

Marquez, Gen., 658. 

Marrast, the editor, 297, 298 n., 308, 351, 356, 365. 

Marseilles, bloody revolt at, 348 ; infernal machine 
at, 504. 

Marseillaise Hymn, 51, 58, 294, 298. 

Martinprey, Gen., 588. 

Marulaz, Gen., 454. 

Mary, Duchess of Parma, 53. 

Mastai, Cardinal. — See Pius IX. 

Mauguin, Capt., 77, 344; President of the Provisional 
Government, 58 ; shot by the insurgents, 345. 

Maupas, minister of police, 433, 437, 438, 439, 448. 

Maximilian of Bavaria, 34, 38. 

Maximilian of Mexico, 630 n., 631, 637; chosen em- 
peror, 638, 640-642; birth and marriage, 639; ch.ar- 
acter and person, 639, 643, 644; his publications, 
643; departure with Carlota from Trieste, 644, 645; 
their arrival in Mexico, and enthusiastic reception 
in the different cities, 645-650; United States 
against, 646 n; renounces his right to the Aus- 
trian throne, 649 n. ; apparent popularity of the 
empire, expressions of hostility, the Juarez party. 



INDEX. 



725 



650 and n.; his administration, he reduces his 
own salary, hostility of United-States Government 
and people, American force on the Rio Grande, 
church party against, 651 and n. ; France disposed 
to withdraw, and her reason, guerilla hands, his 
great anxiety, 652 and n. ; Carlota's unsuccessful 
mission to Napoleon, his grief at ttiC insanity of 
Carlota, 653; issues a proclamation, French troops 
withdraw from Mexico to prevent war with the 
United States, and for another reason. Napoleon's 
reason for his course, 655 and n., 056; refuses to 
ahandon his friends hy leaving Mexico, as Juarez 
will not grant general amnesty to supporters of 
the empire, wishes to call a congress, the Juarez 
party shoot Imperialists, 656, 657; his army re- 
pulses the Literals, treachery of Lopez, 658, 659; 
capture of, his prisons, his interview with Mr. F. 
Hall, Juarez calls a court-martial to try the em- 
peror and Generals Miramon and Mejia, 659, 660 ; 
eleven charges hrought against him, his defence, 
trial, found guilty with Miramon and Mejia, and 
all condemned to he shot, Juarez refuses pardon, 
informed incorrectly that the empress is dead, and 
•vnites his last wishes to the Baron Largo, 661, 662; 
the Prussian minister intercedes for him to Juarez, 
who refuses pardon, other governments, especially 
the American, intercede, he entreats Juarez to 
pardon Miramon and Mejia, sends his marriage- 
ring to his mother, and writes to Juarez, journey 
to place of execution, 663, 664; scone before the 
execution, Miramon and Mejia shot dead instantly, 
Maximilian shot several times, four refusals of 
Juarez to petitions that his remains be conveyed 
to his family, Juarez grants the fifth petition, and 
the body is conveyed to Europe, 665, 600; jjerse- 
cutions and anarchy after his death, 665-667; the 
United States and Napoleon m., 607. 

Mazas, prison of, 439, 443. 

Mazzmi, dictator in Rome, 383 and n., 384, 565,618; 
on the Socialists, 484, 485 n. 

Medici, the, 401. 

Mejia, Gen., 658, 659, 661. — See also Maximilian of 
Mexico. 

Mendez, Gen., 659. 

Meneval, 530. 

Mentschikofl', Prince, 536, 537, 550. 

Metternich, Prince, 135; incident related of, 43. 

Meunier, assassin, 156. 

Meurthe, M. Bonlay de la, on Louis Napoleon, 257 n. 

Mexican Question, revolutions, American expedition, 
robbers, 626; alliance of Spain, France, and Eng- 
land, and its object, 627; United States declines 
interfering, 627 n. ; object of the slaveholders, 
religion of Mexico, monarchical party, 628; dis- 
sension between the allies, squadron at Vera Cruz, 
failure of attempts to form a government, discord- 
ant views, withdraw.al of Spain and England, 
convention of Soledad, 629-631 ; re-enforcement of 
the French troops, 631, 634 ; Napoleon's design, 632 
n. ; Mexicans repulsed at Puebla, 633; the vomito 
and guerillas, 631, 634; extract from an .address of 
Napoleon, and his instructions to Gen. Forey, 634- 
636; French repulsed at Puebla, small-pox, United 
States in sympathy with the Mexicans, 636; op- 
posite parties, foreigners, &c., battle of Puebla, 
French triumph, 6.36-638 ; Provisional Government, 
Maximilian chosen emperor, Napoleon's desire, 



sentiments of the president of the Mexican com- 
mission, &o., 638-640; delegation at Miramar, 
&c., 640-642. — See Maximilian, Emperor. 

Meygret, C, 493. 

Mignet, M., 55, 59. 

Mignon, l'Abb6 J. H., the pope, 377 n. 

Miramon, Gen., 62S, 629, 633, 658, 659, 661. — Sea 
also Maximilian of Mexico. 

Miranboli, conspiracy of, 160. 

Modena, 45. — See also Italy. 

Moderate party, 358, 399, 427. 

Mohammed H., 524. 

Moldavia. — See Crimean "War, Eastern Question. 

Mol<5, Count, 137 n., 297, 410, 426. 

Mondovi, 578. 

Montaignards, 449 n. 

Montalembert, M., 399, 407 n. * 

Montebello, battle of, 589. — See also Italy. 

Moutebello, Duke of, 135, 136 and n. 

Montenegro, M. de, 256. 

Montholon, Count, 167, 181, 184, 200, 265, 274, 275, 
322,500 n., 518; sentence of imprisonment, 183; 
Countess, 186. 

Montijo, Count, 513; Countess, see Palafox, Coun- 
tess. 

Montpellier, workmen's ball at, 499, 500. 

Montpcnsier, Duke of, 297, 301, 302, 303, 486 n. 

Montrose, Duke of, 149. 

Morelli, C. G., 5S8. 

Morny, le Comte de, 432, 437, 438, 443, 449 n.; ap- 
pointed minister of the interior, 433. 

Morse, S. F. B., on Louis N.apolcon, 65-67, 127 

Mortior, Marshal, assassination of, 154. 

Mortigny, M., 100. 

Motterouge, Col., 454. 

Municipal Guard, 295. 

Murat, J.,46; L. N., 324, 366 n. 

Naples taken by the Holy Allies, 48 ; conquest, Laz- 
zaroni, &c., 251, 252. — See also Italy. 

Napoleon I., 76, 91, 92, 93, 102, 109, 363 n., 582 and n. ; 
comes into notice, marriage with Josephine, re- 
garding Hortense's marriage, 19, 21; grief at the 
death of Napoleon Charles, 23; regards favora- 
bly Hortense's children, blames Hortense and 
Louis, 25, 26, 27; allied armies march against, 
Elba, first official act, chosen chief magistrate, 29, 
30 ; re-inauguration, prepares to assault the allied 
armies, 30, 31; abdication, prediction, farewell to 
Hortense, 32 ; at St. Helena, 37, 40 ; death, relations 
with Pauline Bonaparte, 40; allusions to and 
name of, 43, 44, 45, 55; generosity to the Orleans 
family, 68; anniversary of his death, 70; memory 
of and honors to, 100, 101, 157, 158, 159-101, 163-165, 
189-197 and n.; statue of, column erected to, 101, 
169 n. ; .arrivaLof his remains, and ceremonies, 189- 
197 ; his mathematical studies, 238-240 ; taking leave 
of his Old Guard, 367, 363; liis design regarding 
Algiers, 502; his marri.ages, 514; upon peace, 518- 
521. — See also Abbott, Senate decrees. 

N.apoleon II., 32, 55, 75,76; in consumption, 54; cap- 
tive in Vienna, 55, 90; death and character, 89, 90 ; 
his claims advocated, 159, 160. 

N.apoleon IH., parentage and childhood, 24-28 ; an- 
ecdotes of, 27, 31, 36, 37, 39, 125-132, 149, 366-368; 
presentation to Bonaparte's army and people, 30; 
love for his uncle and brother, 31-33, 38, 39 ; edu- 



r26 



INDEX. 



cation and stuclies, 35, 36, 37, 38, 49, 70; title of 
Duke St. Leu, joins Swiss soldiers, 37; his cliari- 
ties, 3S, 71, 98, 477 ; in Aroncmberg, 38, 39 ; in Rome, 
41; joins tlie Carbonari, 46; expelled from the 
Papal States, joins the Italian insurgents, 62, 63; 
illness, 67, 08, 70 n. ; a price upon his head, returns 
to Paris, a fugitive, 68; in England, Canton of 
Thurgovia confers upon him right of citizenship, 
70, 71 n. ; visit to Josephine's tomb, 71; return to 
Arenemberg, and occupations there, 71-74; his 
progress and name, 92-94; declines the Polish 
crown, devotes himself to literary labors, 94-100 ; 
Queen Doiia Maria, 97, 98; j»!an adopted by, 104; 
leaves Arenemberg, 107 ; at Strasburg, conspiracy, 
arrested, trial, prisons, 109-121 ; in Paris, 121 ; ban- 
ished without trial to United States, where he 
studies American institutions, 121-125; lying re- 
ports contradicted, 129-132, 133; exile in America, 
131, 132; faith in destiny, 12G, 559; returns to 
Arenemberg to see his dying mother, his love for 
her, 132, 133; his hopes in the throne, 134, 135; 
decides to leave Switzerland to prevent a contlict, 
135-137; in England, literary labors, habits, and 
places of resort, &c., 138-146, 148-151 ; his name in 
France, enemies, 138; justilication of his eflbrts, 
repels accusation, 161, 102, 163; in Boulogne, ad- 
dress to his soldiers, 106-159; arrested, sent to 
Ham, and then to Paris, and imprisoned, 171, 172; 
trial, imprisonment for life, confined in the Fortress 
of Ham, 174-184 ; protest upon the arms of the Em- 
peror, 188, 189 ; his emotions upon the reception of 
his uncle's remains, 197, 198; his protest to the 
government, 200, 201 ; sympathy evinced for, 202, 
203, 213, 214, 247; answers Lamartine's assault, 
229-234 ; declines invitation to America, 247 ; views 
upon the Nicaragua Canal, 248, 249, 250, 2G6; trib- 
ute to the memory of Joseph Bonaparte, 251-256; 
efforts for his release, 256 and n.,257; his petitions 
to the government to be allowed to visit his dying 
father refused, 257-262; plans and disguise for es- 
cape, success, 264-273 ; embarks for England, 273 ; 
Dr. Conneau's stratagem, 274-276 ; his endeavors in 
England to visit his father also disapj)ointed, 277- 
279; English friends, 280, 281 and n.; hears that 
Louis Philippe's throne has crumbled, 2S7, 311 n., 
312; hastens to Paris, writes to government, and 
returns to London, 322, 323; his friends organize, 
323; constable in London, 324 and n. ; popularity 
and excitement in the National Assembly concern- 
ing, 325, 327-333 ; entitled to a seat in the Assembly, 
333; resignation, 337; representative in the Assem- 
hly, excitement in the Assembly, and attacks upon 
him, which he a» swers, 350-358 ; his manifesto, 359- 
861 and n. ; Barrot responds to articles against, 362, 
363; elected President of the Republic, 364, 365 ; his 
residence, 366 and n. ; his antagonism to the Assem- 
bly, 370; Socialists' warfare against, 371 and n., 372; 
accused of leaning towards the Revolutionary party 
in Rome, defends himself, 378, 379; wields execu- 
tive power, measures against the Roman insur- 
gents, 379-384; disperses a Paris mob, proclama- 
tion, 386, 387 ; at Elbeuf, Fixin, and fipcrnay, 393- 
395; checks the abuses of the Roman cardinals, 395, 
396; affection of the people for, 397, 398, 406; sal- 
ary, 401-403, 415 ; liberality and tour through the 
provinces, 403-406 : enthusiasm of his troops at 
Satory, 408, 409; plots against and petition for 



revision of the constitution, 409-412 and n., 416 and 
n., 418; Gen. Changarnier's assumption of power, 
and fall, 413, 414; the army in his hands. Assem- 
bly's indignation and obstinacy, he forms a new 
ministry, 414-417; the Republic a failure, 418; 
message at the last session of the Assembly, 420- 
424; restricted electoral law, ho is an interdict^'d 
candidate, 425; a coup d'i5tat about to take place, 
members of the Assembly favorable to him, 426- 
430; the coup d'i5tat, dissolves the Assembly, ar- 
rests all leaders of factions likely to incite the popu- 
lace, and org.anizes a police-force, decree, appeal, 
and proclamation, 433-446; his coolness and recep- 
tion at the ]<:iys(5e, 446, 447 ; insurrection, 44T-454 and 
u., 456-458, 465; r.atification of the coup d't5tat, 461- 
464; re-elected president, constitution, 405-473; in- 
ternal improvements, 474; requires the Orleans 
fiimily to sell all their property in the Republic, 
470; slanders of the press and its censorship, 
choice of the legislative corps, and address, 480- 
484; hostility of the British Government to, restora- 
tion of the eagles to the banners of France, general 
desire for the restoration of the empire, 486-489, 
495-511; visit to Strasburg, 491, 492; ball upon 
anniversary of Bonaparte's birth, election for the 
general councils, 492, 493 ; prosperity of France, 
494, 495, 511, 516, 517; tour to the southern depart- 
ments, releases Abd-el-Kader, 497-504 ; attempt to 
assassinate him, return to Paris, 504-506; senate 
declare him emperor, wrath of his enemies, ratifi- 
cation by the people, 507-509; his title, 510, 511 n.; 
marriage, fear of him in England, 517, 518 ; birth- 
day fete, 522, 523; the Eastern Question, 529, 530, 
531 and n. ; draws up the Vienna Note, 533 ; mes- 
sage relative to the Crimean War, 544, 545 ; asks 
for supplies for the Army of the East, visits Eng- 
land with Eugenie, 557-559; attempt for his assas- 
sination, Queen Victoria and Prince Albert return 
his visit, 559, 560; abandons the project of joining 
his army, 560 and n. ; his joy at the taking of Se- 
vastopol, and at the birth of his son, 562, 563; re- 
ception after the treaty of peace, his selection of 
the battle field, failure of attempts to assassinate 
him, 564-566; Boulevard of Sevastopol, works at 
Cherbourg, 566, 567; good understanding between 
him and Victor Emanuel, promises to defend Vic- 
tor Emanuel against Austria, 571-574; before his 
departure for Italy, reception at Genoa, 574^576 
and n., 577 (for the Italian campaign, see Italy); 
principles of France under his rule, reasons for not 
continuing the Italian campaign, 581-584, 585-588; 
return from and recognized as the liberator of 
Italy, 590; his proposition of the Italian States 
forming a confederacy, &c., opposed by the pope, 
592, 598, 699; perplexity of the Roman Question, 
Victor Emanuel and Pius IX., 593, 595-.598; sug- 
gests improvements, deputation from Savoy, 600, 
601; expedition to Syria, journey to Algiers, 001, 
602; his views on the Roman Question, inaugura- 
tion of the Boulevard Prince Eugene, 603-607; 
World's Exposition in London, 608, 609; upon 
Algiers, 609, 610; appeal to the European sover- 
eigns in behalf of a congress to settle national diffi- 
culties, and result, 613-617; conspiracy for his as- 
sassination, his proposed congress, 619, 620; opens 
the International Exposition, invites the reigning 
princes of Europe, President of the Uuited States, 



INDEX. 



12\ 



and others, 668; royal guests at the Exposition, 
elections for the councils-general, his great object, 
letter upon public works, &c., influence of the Ex- 
position, the change in Germany, 669,670; position 
of France under the emperor, " Life of Julius Cas- 
sar," and extracts from it, his views in relation to 
the German war, his views upon popular educa- 
tion, 670-674; decree of Jan. 19, 1867, efforts to ex- 
tend popular liberty and create stable institutions, 
foreign dynasties, 674, 675; the empire the best 
government for France, and prosperity under it, 
the Constitutions of America, England, and France, 
sincerity of the emperor's views, 676-G78 ; charac- 
ter, 138, 148, 149, 185, 211, 477, 479, 521 and n., 565; 
letters, 38, 39, 64, 65, 69, 96, 97, 106, 107, 112, 113, 
116, 118, 119, 123, 124, 133, 134, 136, 137, 186, 187, 
188, 199, 203, 227, 238-241, 258, 259, 278, 279, 280, 
330,332, 333, 335, 337, 595-598, 609, 610; speeches 
and addresses, 108, 109, 114, 122, 351, 354, 355, 
388-390, 392-394, 404, 405, 406, 411, 412, 416, 417, 
419, 420, 427-429, 510, 511, 547-550, 567, 578, 590, 
591, 600; literary works, his writings, 95-100; 
" Political Reveries," 72-74 ; " Considerations, 
Political and Military, upon Switzerland," 95 
and n., 96; " Idees Napol^oniennes," 138-146, 
146 n., 147, 148; "Project of a Constitution," 96; 
"Manual of Artillery," &c., 99 and n., 100; 
" Governments in General," 139-146; " Napoleon- 
ist Idea," 150, 151; translation of " The Ideal" of 
Schiller, 173; literary labors, political, scientific, 
and historical writings, &c., 203-248 ; " Historical 
Fragments," 203-210; "Analysis of the Sugar 
Question," 217-227; "Project of Law upon the 
Recruitment of the Army," 235-237; " Extinction 
of Pauperism," 241-245; "The Past and Future 
of Artillery," 246; "The Canal of Nicaragua," 
232-287. — See also Crimean War, Denmark, 
Hugo, v., Italy, Maximilian of Mexico, Mexican 
Question, Morse, 8. F. B., Republic, French, Ro- 
man Question, Thiers. 

Napoleon, Charles, birth and death, 22, 23. 

Napoleon, Eugene, Louis Jean Joseph, Prince, 563. 

Napoleon, Louis, 24, S3; character, 33; in Florence, 
36; joins the Carbonari, 46; marriage, joins ItaUan 
insurgents, death, 62, 63. 

Napoleon, Prince, 322, 323, 324, 325, 350, 355-357,372, 
373, 401, 571, 572, 576, 588. 

Napoleon, the name, 36. 

Napoleonic system, 108. 

Napoleonist or Imperial party, 54, 55, 75, 76, 135,418. 

National Guard, 52, 78, 79, 293, 294, 295, 296, 302, 303, 
312, 337, 341, 342, 343, 492. 

Navarino, battle of. — See Eastern Question. 

ITemours, Duke of, 153, 154, 301, 302, 304, 305, 306, 
308, 309, 310, 329. 

Nervaux, C. de, 110. 

Nesseiride, Count, 532, 545. 

Neuii'.y, Chateau of, destruction of, 312. 

Neumayer, Gen., 409. 

Ney, Marshal, 115, 172; Col., 395, 396. 

Nicaragua, Canal of, 246, 248, 256, 282-287. 

Nicholas, Czar, 531; visits Queen Victoria, his ap- 
pearance, 532. — See also Crimean War, Eastern 
Question. 

Noizot, M., 394. 

Normanby, Lord, exlract, 584, 592. 

Novara, battle of. — See Italy. 



Oldenburg, Grand Duke of, 621. 

Olivier, E., 618. 

O'Meara, Dr.. 502, 530, 531. 

Orazeba, Gen., 633. 

Orleanists, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 75, 288, 309, 336, 352, 398 

and n., 400 n., 403, 406, 407, 408 n., 414, 420, 427, 

438, 443-446, 449 n., 475, 509, 518, 520, 522 n., 602, 

675, 676, 677. 
Orleans, Duke of, eldest son of Louis Philippe, 297, 

303, 304 n. ; sixth Duke of (see Louis Philippe) ; 

Duchess of, 56, 57,84; family, the, 476, 477, 486, 

487. 
Orsini, assassin, 565, 566. 

Ortega, Gen., 633, 634, 652. — See also Juarez, B. 
Oudinot, C. H., Lieutenant-Marshal, Duke of Reg- 

gio, 182, 308. 
Oudinot, N. C. V., Gen., 379, 380, 382, 383, 384, 444. 

Pag^s, G., 81, 308, 318 n., 320. 

Palafox, Countess, or Countess Montijo, formerly 
Maria Kirkpatrick, 512, 513; Count of, ib. 

Palais Royal, sacking of, 305, 312. 

Palestine, contention for the holy places in, 534-536. 

Palestro, battle of. — See Italy. 

Paris, surrender of, 29 ; houses of, 79, 452 ; in a state 
of siege, 80; in danger of starvation, 312, 313; 
slaughter in the streets of, 299, 300; the headquar- 
ters of insurrection, 393; the best-governed city, 
432; successof the " coup d't5tat"in, 456; its wed- 
ding-gift to Eug(?nie, 510; Napoleon III. improves, 
521 ; rejoicings over Sevastopol, 562, 563 ; the seat 
of Congress to debate upon terms of peace, 563, 
564; the most attractive metropolis, 673, 675. 

Paris, Count of, 288, 297, 303, 310, 407, 410, 509. 

Parma, 45. — See also Italy. 

Parquin, Gen., 113, 117, 167, 181, 183. 

Pasquier, Duke, 174. 

Pattenotte, M., 576. 

Pauline Bonaparte, 39-41. 

Peel, Sir R., 277. 

Perier, C.,69. 

Perrot, Gen., 414. 

Persigny, Viscount of (see Fialin, M.); Countees zt, 
493. 

Persil, M., 174. 

Petit, Gen., 363. 

Petri, Lieut., 11.5. 

Philosophy, French, 17. 

Pianori, assassin, 559. 

Piat, Gen., 349. 

Piedmont fortresses, 49. — See also Itfily. 

Pieri, 565, 566. 

Pictri, M., prefect of police, 493. 

Pitt, 581 n. 

Pius i:x;., formerly Cardinal Mastai, 380,381, 395, 396, 
565, 568, 574, 596, 624, 625, 630 n.; parentage and 
youth, character, 374 and n., 375; takes the name 
Dr. S. Kann, 376; fugitive at Gaeta, 379; replaced 
on his throne, 412. — See also Italy, Roman Ques- 
tion. 

Plegnier, Lieut., 118. 

Plichon, 613 n. 

Poggioli, 257, 259. 

Poland, insurrection in, 94; crown offered to Louin 
Napoleon, 94 and n. ; excitement in, 581, 582; fall 
of, 525, 612. — See also Eastern Question. 

Polignac, Prince, 50. 



728 



INDEX. 



Polish refugees, 98, 325. 

Politeness of the French, 493. 

Pompadour, Madaine, 366 n. 

Poniatowski. 531. 

Porte, Bt. Martin, headquarters of insurrectionists, 

79. 
Portugal, Liberal party wish to marry their queen. 

Dona Maria, to Louis Napoleon, &c., 97, 98; 

King of, 616. 
Pozenta, Dr. C, the Emperor Maximilian to, 645 n. 
Press, the, 81, 147, 155, 480, 481. 
Prim, Gen., 631. 
Proudhon, 321, 348, 371 and n. 
Provisional governments, 32, 52, 57, 58, 308, 309, 311. 

— See also Republic, French. 
Prussia, Count Bismark's measures, 621, 622. — See 

also Crimean War, Denmark, Holy Alliance, and 

Italy. 
Puebla, 632, 633, 636; battle of, 636, 637. 
Pujol, 338,339, 340, 341. 
Puygellier, Col., 169. 

Quadrilateral, fortresses of the, 581 , 585. 
Querelles, Lieut., 115, 119. 

Raffe, Col., assassination of, 154. 

Raglan, Lord, 551, 552, 556, 557. 

Raspail, 320, 321, 358, 420. 

Rebillot, 367. 

R6camier, Madame, 509; visit to Arenemberg, ex- 
tract from her memoirs, 74. 

Refugees, French, 507-509. 

Reichstadt, Duke of, or Napoleon n. — See Napo- 
leon n. 

Reign of terror, 18, 19 ; mcident of the, 288-290. 

Remusat, 417 n. 

Renaudin, M., 17. 

Renault, B., extracts from, 191 n., 214 n., 257 n., 
251, 262 n., 266 n. 

Republic, French, establishment of, 309; troubles 
and insurrections, 312-333, 341-349, 386; Provis- 
ional Government, 311; workshops. National As- 
sembly called, 314, 319; its announcements, efforts, 
316, ;il7 and n. ; non-sympathy of rural population 
with Revolutionist party, 317 ; Provisional Govern- 
ernmcnt surrenders to National Assembly, 320; 
fear of Napoleon, members of Bonaparte fam- 
ily in the Assembly, 322-324; Napoleonic enthusi- 
asm, which government endeavors to repress, 
.325-333; stormy Napoleonic debates, workshops 
closed, and demonstrations following, 335-340 ; bat- 
tle, 34'2-347; Gen. Cavaign.ac dictator. Executive 
Commission resigns, 343; cruelty during the battle, 
and loss, 345, 347, 348; sublime instance of Chris- 
tian heroism, and pleasing incident, 346, 348; 
bloody revolt <it Marseilles, 348: causes of the in- 
surrection, Bonaparte family, formation of a con- 
stitution, 348,349 andn.; Napoleon agaiu chosen, 
he declines, then accepts, 349, .350; debates upon 
the constitution, &c., 352-357; new constitution, 
contest between Gen. Cavaignac and Napoleon 
for the presidency, 358-.364; Napoleon elected, 
364,365; character of the now constitution, trouble, 
and appeal to civil war, 369, 370 and n., 371; de- 
bate and movements upon the Roman Question, 
S77, 378; indignation against the government, and 
call for an insurrection, 384, 385; unenviable posi- 



tion of the, 395 ; war of the Assembly against the 
president, 396-410 ; billon universal suffrage, 400, 
401; adjournment, and appointment of a commit- 
tee to watch the president, 40:!; opening of the 
Assembly. — For further account, see Napoleonin. 

Republican empire of France, 91. 

Republican party, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 75, 76, 79i 
80, 81, 100, 102,1.35, 147, 292, 300, .308, 311, 312, 314, 
316, 318, 319, 320, 351, .369, 377, 391, 398 and n., 400, 
408n.,4U, 420, 443-446, 447, 451, 484, 509, 522 n., 
602, 676, 677. 

Revolution of 1830 consummated, 61; of 1848, 568 
(see also Louis Philippe, and Republic, French); 
" Revolution, The," a journal, 159. 

Revolutionary Committee, 509 n. ; crusade, 398, 399; 
league (see Socialists) ; spirit, 373. 

Reybell, Gen., 454. 

Rhine, the, advance of the French frontier to, 503. 

Ricard, J., extract from "Napol6onni. en Italic," 

Rivoli, 578. 

Robespierre, execution of, 18, 152, 401. 

Robles, Gen., 633 n. 

Rochejacquelin, M. de la, 420. 

Roger, M., his arrest, 442. 

Rollin, L., 293, 308, 311, 315, 316, 317, 318 and n., 319, 
320, 332, 333 and n., 358, 384, 385, 420; complicity 
in the revolution of 1848, 349 n. ; manifesto of the 
Revolutionary Committee of London, 507, 508. 

Roman-Catholic Church, fervor of its members, 377 
n.,567. 

Roman Question, insurrection in Rome, assassina- 
tion of Rossi, 373, 374; persecution of the pope, 
his flight, 374-376; Revolutionary Assembly, 376; 
battle at Civita Vecchia, 380 ; the Neapolitans, the 
Triumvirate, 382,383; Revolutionary party's meas- 
ures and anticipations, hostilities renewed, Rome 
surrenders to the French, and the Triumvirate 
fly, 383, 384 ; re-establishment of papal authority, 
and indignation in France, 384, 385, 386 and n.; 
pope not returning, three cardinals introduce the 
despotism of the old regime, 395 ; Louis Napo- 
leon's allusions to the, 412, 421, 422; Napoleon's 
speech upon the, 624, 625. — See also Napoleon 
m. ; Republic, French. 

Rossi, Count, 373 and n., 374 n., 376; his assassina- 
tion, 374. 

Rostolan, Gen., 395. 

Roth, E., extracts, 326 n., 349 n., 357, 361, 362 and n., 
370 n., 408 n., 413, 414 n., 451 n., 452 n., 453 n., 460 
n.,461u. 

Rothschild's palace plundered and burned, 312. 

Rousseau, M., 364. 

Rubio, 565, 566. 

Rumieu, M.,493. 

Russell, Earl, 615. 

Russia and the Russians, 42, 139, 140. — See also 
Crimean "War, Eastern Question, Holy Alliance. 

Safa, 383, .384. 

Salas, Gen.,638. 

Salic law, 53. 

Saligni, Minister, 633. 

Salm Salm, Prince, wife of, 662, 663 n. 

Sardinia, 46; insurrection in, 47, 48; taken by tho 

Holy Allies, 48, 49. — See also Eastern Question, 

Italy. 



INDEX. 



729 



3avary, re-inauguration of Napoleon I., 30. 

Gcagloni, assassin, 618, 

Sclialler, A. de, 114. 

Schleswig, 612. — See also Denmark. 

Scott, Sir "W., 40. 

Secret socielieB, 421 ; measures against, 155, 156 ; or- 
ganize for an insurrection, 447, 448 ; La Societ6 
des Families, or la Soci6t6 des Saisons, 162, 163. 

Sedition, 153-157. 

Senate decrees conferring the crown upon Napoleon 
I. and his heirs, 90, 91. 

Sevastopol, 525 (see also Crimean War); Boulevard 
of (see Napoleon m.). 

Seward, Secretary, 651 n. 

Simon, J., 618. 

Sinope, hattle in the Bay of. — See Crimean War. 

Sismondi, 227, 228 and n. 

Smucker, S., extracts, .326 n., 336 n., 359 n., 398 n., 400 
n., 407 n., 409 n., 416 n., 521, 522 n. 

Socialists, insurrections, demonstrations, &c., 317, 
318, 320, 321, 837, 342 n., 348 and n., 349, 358, 309, 
371, 385, 386, 388, 393 and n., 399, 400 n., 402, 
403 and n., 405, 406, 408 n., 416, 420, 426, 427, 
452, 453 n., 456, 457 and n. ; they form a revolution- 
ary league, 484 and n., 504, 507, 509, G02, 676, 677. 

" Society, La, des Families." — See Secret Societies. 

Solferino, 582, 589 and n. ; battle of, see Italy. 

Soria, Father, Maximilian's confessor, 664. 

Sorval, Commandant, 454. 

Soult, Marshal, 31, 79, 80, 196, 257, 293. 

Spain, 630 ; receives Joseph Bonaparte as king, 252 
(see also Mexican Question); queen of, 616. 

Spaniards, Napoleon's desire to unite the, 44. 

Spaur, Count, 376. 

St. Arnaud, Marshal, 432, 433, 448, 454; in the 
Crimean War, 551, 552; death from cholera, 552; 
Napoleon writes a letter of condolence to his wid- 
ow, 552; Marchioness of, 551, 552, 553, 

St. Aulaire, Count, 278. 

St. George, M. de., 437. 

St. Hilaire, E. M. de., 347 n. 366 n., 386 n. 

St. Just, 152. 

St. Leu, Count (see Louis Bonaparte); Duchess 
of (seellortense); Duke of (see Napoleon ni.) 

St. Meri, cloister of, conflict at, 79, 80 

Stael, Madame de, 28. 

States of the Church, 45, 4G, 

Steel, Col., 555. 

Stern, D., extract from, 338, 339. 

Stettin, Baron, 66, 

Stewart, Rev. C. S., on Louis Napoleon, 129-132. 

Btrasburg, garrison in, &c., 104-107 ; scuffle at, 117- 
115, 120, 122. 

Stratford de Redcliflfe, Lord, British ambassador to 
Constantmople, 535, 537, 539, 541 n. 

Stuart, Sir Charles, or Marquis of Londonderry, 42, 
43. 

Suflrage, universal, 359, 398, 399, 400, 401, 418, 424, 
432, 464, 570, 581, 582, 676, 677. 

Sugar Question. — See Napoleon m., Literary 
Works, 

Swiss Government in regard to Louis Napoleon, 135- 
138 ; French Republic's sentiments towards, 316. 

TaiUandier,Col.,117, 118. 

Talleyrand, 43, 55. 

Target- King, the. — See Louis Philippe, 

92 



Tascher, J. R. — See Josephine, Empress, 

Teba. — SeePalafox. 

Tegethoff, Admiral, 666. 

Thayer, M., 411 n. 

Thelin, valet of Louis Napoleon, 185, 186; devotion, 
of, 264-273, 276, 277, 

Thibaudeau, 231. 

Thibaulet, Lieut., 121. 

Thiers, A., 62, 64, 55, 58, 59, 66 n., 136, 163, 259, 
293, 301, 302, 306, 312, 393, 399, 400, 401, 407 
n., 410, 414, 417 n., 426, 581 n., 624, duel be- 
tween M. Bixio and him, 401 ; his endeavor to 
overthrow the Republic, 407; his arrest and re- 
lease, 440, 441. 

Thomas, Col., 327, 336, 345, 356, 357. 

Thorigny, M. de, 437,438. 

Thouvct, citizen, 335, 354,355. 

Thuvenal,M.,628. 

Trabuco, assassin, 618. 

Treaties of 1815. — See Vienna, Congress of. 

Tr^lat, N., 342. 

Tribune, the, 159. 

Tuileries, 312; held by the royal troops, 79. 

Turgot, M., 411 n., 440. 

Turkey, the territory of, 528, 529 n. ; insurrections in, 
601 (see also Crimean War, Eastern Question); 
m Europe, provinces of, 532. 

Tuscany, 45; the Grand Duke refuses admittance to 
Louis Napokon, 278. — See also Italy. 

Tynan Sea. — See Ionian and Tyrian Seas. 

Uminski, Gen., 77. 

United States, 139, 480, 581. — See also Maximilian 
of Mexico, and Mexican Question. 

Vaillant, Marshal, 588. 

Vatry, M. de, 259. 

Vaudrcy, Col., 102 and n., 103 and n.. Ill, 113, 114 

115, 117, 118, 120, his disapproval of Louis Napo- 
leon's plan, 107; his arrest, 118. 
Vendee, La, battle of, 390, 391. 
Venetia. — Sec Denmark, Italy. 
Vcrdid-re, Capt., 586. 
Versailles, Palace of, 312. 
Vesinier, Pierre, extracts from " L'Histoire du Nou- 

veau C(5sar," 325 n., 331 n., 335 and n., 336, 342 n., 

343, 350 n., 354 and n. 
Victor Emanuel I., 46. 
Victor Emanuel II., 569, 572, 590, 594, 600, 615, 

616; his rejection of Austria's demand, 573; the 

campaign in Italy, 578, 579, 5S0, 584, 585, 586, 588; 

Schleswig and Ilolstein, 622, 624. — See also Italy, 

Napoleon m. 
Victoria, Queen, 538, 557, 558, 559, 560, 566, 567, 571, 

627. 
Vcillard, 330, 350. 
Vienna, Congress of, 42-45; those present at, 43, 

49; treaties of 1815, 316, 490, 581, 612, 613, 614, 615; 

" Vienna Note." — See Napoleon HE. 
Vignerte, 325. 
Villafranca, peace of, 583. 
Villamarinc, Marquis of, 577. 
Villeneuve, H. de, 123. 
Vitet, 444. 
Voirol, Gen., 107, 115, 116,117 and n., 118, 120; 

made captive, 116. 
Voisin, Col., 322. 



X 



730 



INDEX. 



6» s 37 



Wamler, Dr. A., extract from, 501 n. 

Warsaw, capture of, 94. 

Washington, G., 369. 

Waterloo, 517, 582. 

Weitzel, Gen., 651, 652. 

Wellington, Duke of, 42, 43, 281. 

Westphalia, treaty of, 012. 

Wickoff, Henry, on Maximilian of Mexico, 654, 655 n. 

Wiesbaden, Congress of, 407, 408. 

WUUam of Prussia, 615, 621, 622. 



William HI., Prince of Orange, 205-211, 212. 
Witts, the, 401. 
Wyke, Sir C, 631. 

Yablonski, Adjutant, 658, 659. 
Ypsilanti, A., 527. 
Yusuf,Gen., 552. 

Zaragossa, Gen., 6'Xi, 6.16, 



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